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Can Federal Prosecutors Avoid Judicial Review of Dismissal Motions by Agreeing in Advance With a Defendant Not to Prosecute?
The Justice Department and Boeing are trying that dubious maneuver, which eviscerates the requirement in the federal rules that judges must approve dismissal motions.
Currently before Judge O'Connor in the long-running criminal prosecution of Boeing is the Justice Department's recently filed motion to dismiss. I've blogged about this case many times before, including here, here, and here. Boeing is facing a federal conspiracy charge, filed in January 2021, for defrauding the FAA about the safety of Boeing's 737 MAX aircraft. Late yesterday, I filed an opposition to the motion to dismiss for fifteen Boeing 737 MAX crashes victims families. The opposition not only presents strong objections to the Department walking away from the prosecution, but also presents an important separation of powers question about whether courts will continue to have the power to review prosecutors' motions to dismiss.
Some background about dismissal motions is helpful helpful here: Under Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 48(a), a dismissal requires "leave of court." This judicial review has been part of the rules for more than 80 years and is designed to check potential prosecutorial abuses. It is standard practice for federal courts to review dismissal motions, and even hold hearings on them if there is some question about the grounds for dismissal. VC readers may recall my (and my co-bloggers) earlier posts, for example, on the dismissal motion in the Mayor Adams case.
In yesterday's filing, my lead argument opposing the pending motion to dismiss the Boeing charge concerns an unprecedented maneuver by the Justice Department. Before filing its motion to dismiss with the Court, the Justice Department negotiated with Boeing a non-prosecution agreement (NPA). The parties included in their NPA a provision in which the Department agreed not to further prosecute Boeing. This provision took effect several weeks ago, even before Judge O'Connor has had an opportunity to rule on the currently pending motion to dismiss.
In my opposition for the victims' families, I explain why this subterfuge would destroy Rule 48(a)'s judicial review requirement:
If this Court approves the parties' maneuver in this widely publicized case, then this unprecedented approach will likely become the blueprint for all future dismissal motions in federal criminal prosecutions. Before filing a motion to dismiss under Rule 48(a), the Government and the defendant will simply enter into a non-prosecution agreement containing the no-further-prosecution language found here. Then the Government will file its dismissal motion, and any action that the Court might take thereafter becomes essentially irrelevant. For example, even if the Court were to provide a perfectly good (but previously unconsidered) reason for the Government to move forward with prosecuting the case, the Government has already committed not to do so.
Against this backdrop, approving the Government's and Boeing's audacious scheme would effectively block Rule 48(a) from achieving the purposes it was designed to serve. The Rule provides judicial review of prosecutors' dismissal motions so that "[t]he public and crime victims, not to mention the government and defendants, necessarily and correctly see accountability with Article III from start to finish." Ryan, 88 F.4th at 625 n.9. It has long been recognized that, by adopting Rule 48(a), "the Supreme Court intended to … vest[] in the courts the power and duty to exercise a discretion for the protection of the public interest …." Id. at 628 n.12 (citing Cowan, 524 F.2d at 511). As a result, "[p]ublic perception and confidence in the criminal justice system assume that when criminal charges are submitted for judicial resolution, the courts vigilantly will enforce the public interest …." Id. at 626.
The Government and Boeing's private agreement to evade any judicial protection of the public interest is "'clearly contrary to manifest public interest public interest' as assessed 'at the time of the [motion] to dismiss.'" Id. at 627 (quoting Hamm, 659 F.2d at 629). Simply put, it cannot be in the public interest to eliminate the judiciary's public interest review. Tautologically, the very purpose of public interest review is to protect the public interest. For whatever reason, the Government and Boeing may find that review distasteful. But it is this Court's obligation to enforce Rule 48(a)'s mandate.
This maneuver also violated the families' rights under the Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA). My brief explains that during two meetings with the families, the Justice Department suggested that it was going to allow Judge O'Connor to consider the motion to dismiss before the Department entered into an agreement blocking further prosecution of Boeing:
By deceptively creating the impression that it would proceed through the normal course of allowing a judicial decision on its Rule 48(a) motion to dismiss, the Government deprived the victims' families of their "reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the Government in the case." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(5). While the Government need not confer about every minor detail of a proposed resolution, the no-further-prosecution provision is a staggeringly important and unprecedented provision that the Government should have disclosed and discussed with the victims' families. The "reasonable right to confer" would necessarily encompass such an important provision, particularly where the victims' families and their counsel could—and did—assume that the Justice Department would not maneuver to avoid Rule 48(a) scrutiny. For the same reasons, concealing from the victims' families this shift from normal processes violated the families CVRA right to be "treated with fairness." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(8).
I also advance other arguments against the motion to dismiss.
