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Justices Gorsuch and Thomas Dissent from Court's Declining to Hear Apache Religious Freedom Case
From today's dissent from denial of certiorari by Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justice Thomas, in Apache Stronghold v. U.S.:
For centuries, Western Apaches have worshipped at Chí'chil Biłdagoteel, or Oak Flat. They consider the site a sacred and "direct corridor to the Creator." It is a place where tribal members conduct "religious ceremonies that cannot take place elsewhere." Recognizing Oak Flat's significance, the government has long protected both the land and the Apaches' access to it.
No more. Now, the government and a mining conglomerate want to turn Oak Flat into a massive hole in the ground. To extract copper lying beneath the land, they plan to blast tunnels that will result in a crater perhaps 1,000 feet deep and nearly two miles wide. "It is undisputed" that the government's plan will permanently "destroy the Apaches' historical place of worship, preventing them from ever again engaging in religious exercise" at Oak Flat.
Seeking to halt the destruction of the Apaches' sacred site, Apache Stronghold, a nonprofit organization, sued under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA). That law prevents the federal government from "substantially burden[ing] a person's exercise of religion," unless that burden represents "the least restrictive means of furthering [a] compelling governmental interest." In a sharply divided en banc decision, the Ninth Circuit rejected Apache Stronghold's challenge. Though the government's plan will result in the destruction of an ancient sacred site, the Ninth Circuit reasoned, that plan does "not impose a substantial burden on religious exercise."
Apache Stronghold asks us to review the Ninth Circuit's extraordinary conclusion. But the Court today turns aside the group's request. Respectfully, that is a grave mistake. This case meets every one of the standards we usually apply when assessing petitions for certiorari: The decision below is highly doubtful as a matter of law, it takes a view of the law at odds with those expressed by other federal courts of appeals, and it is vitally important. Before allowing the government to destroy the Apaches' sacred site, this Court should at least have troubled itself to hear their case….
In cases like Sherbert v. Verner (1963), and Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972), the Ninth Circuit observed, this Court asked whether the government's challenged action imposed a substantial burden on religion, whether that burden served a compelling interest, and whether the government's chosen means were narrowly tailored. Later, the Ninth Circuit continued, this Court upended that approach in Employment Div., Dept. of Human Resources of Ore. v. Smith (1990), by holding that Sherbert and Yoder's test for Free Exercise claims does not apply to challenged governmental actions that are "'neutral'" toward and among religions and "generally applicable" to all persons. Later still, the Ninth Circuit noted, Congress expressed displeasure with Smith, adopted RFRA, and in doing so effectively guaranteed the Sherbert and Yoder test would be applied "in all cases where free exercise of religion is substantially burdened." …
{[But w]hile the phrase "substantial burden" generally reaches actions that "preven[t] access to religious exercise," the [Ninth Circuit en banc] majority said, that rule does not apply to actions involving "a disposition of government real property."} The court pointed to [a] pre-Smith [Free Exercise Clause] case, Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Assn. (1988). That case involved a First Amendment challenge to a plan to construct a road on federal land near sacred tribal sites. On the Ninth Circuit's telling, Lyng set forth a special test for analyzing whether the government's "disposition" of its real property runs afoul of the Free Exercise Clause. That test, the Ninth Circuit said, permits the government to do as it pleases with its property as long as it has no "tendency to coerce individuals into acting contrary to their religious beliefs" and does not "discriminat[e]" against or among religious adherents. In the Ninth Circuit's view, what counts as a "substantial burden" under RFRA "must be construed in light of " this Court's pre-Smith First Amendment jurisprudence and thus must be understood to "subsum[e], rather than abrogat[e], the holding of Lyng." …
There are many reasons to think {the Ninth Circuit erred} …. Consider just a few of them.
First, the Ninth Circuit's interpretation of the phrase "substantial burden" is difficult to reconcile with the statutory text. As a matter of ordinary meaning, after all, an action that prevents a religious exercise does not just burden that exercise substantially, it burdens it completely. Even the Ninth Circuit seemed to recognize as much, acknowledging that, as a rule, the government imposes a substantial burden on religious exercises when it "prevent[s]" them entirely.
Exactly nothing in the phrase "substantial burden"—or anything else in RFRA's text—hints that a different and more demanding standard applies when (and only when) the "disposition" of the government's property is at issue. To the contrary, RFRA proceeds to define the "exercise of religion" to include "[t]he use … of real property for the purpose of religious exercise." The statute adds that its demands apply to "all" of "Federal law," without regard to subject matter. And the statute provides that "nothing" in its provisions "shall be construed to authorize any government to burden any religious belief." In each of these ways, RFRA's terms suggest that a law disposing of federal real property is to be treated like any other.
