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The Three Real Questions That Come After Overruling Employment Division v. Smith
What is a "religion"? When is a religious belief "sincere"? When is a burden on religion "substantial"?
Fulton v. City of Philadelphia is about four years old. Yet, the Court seems no closer to deciding whether to overrule Employment Division v. Smith. Of course, three Justices were ready to do so in Fulton. But Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh had some questions about what would replace Smith. I honestly can't even remember what those questions were. And I'm not sure how much they even matter. I think those questions were mostly filler--Barrett and Kavanaugh had to say something because they were unwilling to overrule Smith. If those questions were really so important, there should have been some subsequent writings to address the point. There haven't been. Indeed Mahmoud went out of its way to avoid talking about Smith. I suspect that Barrett and Kavanaugh are content with Tandon, and now Mahmoud, which make it very unlikely that Smith will need to be revisited.
But, a lot of people still care about Smith. Religious liberty groups bring a steady stream of "Overrule Smith" cert petitions. So far, they've been denied. Sooner or later one of these cases may get a fourth vote for cert. And there is some hard work ahead for the Court.
Here, I will sketch three significant questions that would come after overruling Smith. Each of these questions is premised on a completely predictable outcome: once people realize that the Free Exercise Clause allows them to obtain exemptions from neutral laws, they will suddenly discover that their free exercise of religion is being substantially burdened.
To make things simpler, presume that the answers to each of these three questions will require the Court to change pre-existing doctrine. In other words, by overruling Smith, the Court can establish a new test for strict scrutiny. The Court would not simply restore Sherbert v. Verner or adopt the RFRA standard. This test can give the government a bit more leeway. In my view, many--but not all--of these views can be reconciled with existing doctrine. But this presumption will make the thought experiment simpler.
Many of these issues are discussed in my co-authored article on abortion and religious liberty. I think the moment for these sorts of free exercise claims under state RFRAs have largely petered out. The ability to obtain abortion drugs through the mails has made it unnecessary to raise these sorts of time-consuming and difficult free exercise claims.
Here are the three questions.
Question #1: What is a "religion"?
In Smith, Justice Scalia worried that the Sherbert test allowed every person to become a law unto himself. In other words, a person could gain an exemption from the law by dressing up his political, philosophical, or moral views in the garb of religion. Smith had a religious claim to using a controlled substance, but other people who like to use the same substance may not have the same religious bona fides. For the Free Exercise Clause to be triggered, there has to be religion. What, then, is religion? In most cases, this issue is fairly straightforward. Well-established faiths that have been around for a long time--especially those in existence when the First Amendment was framed--would be religions.
The harder cases would involve new, or recent, faiths. This inquiry blends into the sincerity inquiry. Is this religion an actual religion, established for religious reasons? Or was this religion manufactured for the purpose of gaining exemptions from the law? For example, what if a drug dealer establishes the Church of the Holy Marijuana Leaf, and ordained all of his dealers as ministers?
There is an even harder question lurking under the surface: what about a group that calls itself religious, but rejects all of the traditional indicias of religion. For example, the organization rejects the idea of any higher power, has no rituals, imposes no actual obligations, and so on. Perhaps the organization professes some sort of moral code, but that code has no grounding in anything that traditionally would be understood as religious. If you can tell, I keep using the word tradition. Is there a "history and tradition" approach to deciding what is a religion? Would we consider how the Framers of the First Amendment would have understood a religion? I don't have an answer to these questions here, I am simply raising them.
Question #2: When is a religious belief "sincere"?
It is something of a myth that courts will not probe sincerity. They do. Courts will not determine what the articles of a particular faith are. But they will determine whether a person sincerely adheres to those articles. Historically, these sorts of inquiries are rare. Most people who bring Free Exercise claims in court are presumed sincere. But there are some extreme cases. For example, what happens when a person who is drafted suddenly becomes a Quaker? Or, more commonly, what about prisoners who suddenly discover their Jewish faith as a way to obtain (healthier) Kosher food?
I suppose it is possible to simply measure how long a person has held a particular belief. Or perhaps you can discount a religious belief that was born at a convenient time, such as following the draft or incarceration. But I'm not a fan of these standards. People can find faith during difficult times--there are no atheists in the foxhole, as the saying goes. Why should a person be punished for reaching out to a higher power during difficult times?
