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Covid Beach Closures, the Takings Clause, and the Police Power Exception
A recent 11th Circuit decision rightly ruled that mandatory Covid beach closures violated the Takings Clause. But the court overlooked the key issue of how to assess the "police power" exception to Takings Clause liability.

Co-blogger Jonathan Adler recently posted about Alford v. Walton County, an important new 11th Circuit ruling holding that a local ordinance barring property owners from accessing their beachfront property during the Covid pandemic violated the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
I think the court was right to conclude there was a taking here, and that the County is therefore required to pay compensation, as required by the Takings Clause. But the court elided the difficult issue of the "police power" exception to takings liability.
The relevant ordinance completely barred property owners from accessing or using their beach front property for several weeks during the early part of the Covid pandemic, in March-April 2020. As the court explained, this is an obvious severe restriction on property rights, and therefore part of the right to "private property" protected by the Takings Clause.
Unlike Jonathan Adler, I think the court was also right to conclude this is a "physical taking" that qualifies as a "per se" (automatic) violation of the Takings Clause, as opposed to a mere restriction on "use" subject to the Penn Central balancing test (a vague standard that usually ends up favoring the government). As the court put it, "Ordinance 2020-09 prohibited the Landowners from physically accessing their beachfront property under any circumstances. That is different from a restriction on how the Landowners could use property they otherwise physically possessed."
But the court avoided what, to my mind, is the most difficult issue posed by this case: the question of the applicability of the "police power" exception to takings liability. For decades, the Supreme Court and various lower courts have held that government actions that would otherwise qualify as takings are exempt from liability if enacted under the police power, which gives government the authority to protect health and safety.
Covid-era restrictions arguably fall within the exception, because they were meant to constrain the spread of a deadly contagious disease, one that ended up killing some 1 million Americans. During the pandemic, a number of state courts upheld Covid shutdown orders against takings challenges based on the police power rationale. I wrote about one such case here.
However, it is far from clear how great a threat to health or safety there must be before the police power exception kicks in. If forestalling even a small risk qualifies, then virtually any restriction on private property rights is exempted from takings liability. After all, just about any use of property poses at least some small risk of spreading disease or causing injury.
In my recent article, "The Constitutional Case Against Exclusionary Zoning" (coauthored with Josh Braver), we argue the police power exception only applies in cases where the government policy in question is preventing a particularly severe danger. For reasons outlined in the article (pp. 25-31), that approach is consistent with original meaning, and with relevant Supreme Court precedent.
By that standard, the Walton County beach restriction and similar measures in other jurisdictions do not qualify for the police power exception. It quickly became clear that outdoor transmission of Covid does not pose much risk. Moreover, it was particularly absurd to ban even the owners from using their own property. If one of them was infected, they could much more likely spread the infection to each other while at home indoors, where the law did not prevent them from interacting with each other.
Thus, I think the court ultimately got this case right. But they should have addressed the police power exception and how it might or might not apply here. The court rightly noted that "there is no COVID exception to the Takings Clause" and that "the government must respect constitutional rights during public emergencies, lest the tools of our security become the means of our undoing." I agree completely! There must be strong judicial review of government invocations of emergency powers. But, though there is no "Covid exception" or "emergency exception" to the Takings Clause, there is a police power exception. And courts should deal with it, when it is potentially relevant.
The Supreme Court, in recent years, has shown little interest in clarifying the scope of the police power exception. But it has - rightly - decided a number of cases strengthening protection for property rights under the Takings Clause generally. This makes it more likely that Takings Clause protections will run into the police power exception, as there are fewer situations where restrictions on property rights avoid takings liability for other reasons.
Thus, the Supreme Court may well have to clarify the police power exception sooner or later. Unless and until they do so, lower courts will continue to struggle with this doctrine.
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Everyone should get a cut of this check, it's just heaved onto the deficit anyway. Wait, there's some $10 trillion, above and beyond normal borrowing, added from Covid already.
We're a shit generation. Generations, plural. All this money borrowed from future generations, much turned into inherited generational wealth those future generations will never have to pay back.
A planetary ponzi scheme is an 8 year old, five finger discounting a grubby handful of Bazooka Joes in comparison.
Krayt — If $10 trillion was indeed the price of the extra financial security meted out to ordinary Americans during the Covid pandemic, what it showed is how economically beneficial would be the small policy adjustment necessary to redistribute income and wealth downward. No doubt during the 4 years of Covid considerably more than $10 trillion changed hands among America's wealthiest. What Covid did was temporarily make an effective political case that ordinary Americans needed that money more than the wealthiest did.
That Covid money you deplore was for many Americans their first taste ever of economic life better than no-more-than-replacement-level income. They responded with exuberant relief, and began to bargain freely in society to improve themselves, and especially their working conditions. That power is exactly the fulfillment of capitalism's best (but usually dishonored) promise for everyone.
Compared to that benefit, the cost was peanuts. This nation needs to adjust its economy, to get it running that way all the time, or perhaps a bit more generously for ordinary Americans. It would be a great opportunity to test whether capitalism's promise of a better life for everyone can be made real.
We did legislate in advance: the US Constitution already made clear that takings of private property must be paid just compensation.
That legislation was binding then and will be binding on the future.
As a non-lawyer, my maybe inaccurate impression is that the police power is too puny as a means to govern exceptional policy required by military or medical emergencies. Much may indeed need to be done, but questions about when such an emergency starts, when it ends, who decides, and what powers tailored to crisis particulars get exercised, do not strike me as proper police power questions. They seem fundamental questions of government accountability, and hence a poor choice as candidates for judicial decision making. Legislation in advance seems wiser.
To make the least accountable government branch the arbiter of the most critical political questions strikes me as feckless. If a too-independent judiciary gets wrong the level of public alarm during a deadly pandemic, the resulting governance will not be more responsible, it will only be more disconnected from legitimacy.
If a pandemic arrives featuring rapid contagion, and a realistic prospect to kill a notable fraction of everyone, public demand for measures a court might find extreme would be accommodated, whether by executive governance, or by mob rule. Advance planning which excludes that prospect—or leaves it in the hands of a judicial branch inherently incapable to cope—will only increase confusion and crisis if put to any such existential test.
In the earlier thread I mentioned standards of review. The COVID restrictions had a rational basis. They might not hold up to serious review. If a taking is purportedly for a legitimate reason that doesn't stand up on closer examination, is compensation owed?
Before being too confident that rules wouldn't hold up to serious review, consider:
Some doctors could convince judges that their patients had a right to force all around them to wear masks.
The First Circuit said Maine's quarantine rules satisfied strict scrutiny even when travelers were coming from a place with the same incidence of COVID.
What science supports the closing of a beach to prevent the spread of COVID? COVID is a respiratory illness that requires an enclosed area with poor ventilation to allow an infected individual to exhale a contagious volume of virus in sufficient concentration. This is impossible virtually impossible outdoors without close proximity, and prolonged contact. So if people are not sitting directly next to one another outside for twenty minutes on a day with no wind whatsoever there is no possible chance of transmission.
Ilya's argument that police powers had justification would get utterly demolished in court. The 11th circuit overlooked nothing in regards to police powers.
5 years later - its astonishing that the proponents of the mitigation protocols still believe they could have worked.
Even if the mitigation protocols worked to control the spread of covid, those mitigation protocols were never going to be a long term solution. Granted covid only showed up in 2020 (or late 2019), the science showing that it would never work has been known since the 1700's . The human species is not going to obtain immunity by hiding.