Second, while RFRA may have sought to restore some of this Court's pre-Smith First Amendment jurisprudence, we have never held that the statute should be construed to "subsum[e ]" that jurisprudence wholesale. Far from it. In Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores (2014), for example, the government argued that RFRA's use of the phrase "exercise of religion" should be understood to reach only those religious practices this Court had recognized to be protected by the First Amendment before Smith. But this Court emphatically rejected that notion, describing its implications as "absurd" and explaining that, "by enacting RFRA, Congress went far beyond what this Court ha[d] held [to be] constitutionally required" before Smith. Similarly, in Holt v. Hobbs (2015), a lower court invoked this Court's pre-Smith First Amendment decisions to hold that a prison regulation prohibiting inmates from growing beards did not "substantially burden" religious exercise under the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA), RFRA's "sister statute." But, again, this Court firmly rejected that course, holding that the lower court had "improperly imported a strand of reasoning" from First Amendment decisions into a distinct statutory setting that guarantees "greater protection."
Third, even taken on its own terms, it is hard to see how Lyng can be read as setting forth a special test for determining when a government's "disposition" of land represents a "substantial burden" on religion. Just search Lyng for the phrase "substantial burden." You will not find it. Nor did Lyng involve a challenge to a governmental plan that seeks to destroy a religious site, as the government's plan for Oak Flat would. Instead, that case concerned a plan to build a road near religious sites that promised to generate noise and considerable disruption, but that also promised to leave those sites standing. In rejecting a First Amendment challenge to the government's plan in Lyng, the Court took pains to stress that point, and the fact that the government's actions would not "prohibit" religious exercises.
To be sure, Lyng also stressed that the government's plan at issue there did not "discriminate" against or among religions. And later, in Smith, this Court read Lyng to support its view that the government does not violate the Free Exercise Clause when its actions are "neutral" toward and among religions and "generally applicable." But none of that has any bearing here. As we have seen, the fact that the government acts pursuant to a neutral and generally applicable law is not enough to satisfy RFRA. Even in those circumstances, the government may not impose a "substantial burden" on religious exercise unless it has a compelling reason to do so and employs the least restrictive means to further that interest.
Fourth, at bottom, it seems the Ninth Circuit was concerned that a ruling for Apache Stronghold would effectively afford tribal members a "'religious servitude'" on federal land at Oak Flat. And, the argument goes, those who adopted RFRA could not have intended to afford Tribes or others that kind of power over the disposition of federal property. But unexpressed legislative intentions are not the law. And even if we were to abandon the statutory text in favor of guesswork about unenacted congressional purposes, it is far from clear why we should make the guess the Ninth Circuit did.
The truth is, Congress has adopted all sorts of laws restricting the government's power to dispose of its real property. Take just one example, the Endangered Species Act. That law, this Court once held, required the government to halt "operation of a virtually completed federal dam" to protect the endangered "snail darter," a "previously unknown species of perch." The Court read the Act to require that result even though Congress had spent more than $100 million on the dam—nearly half a billion in today's dollars—and our holding effectively "'divest[ed] the Government of its right to use what is, after all, its land.'" If Congress went to such lengths to accommodate the snail darter, why should we suppose it offered less protection to people practicing an ancient faith? …
Not only does the Ninth Circuit's decision merit our review because it rests on questionable legal footing. Review is all the more warranted because that decision implicates both a vital question and a circuit split. [Details omitted. -EV] …
While this Court enjoys the power to choose which cases it will hear, its decision to shuffle this case off our docket without a full airing is a grievous mistake—one with consequences that threaten to reverberate for generations. Just imagine if the government sought to demolish a historic cathedral on so questionable a chain of legal reasoning. I have no doubt that we would find that case worth our time. Faced with the government's plan to destroy an ancient site of tribal worship, we owe the Apaches no less. They may live far from Washington, D. C., and their history and religious practices may be unfamiliar to many. But that should make no difference. "Popular religious views are easy enough to defend. It is in protecting unpopular religious beliefs that we prove this country's commitment to … religious freedom."
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2 miles wide and 1000 feet deep
I wonder what that translates to in extra inches in wallets before everyone walks away and sacredness is no longer detectable by the most sensitive of instruments.
Nothing wrong with making money.
