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South Carolina Abortion Restriction May Be Void for Vagueness, But Doesn't Violate Free Exercise Clause
From Bingham v. Wilson, decided today by Judge Richard Gergel (D.S.C.):
In the wake of Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022), the South Carolina Legislature enacted a ban on abortions after nine weeks of pregnancy. The Act [criminalizes] "perform[ing] or induc[ing] an abortion on a pregnant woman with the specific intent of causing or abetting an abortion" if an embryonic or "fetal heartbeat" has been detected on an ultrasound…. The Act contains three exceptions where abortions may be performed after nine weeks of pregnancy:
- the "Health Exception," which exempts abortions performed "to prevent the death of the pregnant woman," where the physician determines that a "medical emergency" exists, or "to prevent the serious risk of a substantial or irreversible impairment of a major bodily function, not including psychological or emotional conditions";
- the "Fatal Fetal Anomaly Exception," which exempts abortions after a physician determines in his or her "reasonable medical judgment, the unborn child has a profound and irremediable congenital or chromosomal anomaly that, with or without the provision of life-preserving treatment, would be incompatible with sustaining life after birth"; and
- the "Rape or Incest Exception," which allows a physician to "perform, induce, or attempt to perform or induce an abortion" if the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest and "the probable gestational age of the unborn child is not more than twelve weeks" after the first day of the patient's last menstrual period ("LMP") and where the physician "report[s] the allegation of rape or incest to the sheriff in the county in which the abortion was performed" within 24 hours of performing the abortion" including the patient's name and contact information."
"As a matter of due process, a criminal statute that 'fails to give a person of ordinary intelligence fair notice that his contemplated conduct is forbidden by the statute' … or is so indefinite that 'it encourages arbitrary and erratic arrests and convictions,' … is void for vagueness." …
Plaintiffs contend that "two features of the Health Exception render South Carolina's Abortion Ban unconstitutionally vague: 1) 'serious risk' is so standardless that it is very difficult to determine how likely an impairment must be to qualify, and 2) 'substantial and irreversible impairment of a major bodily function' has no inherent meaning in medicine, leaving Plaintiffs with inadequate notice of which dangerous health conditions the Exception covers." With regards to the Fatal Fetal Anomaly Exception, Plaintiffs complain that two terms— "incompatible" and "sustaining life"—"provide no meaningful standards to assess which fetal conditions qualify under the [Exception]." Per Defendants, the statute's instruction that "[a] doctor must determine that this exception is met based on 'standard medical practice' and 'reasonable medical judgment'" allows room for more than one "correct medical decision in any case," such that it is "not necessarily true" that there is a right answer as to whether a risk constitutes a "serious risk" under the Health Exception. They argue further that "many perfect constitutional statutes use imprecise terms" such that the "legislature[] need not write in medical jargon."
The Court considers that Plaintiffs have stated a plausible claim for relief at this stage of the litigation. Here, the South Carolina Abortion Ban subjects medical professionals to criminal penalties and is vigorously enforced. Defendants make much of the fact that the words used throughout the statue, such as "substantial," "irreversible," "impairment" and "major bodily function," are "readily understood" terms.
But, taking the allegations in Plaintiffs' Complaint as true, the use of terms that are not commonly employed by medical professions in their practice fails to provide Plaintiffs fair notice of what conduct falls outside the Health and Fatal Fetal Anomaly exceptions and potentially subjects them to potential criminal liability and the loss of their medical licenses. The Court denies Defendants' motion to dismiss Plaintiffs' claims brought under the Due Process Clause….
But the court rejected the separate Free Exercise Clause challenge:
"The right of free exercise does not relieve an individual of the obligation to comply with a 'valid and neutral law of general applicability on the ground that the law proscribes (or prescribes) conduct that his religion prescribes (or proscribes).'" Employment Division v. Smith (1990). Plaintiffs' theory is that "South Carolina has made a value judgment that secular (e.g., procreative) motivations for ending a potential life are important enough to overcome its asserted general interest in preserving it, but that religious motivations are not." Accepting Plaintiffs' argument would require this Court to accept that the performance of abortions is a religious practice protected by the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. The facts of the present case bears analogy to Employment Division v. Smith, where the Supreme Court reasoned:
[Respondents] contend that their religious motivation for using peyote places them beyond the reach of a criminal law that is not specifically directed at their religious practice, and that is concededly constitutional as applied to those who use the drug for other reasons. They assert, in other words, that "prohibiting the free exercise [of religion]" includes requiring any individual to observe a generally applicable law that requires (or forbids) the performance of an act that his religious belief forbids (or requires). We have never held that an individual's religious beliefs excuse him from compliance with an otherwise valid law prohibiting conduct that the State is free to regulate." …
Plaintiffs' argument hinges on a finding that the Abortion Ban favors "secular conduct" over "religious conduct" by permitting limited exceptions (with the effect of undermining the State's interest in preserving life), but prohibiting such exceptions in unenumerated circumstances where the Abortion Ban infringes upon their free religious exercise. The Court finds this argument unpersuasive. The State has a legitimate interest in both fetal and maternal health and exercised its plenary authority in enacting legislation that considers these interests. The Abortion Ban applies with equal force to individuals of all religions. Even construing the Amended Complaint in the light most favorable to Plaintiffs, Plaintiffs have failed to state a plausible claim for relief that the Abortion Ban is not generally applicable and is thus unconstitutional under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment….