In the past, I've written about another way to test sincerity. And this inquiry blurs into the first question about what is a religion. Historically, religions have mandated certain actions, while prohibiting other actions. And a member of that religion should follow at least some of those mandates and prohibitions, because of that religion. Stated differently, is there something you will do because of religion, even if you would otherwise abstain from doing; and is there something you abstain from doing because of religion, even if you would otherwise do it? In my view, if you can identify at least one regular act that fits under either rubric, you have cleared the sincerity threshold. And I say regular to avoid opportunistic claims. You can't simply do something once or for a limited duration. Moreover, if the person stops acting based his beliefs, the exemption should be rescinded.
This bar is not a particularly high. But if a professed religion does not in any way affect how you would otherwise behave, it is more difficult to test whether a religious belief is sincere. In other words, if your religion is merely a facsimile of your personal beliefs, and there is no delta between your religion and your own philosophy, it is harder to establish that there is a religious belief at all--at least a religious exercise that would be cognizable under the Free Exercise Clause.
I freely admit there is a risk with probing sincerity. This sort of inquiry can be weaponized, and exclude worthy claims from protection. That is why I would make the bar very low.
Question #3: When is a burden on religion "substantial"?
In free speech law, the courts will routinely measure the burden on expression. Larger burdens on speech require more more narrow tailoring. But in the context of religion, I'm not sure how much work the word "substantial" plays. Banning a practice seems substantial, but what about making the practice more difficult? What if a state banned ritual Kosher slaughter by requiring that animals must be stunned? This law would certainly make it harder to obtain kosher food, but the food could still be imported from other jurisdictions at a higher cost. Is this burden substantial? Consider anther example. I do not weak a yarmulka in public, though I wear one in synagogue. What if the government passed a law that prohibited wearing religious symbols in government buildings. Could a person who would not otherwise wear a yarmulka in a government building claim a burden that is substantial? I suppose the burden could be described at a high level of abstraction, but is it really substantial?
This third inquiry blurs with the first two questions. Even if a person has a sincerely held belief in certain aspects of a religion, I think the claimant would have to show that the law in question is in fact substantially burdening that particular facet of religion.
It is also worthwhile to consider the facts from Hobby Lobby. Under the ACA, the failure to cover all of the forms of emergency contraception would result in an annual penalty of $2,000 per employee. If we apply the logic of NFIB, there is no actual mandate, but instead a penalty for not purchasing insurance. Justice Alito's majority opinion found that paying the $2,000 penalty was not a viable alternative, as the plaintiffs had "religious reasons for providing health-insurance coverage for their employees." In other words, the employers would still have their religious exercise burdened. But one can imagine a different set of facts where a person of faith could pay a nominal penalty to avoid a mandate that violates their religious exercise. Let's say the penalty in Hobby Lobby was $2 per employee. Would that burden be substantial?
***
I think these are the sorts of difficult questions that the Court would have to wrestle with if Smith were overruled. These are not pleasant questions, because they would likely result in certain people not being able to claim protection under strict scrutiny. People do not like their religion being called not a religion, do not like having their religious beliefs being called insincere, and do not wish to measure how much their religion is being burdened.
I remember well the outrage my posts from 2022 occasioned. Maybe that is reason enough why Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh will leave things as they are. But I do not favor such reasoning based on outcomes. If Smith is wrong as an originalist matter, it should not stand. RFRA has proven that strict scrutiny is a viable method of deciding cases. And the Court could always use a slightly-less-strict scrutiny--based on some of the considerations above--to weed out invalid claims.
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"For example, what if a drug dealer establishes the Church of the Holy Marijuana Leaf"
We already have the Church of Body Modification, established to elevate jewelry from a fashion statement to a religious statement. In the First Circuit, an overly pierced employee in a customer-facing role was found to be a sufficient burden to justify employer infringement on religious practices. In such cases I expect the decision "this is not a substantial burden" to be driven by the unsayable "this is not a real or sincere religion."
Yes. There has to be a difference between your example and claiming that someone is not a "real" Christian because he drinks alcohol or occasionally takes the Lord's name in vain.
The latter would turn courts into religious figure heads who determine, rather literally, who are the true believers. The first example gets rid of jackwagons who want to take advantage of the situtation.
I don't have a nice sounding solution, but any reasonable jurisprudence in this area must be able to distinguish the two.
That's an impossible line to draw. What kind of case would you make to show a religion isn't legit, other than vibes?
"What kind of case would you make to show a religion isn't legit, other than vibes?"
Does anyone else share this "religion"? No, then its not a religion.
See my comment below.
