Jesse Walker from the December 2008 issue
The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule, by Thomas Frank, New York: Metropolitan Books, 353 pages, $25.
One of the screwier sentiments circulating in libertarian circles holds that liberals should love George W. Bush. After all, he spends lots of money! It’s an analysis for people who’d rather joust lazily with strawmen than engage their opponents’ ideas. Real-life liberals don’t want the government to spend money willy-nilly; they want it to spend money on specific things. And the items they have in mind are not, by and large, the items chosen by Bush.
In The Wrecking Crew, a brief and breezy polemic by one of the left’s rising stars, Thomas Frank offers a similar argument about libertarianism. Under Bush, Frank points out, federal spending has exploded and corruption has oozed from official Washington. Obviously, we’re watching the free market in action, because businesses benefit! Really.
Frank, formerly the editor of the radical journal The Baffler and currently the token lefty on the Wall Street Journal op-ed page, doesn’t just fail to distinguish between crony capitalism and free markets. He actively refuses to recognize the difference. “Laissez-faire,” he admits, “has never described political reality all that well, since conservative governments have intervened in the economy with some regularity.” Yet that doesn’t prevent him from declaring a little later that “what makes a place a free-market paradise is not the absence of government; it is the capture of government by business interests.” If you relied on Frank for your information, you would never dream that the idea of laissez faire initially emerged not as a defense against left-wing regulators, who were scarce in the 18th century, but as a critique of subsidies, government-imposed monopolies, and what Adam Smith called the “mean and malignant expedients of the mercantile system.” In other words, the “free-market paradise” was supposed to be an alternative to “the capture of government by business interests.”
Frank knows that libertarians believe the state is the engine by which some segments of society loot the others. “Governments are instituted among men in order to help one group in society exploit another,” he writes, summarizing Albert Jay Nock’s Our Enemy, the State. They “are then captured by some other class, which sets about exploiting some other group, and so on.” For the free market set, says Frank, “there is no conceivable instance in which the state might be reformed or function morally: only oppression succeeding oppression all the way to the far horizon.”
Frank won’t acknowledge the implicit alternative: a society with much less government, where competition replaces privilege and cooperation replaces coercion. Instead he treats the Nockian perspective as a piece of psychological projection, less a description of state power as it is ordinarily exerted than a forecast of the Bush era. Free marketeers believe the state is essentially a tool for looting the treasury; therefore, Frank concludes, when free marketeers are in power, they loot.
In the waning months of an administration marked by enormous interventions on behalf of business interests, there has been an understandable surge of interest in both libertarianism, the ideal of a government that doesn’t intervene on behalf of any particular player, and social democracy, the ideal of a government that manages to help the masses without being captured by corporations. The best way to understand The Wrecking Crew is as propaganda for one of those alternatives against the other.
To that end, the book does everything it can to conflate libertarians not just with the Bush regime but with conservatives in general, regarding the two groups’ on-again, off-again alliance since the 1930s as a more permanent and deep-seated connection. “The conservative coalition has changed over the years,” Frank informs us, but “a commitment to the ideal of laissez-faire” has “remained steadfast.” When he turns his attention to the present day, he paints the Republican regime of cronyism and militarism, and its ugly results from Baghdad to New Orleans, as a specifically libertarian dystopia.
For evidence, Frank expends much breath describing the ways work once done at taxpayers’ expense by the federal bureaucracy itself is now done at taxpayers’ expense by federal contractors. There is a glimmer of an indictment of the pro-market movement here: Some libertarian economists have argued that contracting out exclusive services to private providers will be more efficient than doing the work in-house, and that this could serve as a stepping stone toward moving those functions to the free market. I don’t feel compelled to defend that view, since I have limited sympathy for it myself; still, I should note that the free market case for outsourcing has always stressed the need for competitive bidding, transparency, and other elements obviously absent from the sweetheart deals and no-bid contracts that attract Frank’s attention. And much of the spending Frank describes doesn’t even fall under the category of contracting: Simple earmarks earn a lot of his anti-market ire, as if Milton Friedman dreamed of a world where more pork went to businesses than to nonprofits.