One of the most significant problems with the dismissal is that the Department is proposing that the motion to dismiss be "without prejudice." Dismissal without prejudice would purportedly allow the Department to re-file the criminal charge if Boeing failed to live up to its NPA obligations, particularly its obligations to improve its corporate compliance and safety measures. But Boeing's obligations in the accompanying NPA are unenforceable. The parties have neglected to inform the Court that the underlying statute of limitations on Boeing's conspiracy crime has now expired. Accordingly, the Government's claim that a dismissal would somehow be "without prejudice"—i.e., would leave it free to re-file the charge against Boeing and pursue prosecution—is a sham.
I also argue that granting the motion to dismiss would exempt Boeing from any independent monitoring of its corporate compliance and safety efforts. Last December, Judge O'Connor rejected a proposed plea agreement as against the public interest where that agreement failed to provide for adequate monitoring of Boeing. The proposed NPA backtracks from even those insufficient monitoring measures and thus is, by definition, even further contrary to the public interest than last year's now-rejected plea deal.
I also argue that the Department and Boeing are ignoring Judge O'Connor's previous ruling that Boeing directly and proximately caused the deaths of 346 passengers and crew in the two Boeing 737 MAX crashes. The parties are now asking him to approve the motion to dismiss because it allegedly secures the maximum possible fine against Boeing. But their arguments ultimately rest on inaccurate sentencing guidelines calculations that assume Boeing's crime was victimless—contrary to the Court's previous ruling. Rather than lend its approval to the parties' misleading calculations, Judge O'Connor should deny the motion to dismiss for this reason as well.
I also explain that the proposed motion to dismiss rests on "additional victim compensation" payments by Boeing that would be paid directly to the victims' families. These payments appear designed to persuade the families to support the NPA and thus allow the company to essentially buy its way out of a criminal conviction. I argue for the victims' families I represent that the Court should not endorse such a clear violation of the fundamental principle that rich and poor alike are to be treated equally in the administration of criminal justice.
In terms of next steps in the case, the Justice Department and Boeing have an opportunity to reply. And then the issue of whether to dismiss the criminal charge against Boeing for the "deadliest corporate crime in U.S. history" will be squarely before Judge O'Connor.
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I have to admit, it does take a bit of chutzpah for Prof. Cassell to recount the narrative of this case without, um, noting that his involvement is what led us to this point.
I would further note that Prof. Cassell does not reference the other recent case in which the DOJ chose to dismiss a prosecution ... and under much more questionable circumstances (ones that led to a lot of resignations). Kinda weird that he failed to mention that!
In fairness, it's in front of Judge Reed "Shoot first, ask questions later" O'Connor, so it's anyone's guess what law-like substance might emerge, but I actually do expect a little more analysis and soul-searching from Cassell beyond the repeated "nudge nudge, wink wink, check out the judge" allusions in the post. You might as well post the meme from Dumb and Dumber saying, "It's Judge O'Connor .. so you're you're telling me there's a chance?"
For those of us less informed, what was his involvement which led us to this point? Curious about whether that is a fair assessment.
I'm also not quite sure what this situation has to do with the other recent case, and whether it was deficient for Professor Cassell not to mention that.
Um, for all Prof. Cassell's faults, he did mention that!
.... if you look, he just says that there was commentary and links to one of his own posts. Doesn't really... you know ... talk about the result.
I'm certainly no fan of Boeing, but can it really be right that the court can force the Executive Branch to prosecute a case that it doesn't want to prosecute?
I know! It's almost like we had this fact pattern recently. Admittedly, you'd have to have a little less Boeing, and a little more Turkish Airways.... 🙂
I mean, I know people have short memories, but I recall this being a big deal? I swear, every week with this administration feels like a decade.
Your memory is far too short. Judge Emmet Sullivan refused to let the government dismiss the charges against Michael Flynn. It was wrong in that case, and it's wrong here. The government cannot be compelled to prosecute someone.
He's talking about Mayor Adams.
Look, I'm not going to defend those shenanigans, but we need to be careful with our verbiage about the procedural posture in Flynn.
The dispute in 48(a) really over how much of a rubber stamp to apply. Arguably*, the procedural problems in Flynn started because the appeal was in the nature of a mandamus prior to a determination by Sullivan.
The end result of Flynn was the same as it was in New York- dismissal.
Look, this isn't a partisan issue when it comes to the law (Flynn, meet Adams). Instead, it's more of the mind-boggling nature of how Cassell's intervention (and O'Connor's ... well, O'Connor-ness) is what led us to this point, and why Cassell is continuing to dig. Perhaps he is hopeful that he can somehow get Boeing off completely?