So the second amendment would allow a Jedi to carry a lightsaber into a courthouse?
Judges would rule that their own safety is a compelling government interest satisfying strict scrutiny.
I hope we get a rule that a government banning weapons in a place must provide a secure and convenient system for visitors to leave their weapons at the entrance.
Has the Supreme Court overruled the "Read More" button?
Everything is bigger in Texas, including the "above the fold" part of a post.
Couldn't there be a middle ground? Smith seems to say that there must be no consideration for sincerely held religious beliefs and the overruling of it would suggest that a religious belief must be controlling.
Mahmoud seems to suggest a middle ground. We don't have to eliminate the teaching of gender identity in the schools but must merely allow an opt out. If there is a reasonable middle ground then the government should allow it.
To me, that would suggest that we don't have to allow polygamy and drug use but we can make accommodations for those who don't want to support contraception and gender indoctrination.
Perhaps I could be accused of coming up with a philosophy that insulates my own beliefs but I don't think so. I have no objection to contraception but think it is a small task to get it from somewhere other than your employer.
Middle ground does not exist in many case. The state intrudes on private lives much more than it did at the Founding. And sometimes that conflicts with religious belief and practice.
Let's say a state or municipality completely banned male circumcision. (It was proposed in San Francisco, IIRC, although never enacted.) To put it mildly, that would be a major imposition on Jews and Muslims living there. Under Smith, it would be constitutional, assuming that law did not have numerous exceptions. What's the middle ground in that case?
"The state intrudes on private lives much more than it did at the Founding."
Exactly. A lot of these issues are only issues because of that. I've said this before: The fact that we even NEED religious liberty is evidence that we're unfree, because if we were free, anything that it would make sense to allow as a matter of religious liberty would already be permitted regardless of your motivation.
Leave people the hell alone unless you've got a good reason, a reason sufficient to override religious liberty, to mess with them, and you don't NEED to ask if a religious belief is sincere.
Except the persons religion directly impacts the employer, and they can't ask in advance if a person is religious or will need accommodations.
So now you're saying "this person's religious beliefs trump the rights of everyone else". And the "government gets to decide what is and isn't a reasonable accommodation".
By your own "leave people alone" logic, as long as an employer has neutral rules, they should be allowed to have them. If the religious person doesn't like it, they can leave and find a new job.
So which is it, leave people alone, or mandate religious accommodation?
Mandating religious accommodations (On the part of private employers...) is hardly leaving people alone from the perspective of the person being mandated to accommodate, now, is it?
To confirm, you would say that employers shouldn't need to provide any accommodation to religion.
Which is fine with me, I don't think anyone should be exempt from employer rules that aren't targeted at a specific group / intentionally exclusive. A religious person isn't special because they are religious (which applies to me as well).
Yes, I'd say exactly that. I think employment should be entirely voluntary on BOTH sides, employee AND employer. I can see no principled argument for only one side of this transaction being voluntary, and the other mandated.
You are confusing two different things.
The First Amendment restricts the government from impinging on religion.
The Civil Rights Act requires "reasonable accommodation" for religious practice in employment. E.g., someone observes the Sabbath and wants Saturday off.
Only the latter relates to private employers. And it is not required by the Constitution, it's a law passed by Congress (and in some states.)
To begin, the comment itself was a question to Brett to address the accommodation requirements of employers. The 1st amendment was not discussed at all. Turns out he and I are mostly in agreement: eliminate the religious accommodation requirement.
To follow up to you - The law is a government intrusion into religious space and by its very nature mandates that government determine what a "reasonable accommodation" is. What makes a judge any more correct as to what a "reasonable accommodation" is than the employer? This selection of "reasonable" is what leads down the path of the government determining religious requirements and religious sincerity, and it will by its nature fluctuate over time as American culture changes. Reasonable accommodation in 1965 wouldn't have included giving a Muslim a private room for prayer. Reasonable accommodation in 2025 would.
For me the government shouldn't have any intrusion into religious space, and religious beliefs should receive no more special treatment than any other belief. The only role of government should be not to hinder the practice of religion within your private sphere. No religion or religious belief should be required to be accommodated by anyone else in a private or commercial capacity, excepting commercial rules or exclusions that result from specific intention to penalize a group. Neutral rules that happen to require accommodation to a particular religious belief, but weren't created for targeted exclusion should be acceptable.