Frank’s argument about government regulation is a bit more sophisticated. It may appear, he declares, that Republicans have done little to roll back the regulatory state, but looks can be deceiving. When the plutocrats despise a department but the masses support it, he contends, the “standard method” is to put the bureau “under the control of someone who is either spectacularly ill-suited for the job or vocally opposed to that department’s mission,” a strategy that “avoids the tactlessness of repealing or abolishing agencies while achieving the same results.” His examples include Howard Phillips, appointed chief of the Office of Economic Opportunity under Richard Nixon in order to wipe out the agency’s subsidies to the left; and James Watt, Ronald Reagan’s first secretary of the interior, who was famously friendly to ranchers, drillers, miners, and other businesspeople who wanted access to public land.
Frank recognizes that it isn’t exactly unprecedented for an industry to capture the agency that is supposed to regulate it. He quotes the railroad lawyer Richard Olney, attorney general in the second Grover Cleveland administration, explaining why he didn’t want to destroy the new Interstate Commerce Commission, an agency ostensibly designed to stop rate discrimination: “It satisfies the popular clamor for government supervision of the railroads, at the same time that that supervision is almost entirely nominal.” Frank does not discuss the other reason many railroad companies supported the ICC, and indeed lobbied to create it. As the historian Gabriel Kolko pointed out in his 1965 study Railroads and Regulation, freight rates in the late 19th century kept dropping, despite the industry’s attempts to stabilize them via voluntary agreements; when those efforts failed, the companies decided to use regulations to “bring under control those railroads within their own ranks that refused to conform.” That meant strengthening the commission, by giving it the power to set standard rates.
In other words, pro-business officials weren’t deregulating the railroads through inaction; they were regulating the rails in a way designed to assist the industry’s dominant companies. This was no aberration. When trucks started carrying freight, the same agency imposed a host of rules whose chief effect was to impose entry barriers against upstarts. The Civil Aeronautics Board was essentially an open conspiracy to eliminate competition in the airline business. There was a revolving door in the late 1920s and early ’30s between broadcast networks and the Federal Radio Commission, which dutifully reduced the power levels and transmission hours of smaller stations. When the New Deal regime replaced the agency with the broader Federal Communications Commission, that state-corporate partnership remained in place.
The result of such cozy arrangements is not just corruption but stagnation. In 1973—at a time when, by Frank’s account, “the country had embarked on a massive regulatory offensive, and reversing it would require conservative mobilization on an equally massive scale”—one observer wrote that “it is difficult to provide evidence of what innovations would have occurred without regulation; yet it is clear that technological lethargy logically adheres in the very structure of regulation.”
Was that cynical critic some corporate apologist slandering a sensible system? Nope: It was Mark Green, now president of the Air America radio network and a serial left-wing candidate for public office. He made that observation in The Monopoly Makers, a book assembled by Ralph Nader’s Study Group. By the 1970s, while the business-friendly Nixon administration was getting behind the “regulatory offensive” that Frank praises, the Naderites had become so disenchanted with the status quo that many of them were willing to call for substantial deregulation. Within a few years, Nader and that notorious Nockian, Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.), would push airline deregulation through Congress, at which point it was signed into law by the John Galt of presidents, Jimmy Carter. This incident is absent from Frank’s description of the “conservative mobilization” against regulation.
Instead he writes about episodes such as Watt’s tenure at Interior, an alleged example of deregulation being enacted in practice rather than statute. But Frank misses the most telling detail of Watt’s reign: The secretary was cool to the idea of moving public assets to the private sector. Indeed, he helped nudge Reagan away from a proposal to sell even a small fraction of federal lands. In this, he followed the preferences of the industries that used that terrain. They preferred the below-market rates they negotiated with regulators to the full costs they’d have to pay in an open market.
