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The Justice Department Powerfully Defends Alina Habba's Appointment as Acting U.S. Attorney for New Jersey
The Department's filing makes a strong case that Habba's appointment is proper. The courts should quickly reject defendants' challenge to the appointment.
Over the last several days, Steve Calabresi and I have been posting about the President's authority to appoint acting and interim U.S. Attorneys. See posts here, here, and here. We both generally believe the President's appointment (through his Attorney General) of Alina Habba to be Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey is valid.
As I mentioned in my post earlier today, a criminal defendant in New Jersey has challenged Habba's appointment. And late this afternoon, the Justice Department filed its strong response. Here is the Department's introduction explaining why Habba is validly appointed and, in any event, the defendant is not entitled to attack the prosecution:
First, Ms. Habba is validly serving as the Acting United States Attorney. The Attorney General properly appointed her as the First Assistant United States Attorney; the First Assistant can serve as the Acting United States Attorney under the Federal Vacancies Reform Act when that office is vacant; and the President properly removed as United States Attorney an individual whom the District Court for the District of New Jersey purported to appoint.
Second, and in any event, even were Ms. Habba not eligible to serve as the Acting U.S. Attorney, there would be no basis for dismissing this indictment or prohibiting everyone in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Jersey (USAO-NJ) from participating in this prosecution. At minimum, Ms. Habba has been properly appointed as a Special Attorney to the Attorney General of the United States and directed to supervise the USAO-NJ. Pursuant to that appointment alone, she could still supervise this case—which was initiated by a validly empaneled grand jury and a Senate-confirmed U.S. Attorney—and the Assistant U.S. Attorneys assigned to it can continue prosecuting it under their own delegated authority from the Attorney General, subject to supervision by both Ms. Habba and Senate-confirmed officials in Main Justice, including the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General.
Unsurprisingly given my defense of her appointment, I find this brief to be highly persuasive. I did want to highlight the detailed response in the brief to the New Jersey defendant's claim (endorsed by some law professors) that the fact that Ms. Habba had previously been nominated to serve as the U.S. Attorney blocked her appointment. This specific statutory argument about the Federal Vacancies Reform Act (FVRA) is based on 5 U.S.C. § 3345(b)(1). The Department's response this point seems particularly powerful:
Although Ms. Habba did not previously serve as the First Assistant, she is not subject to § 3345(b)(1)'s bar because she is not presently nominated to serve as United States Attorney in a permanent capacity (and was not even so nominated at the time of her appointment as First Assistant).
The purpose of subsection (b)(1) is to prevent the President from circumventing the Senate's advice-and-consent function by installing a pending nominee for an office on an acting basis before the Senate can act on the nomination. See NLRB v. SW General, Inc., 580 U.S. 288, 295–96 (2017) (tracing history of provision). Accordingly, "if a first assistant is serving as an acting officer under [subsection (a)(1)], he must cease that service if the President nominates him to fill the vacant [Presidentially-appointed, Senate confirmed] office," or else withdraw from nomination. Id. at 301; see Hooks v. Kitsap Tenant Support Servs., Inc., 816 F.3d 550, 558 (9th Cir. 2016) ("Subsection (b)(1) thus precludes someone from continuing to serve as an acting officer after being nominated to the permanent position, unless he or she had been the first assistant for ninety days of the prior year.").
Subsection (b)(1) therefore presupposes a current nomination to an office that is pending before the Senate. Nothing in the FVRA, however, suggests that the mere fact of a past nomination for an office—withdrawn by the President and never considered or acted upon by the Senate—forever bars an individual from serving in that capacity on an acting basis. The statute precludes a person from serving as an acting officer once "the President submits a nomination of such person to the Senate for appointment to such office," 5 U.S.C. 3345(b)(1)(B) (emphasis added); it does not say that the person is barred from such service if the President ever submitted a nomination in the past, or continues to be barred once a nomination is withdrawn. See, e.g., Dole Food Co. v. Patrickson, 538 U.S. 468, 478 (2003) (explaining that a statutory provision "expressed in the present tense" requires consideration of status at the time of the regulated action, not before); Nichols v. United States, 578 U.S. 104, 110 (2016) (same). Indeed, a lifetime ban of that sort would have no logical relationship to the distinct separation-of-powers problem that Congress sought to address in subsection (b)(1): Congress's desire to protect its ability to consider and act upon a pending nomination for an office can hardly be served if no nomination is pending.
In light of this strong response, the defendant's specific and narrow statutory challenge to Ms. Habba's authority should be—and likely will be—quickly dismissed. A quick dismissal will be helpful to the administration of justice, because the challenge to Habba's authority is reportedly leading to some other cases being put on hold.