I'd go so far as to say even government accommodations to religion should be only those strictly required to enable a person to interact with the government, and that any person claiming a religious accommodation must show that there are more than a set number of people that require such accommodation (a de minimis amount to ensure every person doesn't get special treatment for a claimed belief, as such a system is infeasible)
Of course the middle ground doesn't exist when you make an extreme proposal and ask for a yea or nay on it. A law banning circumcision should be struck down. It is a religious and a health practice dating back millennia and widely practiced in our society.
The very idea that we would ban such a thing is extreme at its inception and is a violation of religious liberty. The middle ground in that debate would be not requiring circumcision but permitting it at the parent's request.
You're right - in fact that's already policy in plenty of institutions. But the right's coming for Smith so middle ground won't cut it.
Many religions or sects were not yet founded in 1787: Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Pentacostalists, Seventh-Day Adventists; Bahais, Hare Krishnas, Reconstructionist Jews. Maybe "in most cases" that reach the Supreme Court, the religion would be newer than the First Amendment.
I think that Smith should have been narrowly decided on the unemployment benefits issue. The lower court handled it that way. Address the wider question in a case that compelled it.
Anyways. The Supreme Court largely avoided defining "religion" though it came up time to time. The statutory Seeger case (ultimate question/place on the level of Supreme Being) provided some helpful suggestions. Some lower courts have too.
Courts (and others) are loathe -- except when they don't like the claim -- to second guess sincerity. See, for instance, when people make religious claims supporting abortion choice.
It probably will be relevant in a few cases but as a general test we are better left to rely on other things. Second guessing will repeatedly be arbitrary or quite open to debate. Respect for religious liberty warrants a large degree of personal discretion.
The "substantial burden" also has not been given much bite in recent years. Signing a form, for instance, was a concern in multiple disputes. The indirect involvement in insurance plans, even if someone else is making the specific decisions.
I think the factor has some relevance. It is hard to line draw but with limited resources and competing concerns, you are going to have to consider it to some degree at times.
We can't just throw our hands up here, realistically, especially since there are statutory religious exemptions and state constitutions have been interpreted to apply pre-Smith analysis.
Joe is right. Seeger had to save Congress from Establishment Clause problems it was some times oblivious to. And it did so deftly.
ISWYDT.
While Professor Blackman sometimes raises serious questions, I think I will wait to make my main comments for a Conspirator who offers a more serious discussion about those questions.
I’ll just say briefly here that I think it would be a serious mistake to regard the questions Justice Barrett raised and said would need to be answered satisfactorily in order to overrule Smith as “filler.” These are serious and legitimate questions. I think they represent Justice Barrett’s real concerns. Professor Blackman fails to give Justice Barrett and her viewpoint the credit and respect they both deseve by positing her concurrence as motivated otherwise.
Similarly, I think it would be a grave mistake to posit not immediately jumping into the question of whether to overrule Smith as being dilatory. Not everyone jumps into questions as hastily and as thoughtlessly as Professor Blackman thinks appropriate. I think that when Justice Barrett said these questions need serious thought, she meant exactly what she said. She has also expressed concern that wholesale revision of past cases too quickly threatens the Court’s legitimacy as a court. She is therefore is allowing cases to percolate and deciding them on other grounds where possible, waiting both for a case that squarely presents the question, and for a body of law applying the “ modified Smith” approach the Court is now taking, with more stringent standards for “neutrality” and “general applicability,” to be deceloped and fleshed out, before deciding whether to proceed any further.
I would also say that Professor Blackman deprication of Kreminology may reflect undue modesty on his part, and indeed not give himself enough credit. Not only is he something of an expert on the subject, his writings often tend to suggest that it’s really his main field. As the old business saying goes, if the only tool in uour toolkit is a hammar, the whole world starts looking like a nail. I think an analogous reflection on Professor Blackman’s conceptual toolkit may help explain why he keeps tending to see concerns the Justices have that I and other outsiders might see as perfectly legitimate and a normal part of a mindset seeking a careful, thorough, and deliberative discourse before arriving at answers to major questions, as instead being essentially political and Kreminological in nature.
Here's a reminder of what Scalia had to say in Employment Division v. Smith (internal quotations and citations omitted):
It is no more appropriate for judges to determine the "centrality" of religious beliefs before applying a "compelling interest" test in the free exercise field than it would be for them to determine the "importance" of ideas before applying the "compelling interest" test in the free speech field. What principle of law or logic can be brought to bear to contradict a believer's assertion that a particular act is "central" to his personal faith? Judging the centrality of different religious practices is akin to the unacceptable "business of evaluating the relative merits of differing religious claims."
