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Oregon Court Strikes Down Trump's Federalization of National Guard

Judge Immergut's opinion is worth a look, not least because she was a Trump appointee with strong Republican credentials

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The court's opinion, available here, has some powerful language regarding the President's deployment of national guard troops to protect "War-ravaged Portland," as Trump called it on Truth Social.  Worth a look.

This case involves the intersection of three of the most fundamental principles in our constitutional democracy. The first concerns the relationship between the federal government and the states. The second concerns the relationship between the United States armed forces and domestic law enforcement. The third concerns the proper role of the judicial branch in ensuring that the executive branch complies with the laws and limitations imposed by the legislative branch. Whether we choose to follow what the Constitution mandates with respect to these three relationships goes to the heart of what it means to live under the rule of law in the United States. . . .

Plaintiffs bring claims alleging that Defendants' actions violate (1) the statutory authority granted the President in 10 U.S.C. § 12406, (2) Oregon's sovereign rights as protected in the Tenth Amendment, (3) the Posse Comitatus Act, (4) the Administrative Procedures Act, and (5) the separation of powers, as well as the Militia and Take Care Clauses of the U.S. Constitution. . . .

For the reasons discussed below, this Court finds that Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on their claim that the President's federalization of the Oregon National Guard exceeded his statutory authority under 10 U.S.C. § 12406 and was ultra vires. In addition, because Section 12406 defines the scope of Congress's constitutional delegation to the President to federalize the National Guard, Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on their claim that the President exceeded his constitutional authority and violated the Tenth Amendment. . . .

Under 10 U.S.C. § 12406, the President may federalize National Guard service members if: (1) the United States, or any of the Commonwealths or possessions, is invaded or is in danger of invasion by a foreign nation; (2) there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States; or (3) the President is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.

In Newsom II, the Ninth Circuit held that 10 U.S.C. § 12406 does not "preclude[] judicial review of the President's determination that a statutory precondition exists." However, a reviewing court must give "a great level of deference to the President's determination that a predicate condition exists."  A court "review[s] the President's determination to ensure that it reflects a colorable assessment of the facts and law within a 'range of honest judgment.'" At the same time, the Executive's "exercise of his authority to maintain peace" must be "conceived in good faith, in the face of the emergency and directly related to the quelling of the disorder or the prevention of its continuance."

In this case, and unlike in Newsom II, Plaintiffs provide substantial evidence that the protests at the Portland ICE facility were not significantly violent or disruptive in the days—or even weeks—leading up to the President's directive on September 27, 2025. The record evidence establishes that while disruption outside the Portland ICE facility peaked in June of 2025, federal and local law enforcement officers were able to "quell[] . . . the disorder." As of September 27, 2025, it had been months since there was any sustained level of violent or disruptive protest activity in Portland. During this time frame, there were sporadic events requiring either PPB monitoring or federal law enforcement intervention, but overall, the protests were small and uneventful.

This deployment of additional federal law enforcement officers reduced the level of disorder between June and September to the point that in the immediate days leading up to the federalization order, around twenty or fewer protesters gathered outside the ICE Facility and "FPS indicated no issues or criminal reports." On September 26, the eve of the President's directive, law enforcement "observed approximately 8–15 people at any given time out front of ICE. Mostly sitting in lawn chairs and walking around. Energy was low, minimal activity." It is clear that "the regular forces," i.e. FPS and additional federal law enforcement, were able to execute the laws of the United States. . . . 

"[A] great level of deference" is not equivalent to ignoring the facts on the ground. As the Ninth Circuit articulated, courts must "review the President's determination to ensure that it reflects a colorable assessment of the facts and law within a 'range of honest judgment.'" Here, this Court concludes that the President did not have a "colorable basis" to invoke § 12406(3) to federalize the National Guard because the situation on the ground belied an inability of federal law enforcement officers to execute federal law. The President's determination was simply untethered to the facts. . . . 

[T]he following "key characteristics" provide the boundaries for what constitutes a "rebellion": First, a rebellion must not only be violent but also be armed. Second, a rebellion must be organized. Third, a rebellion must be open and avowed. Fourth, a rebellion must be against the government as a whole—often with an aim of overthrowing the government—rather than in opposition to a single law or issue. Here, the protests in Portland were not "a rebellion" and did not pose a "danger of a rebellion," especially in the days leading up to the federalization. As discussed above, Defendants presented evidence of sporadic violence against federal officers and property damage to a federal building. Defendants have not, however, proffered any evidence demonstrating that those episodes of violence were part of an organized attempt to overthrow the government as a whole, and therefore, Defendants have failed to show that the President had a colorable basis to conclude that Section 12406(2) was satisfied.

Furthermore, this country has a longstanding and foundational tradition of resistance to government overreach, especially in the form of military intrusion into civil affairs. "That tradition has deep roots in our history and found early expression, for example, in . . . the constitutional provisions for civilian control of the military." Laird v. Tatum, 408 U.S. 1, 15 (1972); see also James Madison, Address to the Constitutional Convention (1787), reprinted in 1 Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 465 ("A standing military force, with an overgrown Executive will not long be safe companions to liberty. The means of defence [against] foreign danger, have been always the instruments of tyranny at home."). This historical tradition boils down to a simple proposition: this is a nation of Constitutional law, not martial law. Defendants have made a range of arguments that, if accepted, risk blurring the line between civil and military federal power—to the detriment of this nation.