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The Fifth Circuit and the Louisiana 10 Commandments Law
The en banc court pushes pause--for now
For the past year or so, those of us who follow the Religion Clauses have been waiting to see what courts would do with Louisiana's Ten Commandments law in Roake v. Brumley. Now we have an answer—though not a final one. A couple of weeks ago, sitting en banc, the Fifth Circuit vacated an earlier panel decision and dismissed the case on ripeness grounds. It's a technical ruling (though sticklers may dispute that ripeness is merely "technical"), but it's also revealing, because it shows that whether schools may display the Decalogue will depend on how the practice actually operates in context.
Here's the background. In 2024, Louisiana enacted a statute requiring every public school classroom to display the Ten Commandments. The law specifies the text to be used and requires a statement describing the Commandments' historical role in American education, but it leaves the details largely to local school authorities.
Parents filed a pre-enforcement challenge in federal court. They argued the displays would violate the Establishment Clause under Stone v. Graham, the Supreme Court's 1980 decision striking down a similar Kentucky requirement. The district court agreed and issued a preliminary injunction, and a Fifth Circuit panel affirmed. The panel reasoned that lower courts remain bound by Stone unless and until the Supreme Court overrules it.
In its ruling, the en banc Fifth Circuit declined to reach the constitutional question. Because no school district had yet implemented the law—no posters are on classroom walls yet—the court held that the dispute was premature. In effect, the court said, we need to see how this actually works in practice before we can decide whether the displays violate the Establishment Clause.
This ruling sidesteps a deeper doctrinal question. The Stone Court relied heavily on the Lemon framework, particularly the idea that government may not act with the purpose of promoting religion. The Stone Court also emphasized the special features of the public-school setting: students are a captive audience and especially susceptible to state-sponsored religious influence.
But the Court's more recent Establishment Clause cases have moved in a different direction. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022), a school prayer case, the Court rejected the Lemon framework and instructed courts instead to look to the nation's "history and tradition," though the Kennedy Court also emphasized coercion—whether students are pressured to participate in religious exercise—as a central constitutional concern.
The difficulty is this: the Supreme Court has not overruled Stone, but it has abandoned the doctrinal foundation on which Stone rests. Lower courts are left reading the tea leaves. The Fifth Circuit panel resolved the tension one way—follow Stone until the Supreme Court says otherwise. The en banc court found a different solution. It avoided the merits altogether and ruled the case unripe until concrete facts exist.
That ripeness holding is technical (there's that word again), but I think it's analytically significant. It suggests that context will matter a great deal under the Court's newer approach. Details such as the age of the students, the way the display is presented, and whether it is integrated into instruction will all shape the constitutional analysis.
Sooner or later, a school district will implement the Louisiana statute. When it does, litigation will resume—this time with an actual record. Courts will then have to confront the central question directly: Is Stone still good law after Kennedy?
I discuss the Fifth Circuit's en banc decision in more detail in a short Legal Spirits podcast episode, which you can listen to here.
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A footnote in the lead dissent said schools already have the displays ready to post. Depending on procedural details the case could be back in the Fifth Circuit in a couple months. Mandate issues, school posts display, judge reimposes injunction, state appeals.
Plaintiffs could delay by seeking Supreme Court review. They are unikely to get it now.
Indeed, they do. I am a teacher in Louisiana, and we just received an email letting us know that posters will be delivered to our rooms this afternoon. We will be expected to have them displayed when we return from spring break. We are requested to not post them in the area behind our desks or immediately behind our podiums in order to avoid the imprimatur of school approval, but are otherwise expected to have them displayed by the time students arrive after spring break.
Just think! Muslim students might have to walk by a poster of the Ten Commandments on the way to their specially set-aside prayer room. They might be offended!
Other students might get the idea that it is wrong to steal or murder people and we certainly can't have that.
The Obama "HOPE" pictures should be enough for any school to display when it comes to historical religious documents.