Of course, there are other broader issues at play in the appointment of interim and acting U.S. Attorneys, as my earlier posts discuss.
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If the President really should be a completely powerless British monarch style figure head like progs suddenly have been claiming. Then there really isn't a need for a president at all. The executive branch should just be a headless agency with everybody off doing their own thing. Which I suppose was how things were under Biden.
Then lets get those Biden people back because they were doing much better than the Trump flunkies.
Just another example of the Trump administration violating the law to get what they want. And as always the judiciary will give them what they want. The US is a fascist country.
You're turning into Daivd Behar with your unhinged unsupported rants.
Awaiting your legal response
https://reason.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/108.pdf
What the hell are those fascists thinking prosecuting *checks notes* drug trafficking and felony gun possession? Those bastards!
Anarchy is not faschism.
Cant main justice try cases in NJ? Cant they just say she is with Main Jusice?
Seems to me that the defendant has an excellent chance of winning in the district court. The NJ district judges are up for this fight - they started it after all - and what is happening in NJ is a pattern for the rest of the country as the Senate Dems try to blue slip their way to Interim USAs appointed by friendly judges rather than unfriendly orange guys and their minions.
This goes to the heart of an important Dem tactic. They can’t just back down at the first whiff of cordite.
50-50 shot of sustaining a win on appeal as the 3rd Circuit is pretty much evenly divided, despite the Venerable Bove’s elevation.
And a reasonable shot at SCOTUS deciding that they can leave this for the merits in a leisurely 18 months.
Well worth the NJ judges taking a shot at it.
"NJ district judges are up for this fight"
Case got transferred to a Penn. based district judge.
Regardless of whether or not she can serve as US Attorney, the qualifications of Habba to hold that position are abysmal. Just because there is a right to do something, doesn't mean that it is the right thing to do.
Awww, Leftists suddenly caring about qualifications how cute, dishonest, but cute. Should we look at the retardation coming out of the SC from the "Wise Latina" or "what is a woman" Brown? What qualified Buttigieg for transportation Secretary other than being gay?
The purpose of subsection (b)(1) is to prevent the President from circumventing the Senate's advice-and-consent function by installing a pending nominee for an office on an acting basis before the Senate can act on the nomination.
Understood. It's an anti-weasel provision. I like those!
Then much counting of angels on the point of a pin, and....therefore judges can appoint to get around the President and the Senate.
Yeah, this bit isn't passing the anti-weasel test.
And yes, I am aware the Constitution consciously grants Congress the power to spread the appointment love about several other entities, but was weaselhood their impetus for this law? Like inventing removal only for cause was weasel behavior to help their appointies leap troublesome cyclic losses?
I get the present vs past tense argument. And I ordinarily agree that it is important and a strong reason to mean present conditions. However, in this statute it seems that such a reading would mean even if the Senate affirmatively denies consent through a no vote the President can take this action. That would seem to be able to circumvent Senate confirmation in a significantly more clear way than being in the role of "acting" while the nomination is considered. Is there some other provision that would prevent this? If not then such a reading seems highly questionable.
Except that Cassell has argued (in good faith I presume) very specifically that the statute does NOT allow for that if the Senate affirmatively denies consent.
I may be missing it but where does he say that. I read the previous post he made and don't recall it. I'd be interested in seeing his argument because I personally don't see you can parse that from the text that it is about present conditions unless denied confirmation. Again that is unless there is a different provision that bars that.
Um, one of his prior blog posts here. A major aspect of his argument, making that distinction.
Are you sure that was Prof Cassell post and not Prof Calabresi? Prof Calabresi mentioned that in terms of appointing the nominee to consecutive terms as "Interim" US Attorney. I don't think he said anything about the "Acting" US Attonrey provisions. I don't see Prof Cassell mentioning a failed nomination in any of his posts on the topic
Really not following what your objection is here. He never says long term "acting" is legit (actually acknowledges its constitutional vulnerability), going on to talk about issues of illegitimate circumvention (which I do not attempt to quote below).
