The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Birthright Citizenship is Our Law
New piece on birthright citizenship in English and American law
Over at The Dispatch, I have a new piece on the originalist case for birthright citizenship. President Donald Trump's executive order attempting to strip natural-born citizenship status from children born of undocumented aliens and temporary aliens is facing an uphill climb before the Supreme Court on April 1. The uncertainly about its fate is not whether the Court will strike down the executive order as unlawful but how many votes the White House might get from the justices. Will the loss be unanimous, or merely overwhelming? We'll know this summer.
Meanwhile, some scholars and activists have emerged to lend support to the administration's efforts. A small handful of scholars (including Trump favorite, John Eastman, and my own dissertation advisor, Rogers Smith) had developed a revisionist case on the history and constitutional theory of birthright citizenship many years ago. Since the executive order was issued, a small band of new advocates have joined that revisionist camp in defense of the administration's actions.
Because someone is wrong on the internet, I have been drawn back into debates that once occupied me in seminars in graduate school. The revisionist case is still wrong, and the conventional wisdom is still right. If one wants to defend the Trump executive order, one would be best served by arguing that the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment is not dispositive.
The original meaning of the "subject to the jurisdiction" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is consistent with the principles of the centuries-old English and American common law that predated the adoption of that text. Children born of aliens within the borders of the United States and under American governing authority are natural-born American citizens. I have developed out the principle and logic of the ancient common-law rule in a recently published article, an amicus brief filed at the Supreme Court, and now in The Dispatch. I rather suspect that I'll be presenting additional evidence and arguments on this issue down the road.
From the new article:
The modern legal argument surrounding Trump's executive order turns on the meaning of the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the text of the 14th Amendment. The court last spoke on this issue at the end of the 19th century, declaring "the fundamental principle of citizenship by birth within the dominion was reaffirmed in the most explicit and comprehensive terms." The court then concluded that "subject to the jurisdiction thereof" was to be construed in light of the common law and American practice. It recognized three standard exceptions to the nativity rule: children born of foreign ambassadors, children born of alien enemies in hostile occupation, and children born as members of an Indian tribe that held itself apart as "an alien, though dependent, power."
. . . .
Historical revisionism is sometimes useful, but in this case it is simply wrong. [Lincoln's attorney general] Edward Bates pointed to the traditional rule and the traditional sources familiar to 19th century American lawyers in his opinion on citizenship early during the Civil War. James Kent, a New York jurist and one of the leading legal treatise writers of the early republic, had summarized the law simply as "all persons born within the jurisdiction of the United States" are native citizens. William Blackstone, the author of the treatise upon which Americans from the Revolution onward relied for their understanding of the English common law, likewise summarized, "Natural-born subjects are such as are born within the dominions of the crown of England." Blackstone restated this in more technical terms, explaining that "within the dominions" was synonymous with "within the ligeance" of the king. Being born within those circumstances created a mutual bond between king and subject, in which the subject owes the king allegiance and the king owes the subject protection. Once established, that bond was extraterritorial; a subject leaving the king's dominion still owed him allegiance and was still owed protection.
. . . . As Blackstone noted, "the children of aliens, born here in England, are, generally speaking, natural-born subjects, and entitled to all the privileges of such." Those children could not themselves be aliens, despite the status of their parents, because they were not "borne in a strange country under the obedience of a strange prince." Conversely, a statute was required in the United States, as it had been in England, to extend citizenship to children of Americans born abroad "in a strange country." By the operation of the common law and the Constitution alone, such children had been born outside the dominion, or the jurisdiction, and were thus aliens by birth regardless of the status of the parents.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
No problems with what you've written - I think you're correct. But I'm curious about another side of this issue. Is there an approach to take with regard to dual citizenship?
From my understanding of the issue, at the time of the amendment, citizenship would have been considered unitary - again, going with original public understanding. The clear wording of the amendment forbids stripping people of citizenship - if they were born here or naturalized, they are citizens. Period. However, we allow people to relinquish citizenship. Would it be legitimate to rule (by law, not Presidential proclamation) that the exercise of another citizenship constitutes relinquishment of ours?
I believe there have been cases in court where the government tries to make this case, and they've been rejected, but they also didn't have an actual law to point to either. Really don't know the answer here, so curious as to any opinions.