Given that school children are required to be in the classroom, I struggle to see which set of facts could possibly make this OK.
American constitutional law can be weird. I would think it's not a big deal to post such an important document. On the other hand, I've been in classrooms at an Episcopalian school that had no religious content on the wall. I'm sure Lousiana students could wait until Sunday.
I don't care who wins. I followed this case because it started with an overly broad injunction. The judge, following precedent, should have shielded plaintiffs' children. Other classrooms and other schools can do their own things.
That sounds like a ship that already sailed in the 1960s, if not longer ago.
“ I would think it's not a big deal to post such an important document”
It’s an important document … for religious people. It may even be important in a discussion of comparative religions or a historical discussion of religious foundations. But in an elementary or junior high or high school, displayed all the time with no discussion? That seems pretty clearly government sponsored religion.
And that doesn’t even take into account the rhetoric of lawmakers, who made factually inaccurate and religiously charged claims like that the Ten Commandments are the foundation of American law or American morality or were the guiding principles of the Founders.
This was clearly an attempt by lawmakers to put a religious document in front of a captive audience because they have a religious preference.
Also, the thing they're posting isn't even the ten commandments, but some bastardized version of it from people who don't know anything about the Torah.
"Who cares? Who even knows what they say?"
Justice Scalia (more or less, during an oral argument in a Ten Commandments case). He supported using them as a symbol of support for God, without worrying about what they specifically say.
I'll acknowledge I "care" about that and find it disrespectful.
(And, ultimately, a violation of religious liberty.)
I would think it's not a big deal to post such an important document.
I'd have fewer issues if they traced these back to earlier versions elsewhere. And a philosophical discussion of the idea you can't know, say, murder is wrong until some god tells you so.
I would bet a good bit of money that the average evangelical Christian is more familiar with the first five books of the Bible than the average secular Jew. (Though I suspect that the average member of either group would not score that high.) Obviously, any version of the Ten Commandments hung in a school will have lost something in translation, but it is an overstatement to call the King James translation "bastardized," just as it would be an overstatement to call Hobbes' translation of Thucydides bastardized, although our knowledge of ancient Greek and of Thucydides' text has increased since Hobbes' time, and the precise meanings of English words and the details of English syntax have changed to some extent.
Easy. A teacher decides not to actually put them up. No enforcement means no actual injury and no standing to sue.
I think the ripeness issue reflects a deeper shift. In the past, federal courts have applied overbreadth-type standing analyses to express concern that the very existence of a law, separate from any enforcement, may chill people from doing something. This has often been in Free Speech cases, and at the height of the Roe era the Court did it with abortion. It has had a spotty record in Establishment Clause cases, sometimes being applied but sometimes not.
This case suggest a tendency to move Establishment Clause cases from overbreadth-type analyses and towards regular standing and ripeness rules in which the mere existence of a law on the nools is insufficient, and a law actually has to be implemented and enforced before a justiciable case or controversy arises.
It has been a fairly common practice in this country’s history to put laws on the books but not enforce them. It has been a kind of compromise where there has been widespread social disagreement about whether something should be illegal. This was widely done in the 20th Century with sexual morality laws like fornication, adultery, and sodomy. In Doe v. Dooley, a 1980s case involving a Virginia fornication law, the 4th Circuit said that the Virgina legislature was free to decorate its statute books however it wished, and as long as no enforcement occurred, it was none of the courts’ business. Notable current examples include marijuana laws, the Comstock law on mailing abortifacients, obscenity laws, and, in some places, prostitution laws.
It’s entirely possible that this could happen here. The legislature might put a law on the books to satisfy a certain constituency, but local officials may choose to simply ignore it to satisfy another.
It's Duling, not Dooley. And it was just a standard standing ruling, requiring that there be a credible threat of prosecution.
This isn't hard.
No facial challenge for compelled religious speech is allowed because the 5C is into it, and expects SCOTUS will be as well.
And I think that's right.
And I think that's wrongheaded in a country founded on religious liberty.