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The weird thing is, Frank started out as such a promising writer. I thought "The Conquest of Cool" was a brilliant, contrarian take on the ad industry. His later stuff...not so much.
Blames libertarians! Fucking ridiculous! How can you blame people for anything who have never had an ounce of influece on anything except a feww feeble minds that could make it through an entire book by Ayn Rand?
If Frank embraced that sort of intellectual rigor, his thesis
would have unraveled. He would have had to treat the people who
believe in unfettered markets as more than just a front group for
the regime that brought us billion-dollar bailouts and a
trillion-dollar war.
"People who believe in unfettered markets"??
So this is a fucking religion! Most secular non-true believers
believe in what works and resocnize that no human construct is
perfect. A truly unfettered market doesn't even exist, so believing
in it is perfectly in keeping with other forms of religious
zealotry. The Market is Great! Fuck!
One of the screwier sentiments circulating in libertarian circles holds that liberals should love George W. Bush. After all, he spends lots of money! It's an analysis for people who'd rather joust lazily with strawmen than engage their opponents' ideas. Real-life liberals don't want the government to spend money willy-nilly; they want it to spend money on specific things. And the items they have in mind are not, by and large, the items chosen by Bush.
Their opposition to many of his domestic proposals was one of
implementation, and not the ideas behind them. I don't recall any
liberals damning his prescription drug plan as an assault on free
market economics, rather than as a bad way to go about socializing
healthcare.
Why did you post a picture of Stephen Colbert?
For the truthiness, damnit! The truthiness!
Is Frank related to Naomi Klein?
The way Jesse tells it, it sounds like Thomas Frank one of Klein's
pen names.
Mike T.: Liberals damned it -- rightly -- as a giveaway to pharmaceutical companies and as a piss-poor way to improve Americans' health care.
Lefiti's just pissed that this guy got published writing what Lefiti has always been posting.
Jessee,
But the right threw a fit about the drug benefit to. Bush was
barbequed for it on here and by most rightwing thinkers. The only
people who supported the plan were mushy moderates in Congress and
the drug companies.
To say that the rise of Bush is somehow the responsibility of
libertarians is pretty God damned rich. The desire of among some of
the Right not to be accused of being callous to the poor and
unfortunate and to find a way to embrace government in a
"Republican" way what was behind things like No Child Left Behind
and the drug benefit. Perhaps if liberals like Frank had spent the
last 40 years engaging the proponents of free markets and small
government on serious intellectual terms rather than accusing them
of wanting to throw women and children in the streets, a large
portion of formerly free market advocates wouldn't have embraced
government in hopes of looking compassionate. The Left has spent
its entire history arguing that the right didn't care about the
poor. Now that some on the right actually did try to help the poor
through government spending, they scream the results are all the
fault of those on the right who didn't embrace the idea.
It says really bad things about our times and our country that
someone as dimwitted as Frank could get book contracts and
professorships. He ought to be ranting and raving in a bar
somewhere or disrupting city council meetings, not publishing books
and being taken seriously.
Powerless, irrelevant and totally at fault.
Libertarians are the niggers of the [political] world.*
* Apologies to Yoko Ono.
"Thomas Frank's WSJ columns read like bad parody."
This week he was telling us how card check and increased union
membership was the road to prosperity. I think Frank honestly
believes that businesses print their own money and the only reason
everyone doesn't make 100K a year at their jobs is becuase greedy
capitalists just won't give up the loot they print in the
basement.
As long as those workers were legally chained to their
employers, exploitation was inevitable.
Sounds like the modern day UAE.
Anyway, do libertarians really have any claim to libertarian
principles? I mean, as corrupt cronyism has co-opted libertarian
rhetoric, couldn't it be seen the other way around?
Maybe libertarians took the robber baron rhetoric and added an
unrealistic premise. The premise that people could be trusted not
to exploit and abuse the system as to effectively tilt "free"
markets in their own favor. People just aren't that altruistic.
Franks' book sounds like it doesn't address libertarian theory
very well, but it sure speaks to GOP-libertarian
practice.