But the money is not the point, copper is a strategic mineral, Congress passed legislation specifically approving the land swap and the project:
"Legislation to facilitate the land exchange between the Tonto National Forest and Resolution Copper passed with bipartisan
support in December 2014 and was signed into law by President Obama. Championed by members of the Arizona Congressional
delegation, the Southeast Arizona Land Exchange and Conservation Act is one of more than 80 land bills that were part of the
National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) in 2014"
Not surprising that minority interests are of no interest to the current administration. It would be a bit surprising that SCOTUS didn't decide to inject itself into the process to delay irreversible damage but the damage done here is not to the conservative nor christian blocs so it's not surprising.
The executive branch / administration has nothing to do what so ever with selection cases to hear.
Blaming the current administration for a cert denial is nothing more than a cheap shot and an ignorant one at that.
A letter was filed by the Solicitor General.
The SG often provides its opinion on the selection of cases. Their opinion is given special attention.
The letter noted, "Under the circumstances, we respectfully suggest that the district court’s injunction provides further reason to deny the petition."
https://www.supremecourt.gov/search.aspx?filename=/docket/docketfiles/html/public/24-291.html
This "matter" apparently presented to SCOTUS in July 2024, Kagan running the "setup" began under biden.
I want to believe Pres. DJT's Admin. is not focused and his Solicitor General does not understand the case significance.
For what it may be worth: the 4th from last para. of the referenced April 21, 2025 letter states -
"The statute is mandatory, not discretionary. See 16 U.S.C. 539p(c)(1) (Secretary is “authorized and directed” to convey the federal lands at issue); 16 U.S.C. 539p(c)(10) (Secretary “shall convey all right, title, and interest * * * to Resolution Copper”). Indeed, for that reason, the government has maintained that even2 if petitioner were correct that the government’s disposition of its own lands could constitute a cognizable burden for RFRA purposes, the mandatory command of the later-enacted and more specific land-exchange statute must be given effect. Gov’t Br. in Opp. 28-29."
Nevertheless, the fundamental "cognizable controversy" is that the Article. III. supreme Court does not have judicial supremacy, i.e., regarding decisions on "constitutional interpretation" of either the Constitution or statutes passed by Congress and enacted by Executive decree (agreement).
[Repetition of that "lie" / self-serving, tyrannical, bloviation, i.e., "judicial supremacy", does not alter the Constitution. ... And, prior executive and congressional acquiescence to "lie" is not future validation. ... It is a "Lie." and SCOTUS' constant overreach.]
The current Congress and / or Executive is empowered and should override the current "overreaching", "bad Behaviour", manifest in the seven certain members of the Article. III. "one supreme Court".
If necessary, either or both should use "the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force" vested in the Executive and Congress to reign in the Article. III. "supreme Court", as well the "inferior Courts". [The latter which can individually be defunded and dissolved (two independent actions; neither dependent on the other (there are NO Lifetime Appointments)).]
In addition to what Joe_Dallas said: The law that targets the site for mining was passed in 2014. At the time, Trump was a private citizen and relatively few people would have predicted he would ever be POTUS someday. Retroactively blaming him for legislation signed by Obama is giving him too much credit.
Trump's administration implemented the law during his first term, and is implementing it now. And it was Republicans who put the rider in the bill.
Yes, Trump's administration faithfully executed the law signed by Obama. That's what the President is supposed to do. If you're troubled by the law on the books, take it up with Obama, he signed it into law.
Perhaps Apache Group should buy the land and stop using the government to get its way.
I do understand that the government pushed Apaches to a reservation. My point is that once again, government itself is at the root of the problem. But instead of arguing that, all people want to do is have government come down on their side.
The government owns the land (so far). Given that, it seems like the only way to have the discussion in any form is with the government involved.
Yes. Once again, government itself is at the root of the problem.
We the People don't want all of the United States to be owned by private parties, so there is a large amount of land controlled by governments (including Native Americans).
We chose to have the government serve as guardians of the land, including supplying an equitable distribution of its resources. We, for instance, have city-run parks for the community, not just leaving it in private hands, which can selectively deny use.
We the People are the root of the so-called problem.
No, government is. The very method of ratification was flawed in favor of the people who wanted a more centralized government. Elections are rigged in favor of those who want a more powerful government. Judges, prosecutors, and police are all government employees who have little interest in bucking government power of their fellow government employees. The last thing legislators and bureaucrats want is to solve the problems that keep them in power. The first thing they want is to find new ways for cronies to give them money.
Government is the problem.
That's a nice squirrel, but I hold to my comment on the matter at hand.
"We the People don't want all of the United States to be owned by private parties,"
Since this involves Indians, that old "What you mean 'we', white man?" joke seems appropriate here.
I wonder whether the other four conservatives would have found differently if the site had been a shrine to a Christian saint and place of pilgrimage
Alito was recused.