How does the existence of a set typography decorating a statute book compel anyone to say or do anything?
Moreover, even if the 10 commandments were actually put up, nobody would be compelled to say or do anything. Only the state would be speaking. Its speech might represent an Establishment Clause issue. But I don’t see how it could represent a compelled speech issue.
While I have academic freedom concerns about top-down state compelled speech of teachers, and while I believe free speech is how I'd posture that Constitutional issue, I agree that the compelled speech bit is not an issue under current law.
My compelled religious speech issue is an Establishment Clause one. I could have been more clear on that. Regardless, that current legal concern seems not long for this world either.
As to whether the display of the Commandments can have a secular purpose is not an open question. The Supreme Court has several depictions of tablets representing the 10 Commandments as part of the history of law, including one in the courtroom itself of Moses holding 2 tablets. They do not, however, include any text, but doesn't this at least confirm the proposition that the Commandments are a part of our history? Also, this version of the text is the one which was permitted to be displayed on a monument on grounds of the Louisiana State Capitol. The issue is whether the posting in public schools of the text is permitted.
Not to mention which text.
"Thou shall not", or "Do not", or others?
Do not kill or do not murder?
Do not lie, or do not perjure?
Etc.
It may matter.
But then again, as long as "pride" flags fly in the classrooms, it should not matter.
Which religion are Pride flags trying to establish? I must have missed that part.
The Woke religion.
I've actually been curious how the state and courts would react if a school choose the Catholic version (joining I am you God & no God before me and splitting covet into goods & wives).
Pride flags (or anti-pride flags) are permitted because it's government speech. The question is whether this government speech violates the Establishment Clause.
There are many translations of the Odyssey or Beowulf out there. Does it matter which one a school uses? Why should this be different?
Because Catholics & Baptists.
If you don't understand why that may be an issue, then you have never been around those two groups being forced to share a religious space or activity.
You can really see this play out in non-denominational "church" spaces (like at hospitals, on military bases, etc.)...
Crucifix vs. Cross, Statue of Mary vs Idolatry, etc.
Ten Commandments is just one of those things that highly religious bitter old men are likely to fight and bicker over. I'd be surprised if a Catholic principle who puts up their version didn't eventually get some pushback. And as the saying goes:
"Jesus said love your neighbor, and for 2,000 years people have been fighting over what that means."
But what do Catholics and Baptists have to do with schools?
The state’s position is that the document is being used as a secular historical/legal one. If that’s the case, which translation is chosen is of no more concern than which translation of the Odyssey is used. The plaintiffs’ position is that the document is purely a religious one. If that’s the case, which translation is used doesn’t make a difference to them either. It’s not like they’d reject one translation as religious but accept another as secular. Any translation woild be equally unacceptable.
So it seems to me that which translation is used makes no difference to either side. Whichever side’s position you agree with, it makes no difference.
So it’s no concern of the courts. Sure, some people will care about. Some people probably care deeply about what color paint the schools are painted with. But that’s no concern of the courts either.
"The state’s position is that the document is being used as a secular historical/legal one." vs. "The plaintiffs’ position is that the document is purely a religious one." Really? While that is the "legal" position, nobody believes this is really just a secular history lesson; the law is written that way purely as an attempt to bypass legal precedents. Regardless of whatever winks & nods lawmakers used, religious groups will see this as a non-secular teaching... and when it comes to digging in your heels over an absolute nothing, "religion" is the GOAT.
The state is going to have to sign off on an official version; otherwise, someone is going to post the 10 Yamas or the Dawkins version (be really funny if a school went with the Carlin version). Local communities are likely to push, either by printing there own or altering the state issued.
"So it's no concern of the courts."
That is kind of like saying LGBTQ+ reading material has nothing to do with the courts; yet somehow that keeps getting litigated over and over.
Community fights can and do spill over to political pressure. Political pressure can and does spill over into the courts.
It "can" have a secular purpose, but in this specific case, it is hard to believe it does.