How many republicans spoke out against James Watt's depredations
under Reagan, or the even more egregious market-rigging under both
Bushes? Why did the "small government" faction of the GOP wait
until October 2008 to speak out, half-heartedly, against Bush's
policies?
The answer, as was discussed recently at Unqualified Offerings, is
that there was never any genuine interest in libertarian ideas. It
was just a nice flag to fly over the same old pirate ship. The fact
that they got some actual libertarians to sign on was gravy, but
not necessary, and they won't miss you when you're gone.
"Maybe libertarians took the robber baron rhetoric and added an
unrealistic premise. The premise that people could be trusted not
to exploit and abuse the system as to effectively tilt "free"
markets in their own favor. People just aren't that
altruistic."
No, people are not that altruistic. Of course when they become
government bureaucrats, the don't magically become altruistic then
either. That is the reason why governmet intervention fails. The
government bureaucrat will act in his interest not the collective
interest. Further, the bureaucrat doesn't even have enough
information to know what the collective good is even if he wanted
to act for its benefit. The alternative to this is to set up a
market and let people act to their own benefit. This has shown to
have the amazing effect of raising the collective welfare.
"How many republicans spoke out against James Watt's
depredations under Reagan,"
And what would those have been? Wanted to sell off all of the
publicly owned land in the West sounds pretty liberarian to me.
But the right threw a fit about the drug benefit
to
Absolutely. Or at least the portion of the right that put market
principles above party loyalty did.
Wanted to sell off all of the publicly owned land in the West
sounds pretty liberarian to me.
As I pointed out in my review, Watt was not in fact enthusiastic
about privatizing lands. Robert Nelson had an excellent article
about this in Regulation a few years back. Google it up;
it's worth a read.
Franks' book sounds like it doesn't address libertarian theory
very well, but it sure speaks to GOP-libertarian
practice.
It could have, if he was willing to admit that this distinction
exists.
Amazingly, Jesse found some good in Thomas Frank, something I've
never been able to do. I've never been able to get past the bit
about the "strangely dainty shoes" that K Street lobbyists are
supposed to wear. I work on K Street and I've never seen anyone
wearing "strangely dainty shoes."
Distinctly off track, as it were, I've read in several recent
economic histories that the ICC, at times at least, was captive to
the small farmers, not the railroads themselves, and that shipping
rates were held down in the early 20th century to the point that
the railroads weren't able to invest in new equipment as they
should have.
I'm in the middle of reading "What's the Matter with Kansas?" right now. It should be titled "Why isn't everyone a socialist?"
Lefiti,
Though you are almost completely incomprehensible, I believe I
understand what your first comment says, and if so, I appreciate
your making a distinction between libertarians and the selfish
assholes who worship Ayn Rand. I think the prominence of their
attitudes are substantively responsible for much of the image
problem that libertarianism has. And to which end I am refreshed
and delighted to read this balanced line in Jesse's article:
"[Libertarians seek] a society with much less government, where
competition replaces privilege and cooperation replaces
coercion."
To listen to an objectivist rant in E-shut-the-fuck-up, you only
hear the competitive first half. Nature red in tooth and claw,
economic might makes right, etc. etc.. As much as anything else, I
do not call myself a libertarian because almost invariably, I'll
read some brilliant Reason article, then go to the comments section
and find myself viscerally not identifying with too much of a
chorus of what read like feckless, bitter island-men who never
learned to share their toys.
But I still read Reason, and I am sympathetic to many of these
ideas. I despise Ayn Rand, I believe Adam Smith thought capitalism
was only less evil than letting the king have all the wealth, I
don't give a shit who Hayek was. But I do often reflect on another
relevant piece of writing, one which is older than all of those
people: chapter 57 of the Tao Te Ching.
Conquer with Inaction
---------------------
Do not control the people with laws,
Nor violence nor espionage,
But conquer them with inaction.