As we reaffirmed only last Term, "[i]t is not within the judicial ken to question the centrality of particular beliefs or practices to a faith, or the validity of particular litigants' interpretation of those creeds." Repeatedly and in many different contexts, we have warned that courts must not presume to determine the place of a particular belief in a religion or the plausibility of a religious claim.
If the "compelling interest" test is to be applied at all, then, it must be applied across the board, to all actions thought to be religiously commanded. Moreover, if "compelling interest" really means what it says (and watering it down here would subvert its rigor in the other fields where it is applied), many laws will not meet the test. Any society adopting such a system would be courting anarchy, but that danger increases in direct proportion to the society's diversity of religious beliefs, and its determination to coerce or suppress none of them. Precisely because "we are a cosmopolitan nation made up of people of almost every conceivable religious preference," and precisely because we value and protect that religious divergence, we cannot afford the luxury of deeming presumptively invalid, as applied to the religious objector, every regulation of conduct that does not protect an interest of the highest order. The rule respondents favor would open the prospect of constitutionally required religious exemptions from civic obligations of almost every conceivable kind -- ranging from compulsory military service, to the payment of taxes, to health and safety regulation such as manslaughter and child neglect laws, compulsory vaccination laws, drug laws, and traffic laws; to social welfare legislation such as minimum wage laws, child labor laws, animal cruelty laws, environmental protection laws, and laws providing for equality of opportunity for the races. The First Amendment's protection of religious liberty does not require this.
Values that are protected against government interference through enshrinement in the Bill of Rights are not thereby banished from the political process. Just as a society that believes in the negative protection accorded to the press by the First Amendment is likely to enact laws that affirmatively foster the dissemination of the printed word, so also a society that believes in the negative protection accorded to religious belief can be expected to be solicitous of that value in its legislation as well. It is therefore not surprising that a number of States have made an exception to their drug laws for sacramental peyote use. But to say that a nondiscriminatory religious practice exemption is permitted, or even that it is desirable, is not to say that it is constitutionally required, and that the appropriate occasions for its creation can be discerned by the courts. It may fairly be said that leaving accommodation to the political process will place at a relative disadvantage those religious practices that are not widely engaged in; but that unavoidable consequence of democratic government must be preferred to a system in which each conscience is a law unto itself or in which judges weigh the social importance of all laws against the centrality of all religious beliefs.
I think that Scalia's later years had some ... real misses. But one thing I miss is his keen appreciation for the need for civic society and democratic norms in general. He had a true understanding that we did not want a constant parade of cases where courts were constantly balancing religion against government- and, more specifically, all the varieties of religion that a pluralistic society like America will have.
His concern for judges making these judgment calls might have been helpful in later cases when RFRA was applied in federal cases.
*shrug* Statutes come and go, and can get modified or changed. I personally think that the RFRA is bad law, but I'd rather have a bad law than a bad constitutional decision.
But I think that we are seeing, with the increasing weaponization of the RFRA (and the attempts to constitutionalize it by overturning Smith) the exact problems that he was warning about. Religious liberty isn't made better by having courts decided religious matters. If anything, we can see that it causes more divisiveness and discord.
I'd rather have a bad law than a bad constitutional decision
The bad law requires federal judges to do something, as Scalia flagged, with troubling constitutional implications. This includes stretching the abilities of courts & the likelihood of arbitrary results.
It's good that the law, unlike a constitutional decision, can simply be changed by a new law. But the concern holds.
Your last paragraph is what I've heard were Justice Barrett's (and other justices) concerns about anything that might replace Smith.
Maybe it's just self-interest (onerous work load opening Pandora boxes), and why the Court has also been reluctant to wade into the Second Amendment thicket. But I think describes well Justice Scalia's attitude as expressed in his desire for a "stupid but constitutional" stamp to be used on some of the cases that came to the high court.
cosmopolitan nation
we value and protect that religious divergence
These things may sound nice, warm, and fuzzy, but they can not be tools to diverge away from bonding a group into a functional society ; the purpose, the end result, is to form cohesive unity, to be together, to promote the whole, to be individuals united.
Cosmopolitan and religious divergence are not an anything goes proposition and unbounded, especially when government allows harm to the very nature of its reason for being, which is a unifying structure for all people. Union means compromise, as is the way of healthful life.
Here's a novel concept: maybe Smith shouldn't be overruled????