*Again, I'm trying to be neutral. I am not saying that Flynn's attorneys did anything incorrect by seeking the mandamus given ... let's just say the delays ... in adjudication.
ETA- I didn't bring up Flynn, btw, only because we literally just had an incredibly high profile case on this fact pattern. It's not like I had to dig deep into history.
1) Sullivan did not "refuse" to do anything.
2) That was in a very different procedural posture, since Flynn had already pleaded guilty and there was no "prosecuting" remaining to be done.
I think we have to question whether, under current interpretations of Executive constitutional authority, Congress actually has the power to enact Rule 48(a). If the Executive has unilateral discretion to decide whether or not to prosecute, and that discretion derives from the Constitution itself as distinct from the common law or some other extra-constitutional source, then Congress cannot constitutionally make a decision to dismiss a prosecution subject to the oversight of the courts. If courts can’t constitutionally oversee the executive, then a rule providing for such oversight is either a toothless formality or it’s unconstitutional.
That said, I think this particular non-prosecution agreement contains a provision courts migbt potentially be able to object to. It doesn’t merely reflect an administration’s decision not to prosecute. It purports to bind all future administrations. And that, I think, may go beyond the Executive’s constitutional prosecutorial discretion.
If that’s the case, the courts might potentially use Rule 48(a) to prohibit or at least refuse to enforce agreements that purport to bind future prosecutors. One way of doing that would be to tell the parties that, while they have no authority over an Executive decision not to prosecute, Rule 48(a) gives them authority to only dismiss the case without prejudice and to strike or regard as non-binding any agreement language that purports to bind future administrations’ prosecutorial discretion, unless the victim impact is considered and an acceptable agreement taking it into account is reached.
This is a thoughtful, logical, and well-reasoned analysis. Are you sure you meant to post it on this website?
You suggestion is legally valid. But there are the practical realities of the statute of limitations and the right to a speedy trial. If the court followed your suggestion, can a different administration proceed in four years? Maybe.
True. But to compare it to another well-known provision that limits what the feds want to do, but not often and not by much, it will probably happen more often than laws get struck down under the Commerce Clause.
The SOL for conspiracy is 5 years. It starts when the conspiracy ends. Given that the indictment has been there since 2021, I assume that the statute will run by 2029.
(Is there a tolling provision in federal criminal law for charges while they are pending? I don't know. Many states have such tolling for civil claims, but I don't know for criminal.)
Good catch!
If the Executive has ultimate pardon authority then certainly they have unilateral discretion on prosecution too.
Not necessarily, as the Adams case reflects: even if congress+a court cannot force a prosecution to go forward, there is still a question of whether to dismiss with prejudice or without prejudice.
The pertinent part of Rule 48 states:
"The government may, with leave of court, dismiss an indictment, information, or complaint."
So the rule only comes into effect if one of those has been filed.
The question becomes, then, what happens if (a) the judge refuses to dismiss the indictment, information, or complaint, and (b) the government refuses to go forward. I don't think the courts can order the government to proceed. If the government puts on no evidence, then there has to be an acquittal as a matter of law.
(Or the government can put on one witness:
Q: State Your Name.
A: John Doe.
Q: The government rests its case.)
My reaction to the headline, which may not be a completely accurate summary of the particular merits here...
Sure, the government could agree not to prosecute, in collusion with the defendant, without ever making a motion to dismiss. The great risk is a change of administration, if the statute of limitations has not expired. Which may be part of the calculus.
One other thought comes to mind with this gambit, that the government deliberately denies the defendant a speedy trial, to encourage a dismissal. Short of a court appointing a special prosecutor, I don't see how you can prevent the government from not prosecuting if it does not want to. Even when there is a compelling victim's rights law.
DOJ should just draft something for Trump giving clemency to Boeing other than the negotiated fine. Its a farce at this point.
Victims can be compensated through the tort system.
Question. As a corporation Boeing is not going to jail. It has agreed to pay a hefty fine and compensation. So what difference will it make if it is convicted or not? The symbolism? The possibility of higher fines?
It is a tool for personal injury lawyers to fleece Boeing stockholders for millions of dollars.
Boeing is the one trying to fleece the public. They designed the 737-MAX with larger engines which changed the flight characteristics, but lied to the FAA that the changes were nominal and pilots did not need retraining. Boeing lied, 346 died, and it was entirely the result of Boeing having lied to the FAA and to its customers.
No, you are complaining about gray areas in regulatory compliance ten years ago. Those deaths were accidents.
And if the court denies the government’s motion to dismiss, what then? Can the judiciary force the executive to prosecute? Or will it prosecute on its own? Talk about a separation of powers issue.
Whatever the merits of the case, the decision to bring charges or dismiss them is a quintessential executive power.