For:
The more morals and taboos there are,
The more cruelty afflicts people;
The more guns and knives there are,
The more factions divide people;
The more arts and skills there are,
The more change obsoletes people;
The more laws and taxes there are,
The more theft corrupts people.
Yet take no action, and the people nurture each other;
Make no laws, and the people deal fairly with each other;
Own no interest, and the people cooperate with each other;
Express no desire, and the people harmonize with each other.
I read that, and I do wonder if a competitive AND, without
coercion, a cooperative society is possible, and if so, how we get
there.
"Distinctly off track, as it were, I've read in several recent
economic histories that the ICC, at times at least, was captive to
the small farmers, not the railroads themselves, and that shipping
rates were held down in the early 20th century to the point that
the railroads weren't able to invest in new equipment as they
should have."
That doesn't surprise me. The farmers owned the government for a
very long time.
Jesse, that was a truly excellent review. I loved it in the
print edition and I was checking every day to see when it would go
online so I could blog about it.
Bravo!
Don't let thoreau's comment go to your head, Jesse. Your review is absolutely predictable libertarian orthodoxy. You could have written it (yawn) in your sleep. Keep the faith!
Will the real Lefiti please stand up?
I repeat: Will the real Lefiti please stand up?
We're gonna have a problem here.
I'm the real Lefiti and I hate these posts in my name. This just proves that you can't have a free market in blog comments.
To listen to an objectivist rant in E-shut-the-fuck-up, you
only hear the competitive first half. Nature red in tooth and claw,
economic might makes right
You're projecting common stereotypes on Objectivism. In that
regard, you're a lot like Frank.
"That doesn't surprise me. The farmers owned the government for
a very long time."
Look at recent farm bills, John, and tell me the farmers don't
still own the government.
Lefiti 2:13,
You're obviously not the real Lefiti. You don't sound like enough
of a douche. To be more convincing, you have to say libertarians
are irrelevant and simultaneously declare that they are destroying
the world.
I don't see why Thomas Frank merits such a long article when he is, in fact, just you're average leftwing hack.
We believe in the unfettered free-market even though we have never seen it with our own eyes. Our faith is strong and keeps us donating. Donate now!
As long as corporations can make large contributions to political parties as "free speech", crony capitalism will be a fact of life.
Jesse Walker,
I've seen statements about the close coordination between the
various agencies you mention and the interests they "regulate"
before but only in passing or as an aside in other works. Do you
know of a text that deals with that issue head on?
Great article, BTW.
As long as corporations can make large contributions to
political parties as "free speech", crony capitalism will be a fact
of life.
It is illegal for corporations to give to political parties or
candidates.
Of course, they get around this by "sponsoring events" and the
like, but that just points out RC'z Sixth Iron Law:
Money and power will always find each other.
Campaign finance reform, as an effort to keep monied interests from
influencing the exercise of power, is and always will be a complete
futility.
As an exercise in creating barriers to entry to the halls of power
and protecting incumbents, it is a rousing success.
Hey Angry Optimist,
stereotypes exist because real actions by real people get repeated
often enough that we begin to notice a pattern. Are all
objectivists as comically exaggerated as, say, the amorous marble
statues holding up their planet sized emotional needs on
TheAtlasphere?
http://nymag.com/news/features/artifact/51814/
Perhaps not, but they are nevertheless the ones who define the
image, and I do believe, stereotype or not, their actions betray
the intellectual shallowness and uncooperative arrogance of Ayn
Rand. I am certain that whatever she said of value has been more
rigorously and convincingly argued by someone else, and I do
believe that libertarians stand to improve their image by divesting
themselves of the lingering coattails of that woman's arrogant
cult.
Totally thought that was Stephen Colbert at
first...
He looks like the picture in the attic of the bastard stepchild of
Cameron Crowe and Bob Costas.
Dammit, in my last post it should have "your" not "you're". Before you know it I'll turn into teh concerned observer nd strt havving alllmy postes be incophetnsibl messes of giberis.