Even if it doesn't have a secular purpose, coercion appears to be the new standard since Lemon is gone.
I don't think Lemon is the source of the "secular purpose" test, but even if that test is gone, neutrality might still be in place.
Not according to Bremerton which not only repudiated Lemon but also the endorsement test. We now have the "historical practices and understandings" test.
The endorsement test is not the same thing as secular purpose.
Neutrality is historical and traditional. I think it's still required.
Neutrality strikes me as not endorsing. But, endorsing is now permitted under Bremerton.
You misread Kennedy. It doesn't endorse government endorsement of religion generally. It just says you can't take away an employee's religious freedom based on a theory of perceived endorsement, largely because reasonable people wouldn't assume the endorsement is coming from the government.
Here, the endorsement is unmistakably coming from the government. These posters aren't related to any particular public school employee's religious expression.
Bremerton assumed reasonable people concluded the endorsement came from the government but nonetheless:
Thus, the Court outright rejected government endorsement as violating the Establishment Clause.
No, you took that out of context, the context being private religious speech. In fact, the three prior words in the opinion are "private religious speech."
Kennedy stands for the principle that "private religious speech" that "endorses... the religious" need not be "censored" nor "purged" from the public square, as long as it's not "coercive." Private religious speech.
Once again I direct you to the Church of England. It's certainly an endorsement and it certainly is not coercive. You need to either suggest that this SCOTUS would bless a similar Church of America, or come up with a theory for excluding it that comports with your view of Kennedy.
The Ten Commandments have zero secular purpose. They are not the oldest written law. US law is not based on them. At best 3/10 of them are even in US law.
The bearing false witness involves testimony. Not simple lies.
I would say at least four. Minors also have to obey their parents. So, basically, five. If we want to be generous.
The coveting stuff and the first three/four, not so much. Also, the whole 10 are ultimately framed in a sectarian way.
"Minors also have to obey their parents."
Not in US law.
Current law criminalizes murder, theft and perjury. Eleven states criminalize adultery, although that prohibition is largely unenforced. https://legalclarity.org/states-where-adultery-is-still-illegal/
As an ethical matter, it's murder, theft, perjury and adultery.
All of which were written laws before the Torah was written.
Yup. Hence my 3/10 or 3.5/10. Any enforcement by the state on the first three is unconstitutional.
Lemon v. Kurtzman did not simply invent a three-part test.
Abington School District v. Schempp (1963) held that "there must be a secular legislative purpose and a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion."
A lower court should not, on its own, assume the Supreme Court "abandoned the doctrinal foundation on which a case rests."
Realistically, we can tell what way the wind blows.
Nonetheless, even after disposing of Lemon, the mixture of church and state in the school context, involving official policy [contra allegedly in Kennedy v. Bremerton], which raises (citing multiple non-Lemon cases) "neutrality" concerns, this law is problematic. To use a favorite metaphor, that includes multiple "buckets," some display cases raise do not raise.
The Supreme Court might uphold it. But it requires disposing of more law.
"But it requires disposing of more law."
That won't even slow them down.
They know they're going to make a difficult decision and want to put it off. Difficult meaning really hard to write as it will be facially ridiculous.
In its ruling, the en banc Fifth Circuit declined to reach the constitutional question. Because no school district had yet implemented the law—no posters are on classroom walls yet—the court held that the dispute was premature. In effect, the court said, we need to see how this actually works in practice before we can decide whether the displays violate the Establishment Clause.
Whatever happened to "We have never held a law constitutional just because the government promised to use it wisely."
Wouldn't this doctrine if applied generally be the end of all pre-enforcement challenges?
The Stone is overruled sub silentio argument seems to be exactly on point to how the SSM cases were handled in the lower courts. You had Baker v. Nelson which was a binding SCOTUS precedent on point. The leftist lower courts liked to rule that because Lawrence held that sodomy could not be outlawed that the underpinnings for Baker had been so eroded that it could not be said to be good precedent.
