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Religious Employment and Title VII: Part 5—Common Objections to a Textualist Reading of Title VII's Religious Employer Exemption
Common objections to a textualist reading of Section 702 are unpersuasive.
In this final installment of our series on religious employment under Title VII, we address common objections to the textualist interpretation we describe in our BYU Law Review article. Each objection fails because it ignores Section 702's text or conflates statutory exemptions with constitutional doctrines. We conclude by expressing appreciation for Congress's handiwork—a statute that pursues equality and liberty together.
Racial Discrimination
Critics object that a textualist interpretation of Section 702 would open the door to racial discrimination. Not so.
Section 702 exempts a religious employer from Title VII only when it selects an employee "of a particular religion," a phrase that encompasses religious observances, practices, and beliefs. Adverse employment decisions for other reasons fall outside of Section 702. It follows that Section 702 permits discrimination only if differential treatment is founded in sincere religious observances, practices, or beliefs. And even critics of a textualist interpretation concede that racism is virtually unknown in modern American religious practice.
Bob Jones University v. United States is the best-known case of religiously motivated racism. There, the Supreme Court affirmed an IRS ruling withdrawing the University's tax-exempt status because of its ban on interracial dating and related policies. "Whatever may be the rationale for such private schools' policies, and however sincere the rationale may be, racial discrimination in education is contrary to public policy." But Bob Jones University involved tax-exempt status, not employment discrimination. If anything, it illustrates judicial intolerance for religiously motivated racial classifications.
It is highly unlikely that the Supreme Court would endorse Section 702 as a defense if a religious organization engaged in racial discrimination. Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. noted that "[t]he Government has a compelling interest in providing an equal opportunity to participate in the workforce without regard to race, and prohibitions on racial discrimination are precisely tailored to achieve that critical goal." If Title VII's bar on racial discrimination satisfies strict scrutiny, Section 702 surely does not exempt a religious organization that crosses the line.
LGBT Equality Claims
Detractors claim that a textualist interpretation of Section 702 allows discrimination against LGBT employees. That criticism misconceives Title VII as an unqualified guarantee of employment nondiscrimination for protected classes. It is not. As our article explains, "Protected classes are guaranteed equal employment opportunity insofar as the statute prescribes it." An LGBT claimant can no more demand that a religious employer disregard its religious employment standards than a small business employee can bring a viable Title VII claim despite the statute's 15-employer threshold.
Disregarding Section 702's text also flouts Bostock—a textualist opinion that stressed, "judges are not free to overlook plain statutory commands."
Besides, reading Bostock as a flat rule of LGBT equality disregards Bostock's express commitment to "preserving the promise of the free exercise of religion enshrined in our Constitution." While acknowledging concerns about "how Title VII may intersect with religious liberties," the Court did not address those concerns in Bostock because none of the employers there was a religious organization.
The Establishment Clause and Third-Party Harm
Another objection to a textualist reading of Section 702 is that it violates the Establishment Clause by granting "a privilege to those who engage in the accommodated practice at the expense of unbelievers and other nonadherents who do not." But this third-party harm argument finds no support in the "historical practices and understandings" that Kennedy v. Bremerton School District establishes as the governing baseline for Establishment Clause challenges. Statutory accommodations for religion predate the Founding. The argument also collides with Corporation of Presiding Bishop of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. Amos, where the Court held that Section 702 does not violate the Establishment Clause. First principles and precedent alike render this argument untenable.
Section 702 and the Ministerial Exception
Critics also contend that giving Section 702 its textual meaning unfairly allows religious employers to treat all employees as if they were covered by the ministerial exception. That objection is faulty, too.
The ministerial exception is the First Amendment doctrine giving a religious organization the absolute privilege of dismissing a minister free of legal sanction. A church can remove a minister for any reason at all. That distinguishes the exception from Section 702. It exempts a religious employer only when it chooses an employee for reasons of religious fit—congruence between the employer's and employee's religious observances, practices, and beliefs. Reading Section 702 in light of the ministerial exception is a category error. Statutory provisions and constitutional doctrines operate independently. Section 702 reflects Congress's decision to protect religious employers by using the same Commerce Clause authority under which the Civil Rights Act was adopted.
Conclusion
None of these objections undermines our textualist interpretation of Section 702. Its text removes any doubt that the exemption authorizes a religious employer to choose employees who fit the employer's religion—even if that results in unequal treatment of protected classes. Such inequality is the unavoidable consequence of protecting religious employment as an exercise of religion.
Viewing Section 702's textualist meaning from the perspective of classical tensions between liberty and equality reminds us that in crafting the Civil Rights Act, Congress did not choose between liberty and equality—it safeguarded both.
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So after a lot of time arguing that religion convers conduct and not merely status, a position which has more or less been won except in the 9th Circuit, we’ve finally come to a more substantive and relevant argument, and it doesn’t strike me as much of one.
It seems to me that in order to address an argument that LGBT status should be treated the same as race, one has to squarely address what its constutional status is and what level of scrutiny, if any, it should get. It seems to me this shouldn’t be hard to make. One could simply point out that sex in general gets intermediate scrutiny, since these other statuses are pegged to sex/gender, it would be anomalous for them to get any more. Religious organizations hire only men for certain positions and make other distinctions between men and women all the time. Why should this be any different? Moreover, Bob Jones relied heavily on race being a strict scrutiny category. It would be fully consistent with Bob Jones to argue that nothing less than strict scrutiny is sufficeint to override religion rights. One could end it there without deciding which level of scrutiny below strict scrutiny is relevant.