"As long as corporations can make large contributions to
political parties as "free speech", crony capitalism will be a fact
of life."
As long as the government has the power to give huge favors to
specific groups, cronyism (sometimes "capitalist" and sometimes
"socialist") will be a fact of life.
Or
As long as there are laws concerning what can be bought and sold,
the first thing to be bought and sold will be politicians.
I swear, even when they win in a landslide and get almost total power, somehow the liberals still manage to come off like a bunch of crybabies.
"I am certain that whatever she said of value has been more
rigorously and convincingly argued by someone else, and I do
believe that libertarians stand to improve their image by divesting
themselves of the lingering coattails of that woman's arrogant
cult."
Amen. At the very least libertarians have an image problem. Sure,
perhaps they're not all cave dwelling frustrated intellectuals/cave
dwelling frustrated neo-confederates, but any attempt to argue
against their first principles is met with "that's a straw man; we
don't believe it precisely that way." Then they forget to offer an
economic argument of their own that could rid us of the stereotype.
Any libertarians have any suggestions for the current economic
crisis? One that perhaps doesn't lead to a decade of suffering for
most people?
The point of the book is not to be some intellectual discussion of the far rightwing side of the American Political Spectrum. The point is to sell books for entertainment purposes, like most modern political products. Okay Reason you can pay me now for solving that brainbuster...
"I swear, even when they win in a landslide and get almost total
power, somehow the liberals still manage to come off like a bunch
of crybabies."
When you have a victim-complex, everybody's keeping you down.
Blaming libertarians for George W. Bush is like blaming poor people for all the insolvent banks.
THE MELTDOWN AND THE FLEECING OF AMERICA-or restated--DON'T
BLAME THE REPUBLICANS
Comment: LET'S TALK ECONOMICS--and what has led to our
"meltdown"
prior to 911 when DEMOCRATS WERE IN OFFICE the Usa sent our law
enforcement to Yeman to arrest Osama bin laden. The Yeman
ambassador promptly got into a 'turf battle" with USA law
enforcement to claim the USA LAW ENFORCEMENT was "infringing" on
YEMAN ambassadors "turf".
So what happened OUR USA LAW ENFORCEMENTS WERE TOLD by
DEMOCRATS--to go home empty handed. The DEMOCRAT Administration
didn't know at the time their irresponsible actions had paved the
way for terriorist to make plans and lay groundwork for 911.
The Wall Street journal at that time printed a small article on it
and to the recent it has been discussed but apparantly NOT
ENOUGH.
I submit for your reading NY Times 1999 - MUST READ!
Well, it???s about time, the mainstream ???brainwashing media??? is
finally coming out with the truth on this meltdown???
I think if they would???ve come out with the truth right away
instead of letting obama camp point fingers at the Bush Admin. THE
Gallup polls etc would HAVE LOOKEDA whole lot different FROM RIGHT
NOW!
I just hope the ???American People??? Get it ~ before it???s too
late!
Look! The New York Times is catching up to the American
people..it???s important for ALL Americans to know who is
responsible for this Economic Meltdown we are experiencing???in
fact, some of you might remember that I posted the notice from Bill
Clinton himself [I posted again, what Bill said at the bottom of
this post]
Who???s administration
caused the problem??? See below.
Amazing
foresight!! Take a gander at this while they try to lay blame for
the whole meltdown???
9 years ago???this one is priceless and worth the read- right out
of New York Times
September 30, 1999
Fannie Mae Eases Credit To Aid Mortgage Lending by steven A Holmes
where the DEMOCRATS admitted that faulty lending pracitces along
with ACORN activities have brought use to the crossroads our Nation
is today.
HERE IS WHAT BILL CLINTON HAS TO SAY:
Bill Clinton knows who is responsible for this NATIONAL
CRISIS!
PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: "I think the responsibility that the
Democrats have may rest more in resisting any efforts by
Republicans in the Congress or by me when I was President to put
some standards and tighten up a little on Fannie Mae and Freddie
Mac."