IMHO, that argument has more persuasive force with Stone v. Graham. As much as I would enjoy the back and forth about displaying the 10C as coercion, recent Supreme Court precedent no longer recognizes that overbroad view of what religious coercion means.
Nobody who views a posting of the 10C on a wall will reasonably view it in such an over the top way as the left and the Warren Court imagined. That exaggeration is dead as a matter of current law.
Many do see it not as some artifact document, but as a push for a religious statement. But that can't be because one of the referenced crimes is bearing false witness against your neighbor, and they would never do this.
I'm not worried, because these things always backfire. I'm totally happy for Louisiana kids to be told that there's nothing religious about the ten commandments.
“If a precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.” Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/Am. Exp., Inc., 490 U.S. 477, 484 (1989).
Baker v. Nelson which was a binding SCOTUS precedent on point.
There was a limited number of lower courts that held that the case was no longer good law until U.S. v. Windsor was handed down. Once that happened, a slew of non-leftist judges shifted.
The "binding" precedent was that the Supreme Court had dismissed the appeal "for want of a substantial federal question."
That is a limited ruling and rested on a case that didn't even raise certain arguments that later cases raised.
Stone v. Graham did more than dismiss the appeal for that reason. There was an opinion spelling out reasons.
Nobody who views a posting of the 10C on a wall will reasonably view it in such an over-the-top way as the left and the Warren Court imagined.
The Warren Court's religious liberty opinions were generally joined by Tom Clark and John Marshall Harlan II.
The people concerned about the government favoring certain religious faiths, including by crafting Ten Commandment displays from the various versions in the Bible, include groups like Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty.
"The left" aren't the only people concerned here.
"Stone v. Graham did more than dismiss the appeal for that reason. There was an opinion spelling out reasons."
Yes. Reasons: This fails the Lemon test. But the Lemon test is no longer applicable. The underpinning are thus non-existent.
""The left" aren't the only people concerned here." Of course they are. The posting of the 10C is not the least bit coercive. It does not interfere with anyone's ability to worship (or not) as he or she pleases. It is simply an aggressive move to reform society by removing any majority religious element in it.
The Bladensburg Cross case strongly suggests that this feigned offense is no longer cognizable.
The Bladensburg Cross was held to have a secular historical meaning. You can't say the same of the 10A if it's purpose is to advance religion. Whether such a 10A is coercive is not settled law.
No, actual religious people are concerned too. Especially Jews, but also Catholics and other smart Christians. Government takeover of religion is worse for the religious than for the non-religious. Religious leaders don't want random public school teachers introducing kids to the Ten Commandments.
"Are these really from God?"
"No, like all laws, they were made up by the people in charge in order to try to get everyone to stop murdering each other and sleeping with each other's wives."
I think pre-enforcement challenges are generally unconstitutional. I think that with the narrow exception of the overbreadth doctrine, a plaintiff needs to provide evidence of actual enfforcement to have standing.
The Court carved out a narrow exception, the overbreadth doctrine, for Free Speech and Free Press cases only. The overbreadth doctrine, where it applies, permits pre-enforcement challenges without enforcement on the theory that the mere existence of the statute on the books will chill a speaker from speaking.
But the reasoning behind the overbreadth doctrine, the concept of chilling effect, has absolutely no relevance to Establishment Clause cases. This case is as good an example as any. Putting the 10 Commandments on classroom walls simply isn’t going to “chill” the plaintiffs imto saying or doing anything they would or wouldn’t otherwise say or do. It will have no effect on their behavior. Absent evidence of a chilling effect, federal courts lack Article III jurisdiction to entertain pre-enforcement challenges because there is no Article III standing.
This is not to say a plaintiff has to actually be arrested to sue. But there has to be evidence of actual enforcement. Plaintiffs sue individuals, not statute books. When the overbreadth doctrine doesn’t apply, there has to be evidence the actual individuals sued have engaged in specific, identifiable conduct that has actually caused or at least threatened plaintiffs with some sort of adverse consequences.