From a prior blog post:
https://reason.com/volokh/2025/07/29/the-attorney-general-can-make-successive-appointments-of-an-interim-u-s-attorney/
I believe Habba is properly serving as the Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey, by operation of the FVRA, at least for a short period of time. The key question being litigated in her case is whether a person is permanently barred from serving as an acting U.S. Attorney after the President "submits a nomination of such person" to the Senate. But the statute's plain language does not create a disability after a nomination "was submitted," as Vladeck suggests. Instead, the statute uses the present tense: a disability exists when the President "submits a nomination." Under standard, recommended principles of legislative drafting, the present tense is used "to express all facts and conditions required to be concurrent with the operation of the legal action," as Bryan Garner explains in his excellent treatise, Garner's Dictionary of Legal Usage 536 (3d edition 2011) (emphasis added). Now that the President has withdrawn Habba's nomination—i.e., is no longer submitting her nomination—the condition of her nomination being submitted to the Senate is no longer concurrent with the legal actions she is taking as the U.S. Attorney.
AND
To circle back to the current situation in New Jersey, the Attorney General would be acting within her rights to simply reappoint Habba as the interim U.S. Attorney for New Jersey under § 546, accompanied by the President renominating Habba to serve as the permanent U.S. Attorney. The Senate would then have the opportunity to vote up or down on Habba, protecting the advice and consent function. Leaving Habba as the acting U.S. Attorney under the FVRA might invite a constitutional challenge to the entire Act, as Justice Thomas has suggested.
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Like Calabresi, I believe that the President (and his Attorney General) need not resort to the complexities of the general provisions of the FVRA to put his chosen U.S. Attorneys into place. Instead, I believe that the Attorney General posses more straightforward authority under § 546 (specifically governing appointment of U.S. Attorneys) to make, first, an "interim," 120-day appointment while a Senate confirmation is pending. And then, if the Senate has failed to Act to make the interim appointment a permanent one, the Attorney General can make successive interim appointments until the Senate makes its decision. If the Attorney General is able to use that specific statute to appoint the President's nominees as "interim" U.S. Attorneys, there is no need for the Attorney General to resort to the FVRA to put in place "acting" U.S. Attorneys. And the Senate's role is respected if the interim U.S. Attorney's nomination is simultaneously provided to the Senate for its decision.
This presumes the president can and does fire any interim appointment by the district court, and that doing so is legal.
I couldn't quickly find it, probably in other of his posts, but he has made the point that the statutory denial of advice and consent means the Senate taking a vote, not a failure to act. Another bone of contention. A commenter on that other disagreed, I think because of a result oriented viewpoint, not what the law actually says. (Thinking that is the opposite of trying to justify Barack Obama making recess appointment when the Senate was not actually in recess.)
Just to be clear - my view is (and the statutes explicitly state) that once a nominee is rejected, that's the end of the road for that nominee. The problem that exists on all these "interim" and "acting" appointments arises because the Senate does not appear to be taking timely votes on the nominees.
The underlying assumption is that FVRA is constitutional.
I think the parade of "acting" appointees demonstrates that it's not constitutional, at least as practiced beyond the initial 120 days of a term.
But I find it hard to believe that courts would retroactively dismiss cases against defendants who otherwise had the benefit of due process.
They'd manufacture a good faith exemption.
Why would a parade of "acting" appointees demonstrate FVRA is not constitutional? It seems an appropriate counter if the Senate takes no action, for whatever reason, denying the executive branch the personnel necessary to enforce the law.
This all seems to be another ends justify the means, for those who think Habba unqualified and looking for any way to block her. I agree she's unqualified. That's no excuse to ignore the law.
Having just quoted Cassel above, perhaps you (and I) are confusing "acting" with "interim".
This is all about the arrest and indictment of LaMonica McIver. It is a glaring example of the judiciary's corruption that federal judges would attempt to empower criminal activity by Democrat politicians by removing Habba to quash the case against McIver.
Justice is served in the end.
How exactly does the defendant in a criminal case have standing to challenge her appointment?
Criminal cases are prosecuted in the name of the United States. Let's say that Habba's interim appointment is illegal. How does that translate into the prosecution is defective?
The AG was confirmed by the Senate. She can approve of all the prosecutions in the district. That makes them validly in the name of the U.S. Beyond that, prosecutions are almost always handled by lower-level prosecutors.
I think the argument is (and I'm not familiar enough with it to know whether I agree with it or not) that the indictment would be invalid.
A private citizen cannot present a case to a United States grand jury. Therefore if the indictment was presented by Habba, and it is found that she had no lawful authority, the indictment is void. And in the federal system, a prosecution cannot continue without an indictment.
I think that's it.
OK. But the US Atty rarely presents it herself, it is almost always by an Assistant USA. So if the AG approved of that, then what is the issue?
If the purported US Attorney is invalidly appointed, wouldn't that invalidity filter through to her assistants?
"A private citizen cannot present a case to a United States grand jury."
That wasn't the common law rule... and I can't find anything in the US Code that forbids this.