Both the Biden and Trump Administrations opposed them taking the case. Discussion elsewhere noted the case had various complicated moving parts. It probably is not too surprising six justices decided this was not a case to get involved with.
It probably is not too surprising six justices decided this was not a case to get involved with.
How dare anyone ask the Supreme Court to resolve complex legal issues.
Again, IANAL, but I cannot understand how this move comports with RFRA. Seems J Gorsuch nailed it.
If you want Gorsuch on your side, be a gay Indian.
It's problematic to allow anybody to veto land use decisions by claiming a site is sacred. Precedent that allows that Apache to preserve this mountaintop now could have surprising consequences in another place at another time.
If we had a functional Congress the administration could ask for an up or down vote ratifying or disavowing its decision. If the legislative veto had been ruled constitutional such requests could be routine.
Yeah, the unintended consequences point is poignant.
Yeah, plus the implied popularity power. Like, if I'm one guy and claim something is sacred, I'm not going to get anywhere in trying to preserve it. How many guys is enough guys? That's not a legal question, it's a political one, and the courts are right to let regular democracy handle it.
Congress already had an up or down vote on the land swap.
It was passed in 2014.
RFRA "restored" religious liberty to traditional rules.
The lower court opinion argued that part of those rules allowed the government to do what they did here. Government could regulate use of its land, even if religious liberty might be burdened.
Gorsuch disagrees but it is not somehow obvious even without other possible nuances involved in the litigation.
Gotcha, thanks for the clarification
Thomas stands up for a non-Christian religion.
As he did in joining the opinions in Gonzales v. O Centro and Holt v. Hobbs, or writing the opinion in Tanzin v. Tanvir.
Good for him.
I like Gorsuch but this is absurd:
"The truth is, Congress has adopted all sorts of laws restricting the government's power to dispose of its real property."
It was Congress that specifically ordered the executive branch to convey the property to Resolution Trust.
The RFRA has a logic bomb where statutes aren't exempt from it unless they say so explicitly ("[f]ederal statutory law adopted after November 16, 1993, is subject to this chapter unless such law explicitly excludes such application by reference to this chapter.”) The Ninth Circuit opinions below talk more about what a law must do to qualify and, unsurprisingly, it's a doctrinal mess.
I love Neil Gorsuch but that dude needs to recuse himself from Indian cases. He is totally in the bag for them. I would venture a guess that a modern Indian tribe could literally burn down my house and scalp my family and Gorsuch would rule that I had it coming.
You speak with forked tongue, kimosabe.
Hear! Hear! Property ownership is sacrosanct.
This is ridiculous.
Asking the Little Sisters of the Poor to fill out a form saying their employees' health insurance doesn't cover birth control is a "substantial burden," but destroying a well-established important Apache worship site to mine copper isn't.
I would never have expected to take the side of Gorsuch and Thomas against the rest of the court, but here I stand. I can do no other.
I just feel … I don’t know about the position on the substantial burden test. But it seems to me that it’s the governments land, why can’t they do whatever they want with it? So what if it is scared?
If the government sold the property to a private party for development, could the tribe block the sale? Force the government to own the property? Force them to protect it?
Wasn’t there a recent case about how the government in running a library, curating books, doesn’t implicate the first amendment? It’s a similar principle no?
I think one can make a distinction here: the government in this case isn’t really using government power or force, they are just developing a piece of land that they own. That’s not the same thing as the government banning someone from doing something, they are applying their monopoly on force to that person.
The constitution does not protect positive rights. In cases where the government is applying the same role as a private party it’s more of a gray area (Tinker is a good example, private schools can restrict student speech but public schools cannot, but they can still do something to prevent disruptions and it’s gray what exactly).
I think I come down pretty easily on the government side on this one.
I agree. The constitution prohibits the feds from prohibiting the free exercise of religion. It does not allow a religious group to slap a lien against another's property because it claims a special relationship to land it does not own. It would be as if my freedom of speech allowed me to commandeer another person's land, sound equipment, or online platforms to effectuate my speech.
A ruling in the tribe's favor would allow religion, not just a protection from government, but an affirmative right to land easement every time they claimed religious significance to a portion of it. I've always been a supporter of a robust 1A, largely agree with modern religion jurisprudence, believe that school prayer is proper, etc. but the protection of the free exercise clause cannot be used as a sword where religion can be used to overcome laws of general applicability.
The argument for allowing polygamy is far stronger than this argument.
I'm not entirely sure how I think this case should have come out, but I am sure the Court takes entirely too few cases.
Pure Biden. While saying abortion is taking an innocent life he gives a Medal of Honor to a mega-abortionist
Alito and Thomas are right