I think the overbreadth doctrine is applied, well, overly broadly. But here it’s crystal clear that the core reasoning behind it, the idea that the very existence of the statute has some sort of “chilling effect” on the plaintiffs, just doesn’t hold. I don’t see any plausible argument that the mere possibility of some teacher putting a document on a classroom wall has any realistic possibility of making the plaintiffs afraid to say or do anything they want. Sure, anyone can be chilled if they shut themselves in a freezer. But that’s the plaintiffs’ doing, not the state of Louisiana’s.
I don't understand the focus on Kennedy. That was a religious liberty versus establishment case. The question was whether Kennedy himself was coercing kids through his religious liberty.
The government doesn't have its own religious liberty interest. Is coercion really going to be the line for government-established religion? The entire Church of England could operate within that framework. Cake or death?
Coercion is what would suggest that a person does not have the free exercise of religion. The establishment clause would prohibit the Church of England.
No, you are incorrect. The free exercise clause is not what SCOTUS invokes to protect students from being religiously indoctrinated. It's the establishment clause.
In Bremerton, the Court held that a potential Establishment Clause violation wasn't a defense to Kennedy's Free Exercise claim because such a defense depended on Lemon being good law and Lemon is no longer good law. Thus, SCOTUS is going to analyze the 10A case with Lemon no longer being good law (even though you are correct there is no Free Exercise at issue).
Sure, Lemon is out, but that doesn't mean Kennedy is in. The logic in Kennedy - such as it is - doesn't apply to this case.
This should have been an easy case. SCOTUS already ruled on this exact issue. Lower courts are bound to follow SCOTUS rulings. If the appeals court did not like it then they could have put their misgivings in a dissent. That is what normal courts do. Their punting that it is not ripe was absurd. The law is clear on what is mandated and is a clear facial challenge.
Could the Trump Administration use your argument as a defense to claims that it is not enforcing the law? If a law’s clarity is itself evidence of enforcement, then can’t the Administration use that evidence to defeat a claim of non-enforcement?
If, when the Executive Branch does nothing, a law’s clarity itself injures someone who dislikes it, wouldn’t that same clarity also itself relieve the injuries of someone who depends on it?
This has nothing to do with the federal government. Also "we promise not to enforce it" is not a defense for an facial challenge because nothing would stop them from enforcing it in the future.
I suppose your statement is technically true, because a plaintiff’s lack of standing isn’t technically a defense. But the fact that something may possibly happen at some unknown time in the future simply isn’t an actual injury-in-fact today. There might be a case or controversy some time in the future. But there isn’t one today. There is no Article III jurisdiction.
Facial vs. applied challenges address the scope of what is being challenged. But both require the same actual case or controversy and the same standing requirements for federal courts to have jurisdiction.
I am concerned with the question: which version of the ten commandments?
A protestant version.
The only religious document posted in a government facility nowadays should be a new set of theses about the wrongs of government.
How does "history and tradition" interact with the "as applied" issue here? Is the idea that the country might have waived the protection of the constitutional text if governments did a bunch of establishy-things in classrooms after the founding? That seems oddly anti-originalist, or at least anti-textualist for even the Fifth Circuit, no?
History and tradition are merits issues. The court here decided that it lacks the capacity to reach the merits. It said that because nobody has enforced the law, the plaintiffs haven’t (yet) experienced any injury resulting from it. The plaintiffs have to show the court that the government activity they are challenging has actually injured them before they can sue to enjoin it. They can’t (yet) make that showing.
Once the plaintiffs have shown they have experienced an actual injury, the court can then decide whether the law is unconstitutional or not, and what legal standard it should use in making that decision.
Wokeness has become a religion, and the public schools have woke symbols and slogans all over the place. Given that, the 10C should be unobjectionable.
If wokeness is a religion, then Trump's campaign against woke is in violation of the First Amendment.