ANNCR: You're right, Mr. President. It didn't have to happen.
Watch this video with Bill Clinton ~~ AND NO THIS WAS NOT TAKEN OUT
OF CONTEXT…
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=szMGSbtYFtc
SO here we have it DEMOCRATS BROUGHT ON 911 AND CAUSED OUR MELTDOWN
thru their FAULTY LENDING PRACTICES and now are once again all for
this FLEECING OF AMERICA thru this bailout bandwagon!
Just found out days ago that this bailout will derail the economy
by encouraging businesses to engage in the same kind of
IRRESPONSIBLE risky business practices knowing full well that when
the irresponsible business practices are overdrawn the PUBLIC WILL
once again be left PAYING FOR IT.
WANT TO KNOW what happened to all those SO CALLED ACORN AND
DEMOCRATS properties they claimed they wanted? WELL THEY ARE ALL
BOARDED UP. MEANTIME our economy is still reeling from the effects
of the DEMOCRATS CONSTANT IRRESPONSIBLE ACTIVITIES.
NOW THE BAILOUT which gives all businesses a blank check to engage
in every conceiveable irresponsible business manner knowing the
public will be forced to pick up the tab when the company runs out
of money.
This will bankrupt our Nation, people and we will wind up like
CUBA.
here is what the ACLU THINKS how stupid AMERICAN'S ARE SPELLED OUT
BY NORMAN THOMAS ONE OF THE FOUNDER'S OF THE ACLU
quote American's will never knowingly accept Socialism but under
'liberalism' accept every fragment of the Socialistic agenda; until
one day they wake up in a Socialist nation and "wonder" how it all
happened. by norman thomas one of the founders of the ACLU.
We need as a nation to make sure we legally and legislatively never
leave WASH DC alone until everyone of our freedoms are iron-clad
protected.
What we need to investigate is how the DEMOCRATS can count on the
USA continuing to be as "stupid as the ACLU THINKS AMEIRCANS ARE'
so that the ACLU and DEMOCRATS can further their
communistic/socialist/marxist agenda.
feel free to cut paste and comment please
Floppyfeet,
You're making us other opponents of the left look stupid. Stop
it.
Jesse,
Great critique. Well written piece.
RC, I believe in yer 6th Iron law.
Sounds as though we who belive in the power of free markets to
benefit mankind -- and fear the evils of the state -- are in for
another long, tedious argument -- while people starve in the Sudan.
Glad I live here, where food is free.
Damn! I forgot to paste the comment I was talking about: "Any libertarians have any suggestions for the current economic crisis? One that perhaps doesn't lead to a decade of suffering for most people?"
"The more guns and knives there are,
The more factions divide people;"
Guns and knives don't divide people; people divide people :)
In criticizing the opposition it pays to exaggerate the negatives and ignore the positives. Objectivity is no fun at all.
"Damn! I forgot to paste the comment I was talking about: 'Any
libertarians have any suggestions for the current economic crisis?
One that perhaps doesn't lead to a decade of suffering for most
people?'"
Now why should they do that? After all, everyone knows the best
people to scrutinize are the ones who aren't in power.
I think people underestimate the extent to which Republican theft of libertarian rhetoric while never intending to implement fiscally responsible policies leads not just to the erosion of liberty, but to NewSpeak. Right now, "free markets" are getting the blame for anything "deregulation" (under record regulatory spending) isn't.
RE: Any libertarians have any suggestions for the current
economic crisis? One that perhaps doesn't lead to a decade of
suffering for most people?
Sure, cut the marginal tax rate. Or the capital gains tax. Heck, do
both. This solves every economic crisis. And if you think that
would lead to a decade of suffering for most people, you just
aren't a libertarian, are you?
Their is an important grain of truth in what he is saying,
although he -- and the critic -- both missed on the boat;
The author takes it for granted, while the critic brushes it aside.
"Why is libertarianism and libertarians" associated with Republican
Party, especially its more conservative wing?