However, these authors aren’t willing to go even that far and attempt to completely side-step the issue by trying to treat the matter as purely one of statutory interpretation without having to say anything about what level of constitutional scrutiny applies.
In light of Bostock, I find myself doubting that this horse will run. I happen to agree that religious behavior is there textually, while extending sex as a status to include sex-related behavior requires putting a gloss on the text. But I don’t think Bostock can be gotten aroundmerely by arguing that its claim to be a text-based interpretation is wrong.
The fundamental issue here in my opinion, anyway, is that religious liberty is a constitutional mandate, and private non-discrimination... is not. "No state shall... nor shall any state".
The authors of the 14th amendment, much as they might find discrimination objectionable, would have thought prohibiting private discrimination, outside of very limited circumstances such as common carriers, a gross overreach by government. Equality of rights was guaranteed, but you didn't have a right to dictate other people's choices.
That said, while the federal government had, under this view of the 14th amendment, no power to regulate private discrimination, the states often would, as an exercise of the general police power.
But even then, freedom from private discrimination is a statutory privilege, not a constitutional right, and as such must always fall if it conflicts with an actual constitutional right.
Constitutionally-protected freedom of association is limited to intimate and expressive association. There is no constitutionally protected right to do business only with the people you want to.
But why? Because an ephemeral majority of the Supreme Court happens to really like sex and really hate work? Plenty of people regard their profession as part of their identity. Plenty of people divorce because given a conflict between the demands of work and their current intimate relationship, they choose work. Does the Constitution hate them in thinking their life choices fundamentally wrong? Does the Constitution really provide an exclusive American way to determine ones identity, which must be based solely on criteria the Supreme Court thinks important and no others?
I'm not following how, assuming for the sake of argument one's profession is part of their identity, that is relevant to the legal questions.
Wait a minute. I think you are arguing that if your profession is part of your identity, then who you hire is part of your intimate associations. Sorry, even if I assume for the sake of argument one's profession is part of one's identity, it's still does not implicate highly personal relationships like marriage and child rearing do.
Joe Burrow when asked about his future after suffering injuries, says he is a quarterback and will be continue to be one as if his job is an identity. Does that mean his relationships to his wide receivers are deeply personal? No way.
The authors of the 14th amendment, much as they might find discrimination objectionable, would have thought prohibiting private discrimination, outside of very limited circumstances such as common carriers, a gross overreach by government.
So what? And how do you know what they thought about discrimination?
By reading what they'd had to say about it?
I mean, look at the Great Emancipator, Lincoln. What was he proposing? He thought that blacks and whites weren't capable of living together as equals, that the best thing to do was resettle them back in Africa. Think he was going to mandate that ever Tom, Dick, and Harry treat blacks exactly the same as whites in their private lives?
Read the 14th amendment itself: In contrast to the way the 13th amendment just flatly banned slavery, period, the 14th amendment textually DOES only prohibit discrimination by government. Why limit it to that if they thought it appropriate for the federal government to dictate about private discrimination?
Because that would be getting into the private police power, which was limited to states. They really WERE serious about limiting the reach of federal power.
The 15th amendment didn't even prohibit states from discriminating in voting rights, it merely penalized them if they did by reducing their representation a bit.
I don't think people after nearly 100 years of the New Deal really have an appreciation for how limited people thought the proper reach of the federal government was, back then.
What did the authors of the 14th say about states proscribing private-sector discrimination?
Very little, exactly because they weren't contemplating that.
They were determined to extend to blacks all the civil rights whites had, and whites did not have any sort of anti-discrimination right that might be extended to blacks.
The federal government still doesn’t have power to regulate private discrimination under the 14th Amendment. The Civil Rights Acts as applied to private conduct are based exclusively on the Commerce Clause, not the 14th Amendment.
In the case of Title VI conditions on federal funding, it would be the Spending Clause.
"No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."
"The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article."
By it's text, that sweeps in private action that runs afoul of those provisions.
Read the text, Brett.
Don't go off on flights of time-traveling telepathic fancy...that happens to align with your priors.
I'm guessing you are aware that SCOTUS has held Congress can only enforce the provisions as interpreted by the courts. Congress cannot redefine the provisions. Thus, when SCOTUS says the 14th does not outlaw private-sector discrimination, Congress cannot outlaw it based on enforcing the 14th.
No, it does nothing of the sort. By definition private actions can not run afoul of provisions that expressly apply to states.
It's like you're incapable of parsing English sentences, if they say something you don't like.
The authors argue that Section 702 permits religious organizations to fire employees based on religious observance, practice or belief when the result is also discrimination on the basis of sex, but not race. But, there is nothing in the text that suggests that distinction.
Now perhaps the authors are right that it "is highly unlikely that the Supreme Court would endorse Section 702 as a defense if a religious organization engaged in racial discrimination." But that result would not be textualist.
It's just that the Court has not yet fully incorporated the ERA, as they have the 14th amendment, perhaps the fact that it was defeated is slowing them down a little.
Your comment is about how to interpret the Constitution. As such, it's inapt as to my critique of the textualist argument of Section 702 made by the authors of the article being serialized.
The pushers of the ERA swore on stacks of Bibles it would not be interpreted as mandating unisex bathrooms. That's scare tactics by the other side!