It would be a travesty of the spirit of the Constitution to overrule Smith but only for religions that existed in 1789. That's the stupid logic of overruling Smith on originalist grounds.
If they actually ruled that way, to only recognize religions which existed in 1791 (or 1868), that would also remove apply to modern printers and printing presses and modern guns. I don't think they'd be that stupid.
I don't think anyone is suggesting that only religions existing in 1789 are protected. We want to distinguish between what is really religious and what is made up to justify conduct.
The fact that a religion existed far before 1789 is a reason to believe that it wasn't made up recently to justify conduct. If the religion started in 1997, that is likely a reason to suspect that it was.
Not definitive, but it is much like the example in Blackman's article. If I formed a religion in 2018 and one of its central tenets was that people should drive drunk all the time, it sure looks like I want to protect an illegal activity, not follow my deeply held convictions.
I have from time to time suggested that the Court increase the quantum of evidence needed to establish threshold sincerity to include a requirement that the basis of the belief was in existence before the government rule in question, and not simply made up in response to it. While this rule would tend in practice to favor older and more organized religions, who have bodies of written teachings, canon law, and decisions they can refer to, it would not prevent a newer or less organized religious belief from being asserted.
While such a rule would not require a pre-existing belief regarding the exact rule in question - an opposition to participating in war would be sufficient to support objecting to working in a tank factory, for example - it would have enough teeth to present a generalized “my body is my Temple” from getting one out of COVID vaccinations, not to mention the prisoner who, after incarceration, suddenly discovered a new religion in which porn was scripture that he was religiously compelled to watch, or similar behavior for people who want to avoid government rules against drugs, group sex, abortion, etc.
Similarly, there will be from time to time brand new iissues or new government rules that no religion could be expected to have developed prior doctrine to address. The proposed evidentiary burden on sincerity is in no way intended to become a license for government lawyers to devise zero-day exploits. But these issues could be worked through.
Yes, I've never understood the rationality or legitimacy of the anti-COVID vax religious objection, if those making it didn't previously object to vaccines in general (like the Amish). Sure, there is a large overlap with more general anti-vaxxer (nutters) in this population. Phony pretext.
You system seems very reasonable but I am unsure how you simply declare that refusing to work in a munitions factory is covered but not wanting a vaccination is not.
It seems like if you describe the activity as a "Covid vaccination" then you have described an activity not previously covered by religious beliefs. If you simply said "vaccination" you would find that many religions support abstention.
Personally I think both are terribly hard questions. I just don't see how your rule readily provides an answer to both.
I don't think much of an argument is being made that only religions around in 1787 should be protected. Mormons count.
Religious liberty includes the development of new religions.
The argument is more that we should use an originalist definition of "religion" and/or look at the traditional criteria used.
That might cause problems, but it isn't the same thing.
For example, what if a drug dealer establishes the Church of the Holy Marijuana Leaf and ordained all of his dealers as ministers.
The state in Oregon v. Smith argued that there was realistically no non-arbitrary way to protect peyote without also protecting other illegal drugs in religious liberty cases.
Multiple lower court opinions have purported to do so. The Supreme Court has managed to do so. Toss in Hoasca. Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal.
A general argument is that peyote is a small-scale thing and there is no major risk of leakage. Claims for marijuana use regularly involve people using large quantiles. And there is a large illegal market. Similar arguments were made for other hard drugs.
This argument only goes so far if we have a serious respect for religious liberty. Marijuana from ancient times has been used as a mind-altering drug for religious reasons. It might not be the types of religion people respected. But that isn't quite how it works.
The fact there is a large illegal market raises the question of the legitimacy of that. If it is a drug used for a religious purpose, perhaps it should not be illegal.
It will turn on the compelling state interest of the law. Put aside marijuana use can be defended for health and other reasons.
[Justice Tom Clark, after he retired as a justice but still was filling in as a lower court judge, wrote an article suggesting marijuana possession was protected by the right to privacy.]
So, sure, we can think about the hypo. Or, we can just consider them as a general supplier of religious goods, without being a church at all. A secular business can supply sacramental wine.
The religious liberty claim can still be easily imagined.
I think a fundamental difference is that the Native American religions involved preceded American drug laws. This means they could not have been made up in response to them. See my general comment above about increasing the quantum of evidence necessary to establish sincerity.
marijuana from ancient times has been used as a mind-altering drug for religious reasons.
https://blog.growlink.com/the-ancient-history-of-the-cannabis-plant
The drug dealer hypo is a fairly easy call for sincerity. OTOH, there has long been a sincere use of marijuana to alter consciousness in ways that have a religious-like quality.