Many Libertarians do not want to dig too deeply into this question,
because it does not always highlight the brightest libertarians
minds around. Yet, this association did not just magically
appear.
Ron Paul is the obvious modern example; here is a 'right-wing'
Republican who makes a tidy and profitable career out of appealing
to libertarians and paleo-conservatives.
Many people in both groups seem to love him and flocked to his
primary campaign. The fact that Paul has never really been a
libertarian and ended up endorsing -- no surprise -- the
Constitution Party did not seem to bother too many
libertarians.
Their are enough libertarians out their that will happily vote
Republican, proudly wear the right-wing label, and gush over Ron
Paul, but are often the quickest to lash out when anyone happily
votes Democrat, wears a more liberal label and dislike Barr,
Baldwin and Paul.
The message I got, time and time again, when debating with
libertarians online and in person was that the right-wing of GOP is
closer to the libertarian message.
Yet, anyone with a basic understanding of the philosophy, knows
that to be false.
Yet, at least from my own experience many libertarians are happy to
overlook, forgive and forget, when a Republican politician goes
against their philosophy, and much less so when its a Democrat.
RE: Paul.. ended up endorsing... the Constitution Party.
Gag! Cough, cough. He did WHAT? How could a libertarian do
that? How in the world could anyone professing Reason, and Liberty
associate themselves with that backwater bunch of illiberal
authoritarians?
The central fault in the comments on THE WRECKING CREW seems to
me to be anchored in the contention that Frank has erroneously
linked corrupt cronyism with free market principles. What is
missing in THAT argument is the fact that unregulated markets
ENCOURAGE corruption, attracting people who actively seek to game
the system to their advantage. And nothing serves that agenda like
having morons in high regulatory places, particularly if those
morons like nice toys. And that without the stable framework and
market of millions of salary workers and small businesses - the
shrinking middle class - provided by government, there wouldn't be
much of a market to exploit.
I have to admit my own bias: Here's my blog.
http://www.TheManWhoBrokeTheWorld.com
It horrifies me that corporations are accorded legal personhood,
when those corporations are persons without a moral compass and
with only two central driving forces - survival and growth, at all
costs. And in our system, the emphasis is on short-term growth -
let's downsize and outsource to cheap offshore vendors to get a
quick cost reduction, ignoring the huge costs of replacing those
workers when the economic tides rise again. That's not healthy for
a society.
I don't want one - a corporation - living on my street. And I want
them regulated.
I recently heard a self-described libertarian on the radio,
attacking government regulation of advertising. He seemed to see no
problem in corporations marketing to kids, or harmful products like
cigarettes being advertised. We're all individuals, parents should
control their children's exposure tot such, and adults should be
allowed to make up our own minds.
What HE missed was the fact that there's a difference between
advertising and analysis, that advertising doesn't present a
balanced and inclusive story, warts and all. Advertising is
designed to push our psychological buttons and get us to buy, even
to create a market for products we don't need.
I don't want my children subjected to that, and I don't see any way
of making an informed decision when millions are poured into
presenting a warped benefits picture, leaving anyone seeking to
make an informed decision on their own, poking around in
under-funded liberal corners where the "Naders Raiders" of today
skulk around in the dark. Liberals! Who could trust them
anyway?
Now will all Libertarians kindly give up their
government-encouraged and tax-incented employer healthcare, their
paid holiday, maternity/paternity/bereavement and vacation leave,
their 40hr work weeks and all those other liberal benefits? I
wouldn't want good libertarians to compromise their virtue and
values.
In "Whats the Matter with Kansas", Frank basically admits that the reason he went lefty was some frat-boys were mean to him in college; now THERE'S some solid ground for a political philosophy!
Duncan: corporate personhood -- in fact, corporate status in and of itself -- is a grant of privilege by the State. A regulation, if you will. The problem with the modern libertarian movement is that it has been hijacked by people who either don't realize that, or willfully deny it simply because so few these days are both anti-state & anti-corporate.
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