Refusing to pick one or the other could be interpreted as voluntarily giving up citizenship if you don't choose the US. I would think the amendment, as usual, was a restriction on government, an instruction to government, and not on The People.
No, there was "an actual law" behind several of those cases. 8 U.S.C. §1481, the Immigration and Nationality Act, currently reads
followed by a list that include swearing allegiance to a foreign state or serving in its armed forces.
The original text didn't include the "with the intention of" language. It was added in 1986 after Vance v. Terrazas, 444 U.S. 252 (1980) held the Act to be unconstitutional without it:
The U.S. has always recognized the prospect of voluntarily relinquishment of citizenship. For a long time, the courts allowed laws like the one you describe — that if you do X, you are automatically deemed to have relinquished citizenship. But in a series of cases in the 1950s and 1960s, culminating in Afroyim v. Rusk in 1967, the Supreme Court began narrowing that and ultimately rejecting it. Under that, doing X could be said to be relinquishing citizenship only if done with the intent of relinquishing citizenship.
There sure is a lot of ink being spilled on an issue that's supposedly so crystal-clear and long-settled.
Yes, this is how academics react when fanatics are flooding the zone with bad faith.
It's cute how at least 97% of your posts are really just about your assignment of white and black hats.
Your OP was throwing chaff.
Complaining about my general posting habits is more chaff.
How could I ever complain about something so adorable?
It’s important, because there are many people (like yourself) who don’t know anything about what they write. They don’t deserve to have equal footing in a conversation about what the law is.
I've never seen anyone so proud of dropping a Nerf microphone in my life.
True. They should stop doing that and just ignore the cynical Regime-stooges.
It's almost as if it's a high-profile issue pending before the Supreme Court.
The vehemence with which left-wing academics defend birthright citizenship, coupled with their refusal to accept any real restrictions on "migrants" or "asylum claims," demonstrates what their real goals are.
Hear! Hear!
It is not a secret that liberals want more immigrants.
Good to see so much defense of anchor babies, birth tourism and the welfare handouts that go with it, both fraudulently and through twisted legal logic.
So you agree with me? That the opponents of birth right citizenship as it has always been understood cannot change the law by executive order or even statute but rather must gather the necessary support and amend the constitution itself?
Or is there a new method of constitutional interpretation - that policy preferences of one group of the people today go back in time to change the plain meaning of words in the constitution?
I mean, that method has been used on and off for some time.
"Or is there a new method of constitutional interpretation - that policy preferences of one group of the people today go back in time to change the plain meaning of words in the constitution?"
Almost. The MAGA way is to ignore the Constitution or lie about what it says.
This is indeed the law. However, nothing says that the parents of a child born here are citizens. They can be deported, with the option to take their child with them or give the child up for adoption. If child goes with them, then when the child turns 18, he or she can return.
See, simple solution, no need to amend the Constitution.
Hell, why not just torture the parents until they consent to adoption?
Both your goal and your methods are toweringly cruel and dehumanizing.
You seem to not be in full denial mode about the law, but that's about the only good thing about this post.
Partially correct. The parents of course do not need to "give the child up for adoption." They do not surrender their parental rights by having a guardian care for the child, any more than citizen parents are giving up Little Bobby for adoption by sending him to live with his grandparents.
And for the same reason, your last sentence is incomplete. The child (as a citizen) can return at any time, as long as he or she has someone to serve as a guardian in the U.S.
Um, solution to what? As you say, that's already the law, and the people opposed to birthright citizenship are not satisfied with it. They do not want the children to be citizens at all.
The citizenship part is the law. The deportation part is not. The solution is to the problem of anchor babies being used as a basis for the whole family to stay here. The Constitution does not require that.
As for guardianship, sure, if the parents can find a citizen or permanent resident to be a guardian, that could be an option.
No, birthright citizenship is not the law. The Supreme Court took the case because it decided the question is open. Is the professor always so presumptuous?
Nope. It is the law. The question is whether it will remain the law.
It’s telling that even Josh Blackman, the world’s most dishonest and enthusiastic Trump dick-rider has been forced to admit birthright citizenship is the law of the land.
Roe v. Wade was the law of the land, too. Until it wasn't.