The use of marijuana also had a counterculture quality as a protest of drug laws in some respects but that also raises other First Amendment interests.
"The fact there is a large illegal market raises the question of the legitimacy of that. If it is a drug used for a religious purpose, perhaps it should not be illegal.
It will turn on the compelling state interest of the law. Put aside marijuana use can be defended for health and other reasons."
I think you are being coy. We know the interest at stake in drug possession laws. The people, through their elected representatives, believe that the use and possession of such drugs are a moral evil and that they cause a net negative to society by their use. There's nothing that we need to analyze about compelling interests and the like. We know what the interest is.
Your first statement seems to argue public policy. "Perhaps" we shouldn't outlaw certain drugs. Maybe. That doesn't answer the question of whether the government has the power to do so.
You then mention religion and then in the third paragraph (not quoted) you suggest that a right to privacy might protect drug use from government interference. Which is it, religion or privacy? And isn't drug use always included in the parade of horribles if we take the right of privacy too far?
I think the main question in these cases is "Does my religion prohibit X" if so we use one standard. If we have "Did I invent a religion so I could do X" then we have no heightened scrutiny for X.
I am not being "coy." I'm seriously raising the issues.
Something, be it a right or useful policy, need not be based on one ground. I don't have to pick one box. The children in Barnette ultimately won on free speech grounds. Free exercise was important too. It wasn't just one thing. Rights often overlap.
There should be an appeal to something more than "moral evil" and "net negative," especially if constitutional rights are at stake.
Those terms are basically meaningless buzzwords.
And isn't drug use always included in the parade of horribles if we take the right of privacy too far?
It is a common citation but far from absolute as noted in my very comment. See also, Ravin v. State.
The right to privacy includes private religious choices. As noted, selectively, certain drug usage was protected there.
"Parade of horribles" regularly are parlor games & the line drawing is somewhat more nuanced.
You are begging the question by assuming that constitutional rights are at stake. I don't think that most legal scholars would agree.
Then you load the dice and claim without support that the reasons for drug prohibition simply are not enough to overcome the constitutional right that you have invented.
Drugs are illegal for the same reasons that drunken driven is illegal (or anything else for that matter). We the people, through our elected representatives have decided that for whatever good might come of the activity, it is outweighed by the negatives.
That belief in a representative society is enough, unless you prove that one has a right to recreational drug use. And I don't believe that you have come close to doing that.
"Drugs are illegal for the same reasons that drunken driven is illegal..."
I don't think this is right. Drunken driving is illegal for the same reason reckless driving is illegal. The potential for harm is increased over drinking without driving, over driving without drinking, and over driving not recklessly.
Drug use by itself does nothing to increase the potential for harm to others. Drug use is illegal because many people equate drugs with "bad".
As far as the right to drug use, I think you have it backwards. If an amendment was required to ban alcohol use how does the government have the power to ban drug use?
Because one came while enumerated powers doctrine was still being enforced by the judiciary and taken seriously by politicians, and the other came after the courts had given up on enforcing constitutional limits on federal power.
"Drug use by itself does nothing to increase the potential for harm to others. Drug use is illegal because many people equate drugs with "bad"."
You don't believe that lives, including those of close friends and family are destroyed by drug use? How many young people die from drug overdoses, for example?
We look at that and take whatever positives would come from legal drug use: the personal freedom angle, or the mythical man who recreationally uses heroin after a hard day's work and conclude that the negatives of drug use far outweigh the positives.
I'm not sure why you would dispute that rationale. It seems that you would make a different choice about drugs and that's fine but it doesn't elevate it to the status of a constitutional right.
As far as the prohibition amendment, that was when we still took the interstate commerce clause seriously and courts enforced it. The feds had no power to ban alcohol until the Court gave the interstate commerce clause an expansive definition so Congress was empowered to ban it.
My discussion isn't about whether Congress has the power. I am talking about state level bans.
The religious exemption from social security taxes applies to members of "a religious sect that makes a reasonable provision of food, shelter and medical care for its dependent members and has done so continuously since December 31, 1950". New religions do not qualify. https://www.ssa.gov/faqs/en/questions/KA-02411.html
I think that provision has an as applied challenge written over almost every word of it.
I mean, what is a "reasonable provision" of food? Hardtack? Blini and caviar?
I could do a whole brief challenging that.
My $0.02:
I don't think Smith should be overruled.
That said, one of the requirements of Smith is that a law be "generally applicable". I think there should be a stricter and narrower definition of what constitutes a "generally applicable" law.
What limitations would you have for what constitutes a "generally applicable" law?
42 U.S. Code § 2000a
(a) Equal access
All persons shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the goods, services, facilities, privileges, advantages, and accommodations of any place of public accommodation, as defined in this section, without discrimination or segregation on the ground of race, color, religion, or national origin.
The phrase "on the ground of ... reiigion..." could refer to the entity or person that discriminates and not to the person that seeks relief.
"In other words, if your religion is merely a facsimile of your personal beliefs, and there is no delta between your religion and your own philosophy, it is harder to establish that there is a religious belief at all--at least a religious exercise that would be cognizable under the Free Exercise Clause."
I'm calling BS on this bit. The late eighteenth century was peak dudes-making-up-religions-based-on-their-personal-beliefs. It's called Protestantism. The freedom to live by your own personal beliefs is entirely the point.
Everyone acts as if applying strict scrutiny to everything would show we've taken the first amendment too far, rather than it being the natural and even intended consequence of the first amendment. The language of strict scrutiny is a more recent thing, but I thought it was very explicit that the first amendment was intended to seriously curtail what had until then been bog standard government actions. Were there really founders who supported the first amendment who would have balked if you told them "this means the government will have to demonstrate that it's using the least restrictive means to achieve a compelling government interest whenever it does anything?" Or would they have been more likely to say, "Fellas, I think we just found the wording for an eleventh amendment?"
Apply strict scrutiny to everything. Problem solved.
re: #2 - Assessing the sincerity of a religious belief is no different than assessing the credibility of a witness. Courts (and the rest of us) do that every day - likely thousands of times a day. Yes, it can be tricky in particular cases. No, bright-line rules don't help. It's a judgement about whether the other person is telling the truth. At the root, though, it's not particularly hard problem.
Or more precisely, it is hard but we have a lot of practice doing it.
"Assessing the sincerity of a religious belief is no different than assessing the credibility of a witness."
Exactly.
But the problem is where we set the bar. Is a person not a "true" Christian if he goes to the bar on Saturday night and committed adultery ten years ago?
I'm sincerely asking. Should those facts make a judge think that the petitioner does not have a true religious conviction on issue X because he breaks other rules of Christianity?
You're asking the wrong question. Whether a person is a "true" anthing is irrelevant because the court does not and may not inquire into the beliefs themselves, only whether they are sincerely held. If I believe that being a Christian includes being allowed to go to the bar on Saturday night, you don't get to question my interpretation of Christianity. Likewise, you don't get to question my interpretation that Christianity includes the possibility of redemption.
You only get to question whether I am sincere in my belief in that interpretation. If I say, for example, that my interpretation of Christianity requires me to go to the bar every Saturday but I only actually go on nights when my favorite Irish band was playing, you could validly question my sincerity. Likewise, you could question my sincerity if my belief was suddenly discovered only after you told me that I had to work a Saturday shift. But only question. Like assessing the credibility of a witness, the fact-finder must assess the totality of cincumstances when deciding whether or not the belief is sincerely held.
But it is the personal belief that is tested, not whether my belief lines up with some priest or external authority's statement of what other's should believe.
You're mistaking credibility for authenticity.
Sure, we can test credibility just fine. But spiritual matters are not amenable to any of the other usual sources of evidence.
Which makes credibility determination - a pretty subjective function - the sole determination.
That's a recipe for some bad law.
Nope, not mistaking it at all. Whether someone is an "authentic" X is irrelevant. Authenticity can only be measured against some external benchmark. One is an "authentic" Catholic if you do what the Pope says. But in the Protestant tradition - and the precedents set in our judicial system - religion is a highly ideosyncratic and personal relationship with whatever you believe is your higher power.
Which means that, yes, all that matters is credibility - is your stated belief sincerely held. Yes, it's a subjective assessment. So is assessing the credibility of a witness. Yes, it's imperfect. But as I said above, we've all had a lot of practice at it.
Yet another example of:
1. Blackman's outcome based jurisprudence
2. His blind contempt for the law clerk of one of his alleged heroes, where he obscures his criticisms of Justice Scalia's opinion while demanding this decision be overturned, while denigrating the object of his derision Justice Barrett who has signaled reluctance to overturn it without a coherent alternative.