The plaintiffs didn't bring a challenge under the South Carolina Religious Freedom Restoration Act, which provides,
The State may not substantially burden a person's exercise of religion, even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability, unless the State demonstrates that application of the burden to the person is:
(1) in furtherance of a compelling state interest; and
(2) the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling state interest.
That might offer far more protection to sincere religious objectors than what federal Free Exercise Clause law currently provides under Employment Division v. Smith. And that challenge is presumably still available—but I take it that it would need to be brought in state court, since (generally speaking) federal courts can only order government officials to follow federal law, and only state courts can order state government officials to follow state law (Pennhurst State School & Hosp. v. Haldeman (1984)).
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It seems as if laws are only void for vagueness when a judge doesn't particularly like the law. Many laws are tremendously vague but are almost universally upheld.
That goes double for a pre-enforcement challenge. If a doctor is charged, perhaps he or she could invoke the rule of lenity but enjoining the law? Again--the test is "Does the judge like the law?"
Yes, funny thing vagueness. Be as vague as you like if you're promoting unlimited abortion on demand. Take for instance, Michigan's Prop 3, planned parenthood inspired abortion-palooza state constitutional disgrace and shame. And not just Michigan, abortion activists put this forward in a number of states. No problem at all with language defining "Fetal viability" as "the point in pregnancy when...there is a significant likelihood of the fetus's sustained survival outside the uterus without the application of extraordinary medical measures." What basic neonatal care should be understood as "extraordinary"? Nobody knows but what the hell, it promotes abortion so thumbs up!
Planned Parenthood v. Casey recognized that decisions regarding having an abortion are a matter of conscience protected by personal liberty. Dobbs overruled that principle.
Smith does support, without more information coming out than seems to be expressed, the rejection of a free exercise claim. RFRA and/or state constitutional claims based on broader free exercise principles can be different.
Vagueness can be a stronger claim. Pre-Roe, multiple courts struck down abortion restrictions on vagueness grounds. The Supreme Court did not by applying a broad definition of "health."
U.S. v. Vuitch.
My state's basic speed law:
"(a) No person may drive a vehicle on a highway at a speed greater than is reasonable and prudent under the existing conditions and the actual and potential hazards. In every event speed shall be controlled as necessary to avoid colliding with any person, vehicle or other conveyance on or entering the highways in compliance with legal requirements and the duty of all persons to use due care."
An awfully lot of vague stuff in there. Almost every word of it. Nobody complains about it, though.
Maybe certain things being vague have higher stakes.
How about a life sentence?
"(a) Any person who unlawfully takes custody of, conceals, confines, transports, or restrains another person against his or her will by means of force, threat of force, duress, fraud, deceit, inveiglement, misrepresentation, or enticement with the intent to:
(1) Hold another person for ransom, reward, or concession;
(2) Inflict bodily injury;
(3) Terrorize the victim or another person; or
(4) Use another person as a shield or hostage, is guilty of a felony and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by imprisonment by the Division of Corrections and Rehabilitation for life, and, notwithstanding the provisions of §62-12-1 et seq. of this code, is not eligible for parole."
So if I say, "Wait here, I'll be back with the money I owe you" when I plan on skipping town, should the state be clearing out my prison cell?
"So if I say, 'Wait here, I'll be back with the money I owe you' when I plan on skipping town, should the state be clearing out my prison cell?"
I like a good non sequitur as much as the next fellow, but WTF? What part of the statute that you quote would that arguably violate?
Even a Top-200 law school graduate should be able to make a better argument than that.
"Go Land Crabs!"
I think it’s a straightforward example. Getting a person who would prefer to be elsewhere to remain in place by promising something one doesn’t intend to do is at least arguably restraining the person by means of inveiglement. The statute COULD cover it.
It doesn’t because of a long history of understanding of what is meant based on caselaw etc. But a Martian coming in with a dictionary could claim it covers the example as a matter of dictionary meanings. And the Martian could claim this makes the statute unconstitutionally vague.
Yes, murder is a fairly high stake and you leftists seem to be all for it, except when applied to actual murderers.
Joe, if a 'principle' can be over-ruled it is by definition not a principle. Plus YOU get in the infinite regress problem : Where does a real principle evidence itself.
", in 1868, “the states widely recognized children in utero as persons. Twenty‐three states [of 37] and
six territories referred to the fetus as a ‘child’ in their statutes proscribing abortion. At least twenty‐eight
jurisdictions labeled abortion as an ‘offense against the person’ or an equivalent criminal classification.”
Contemporary science demonstrates that the preborn person begins prior to implantation in utero, but this
does not change the original intent of state laws. "
I use statements like yours in class so students can see the Socratic trap you walk into.
Re: rape or incest exception, and physician reporting patient's name and contact information to local sheriff. -- Seems like a best practice would be for patient not to provide her name to the doctor, or maybe only her first name.
All those people who descend on rape victims...many will be dead and you will have to live with killing a baby not them
You want to come off as loving and wise but you silence opposition
These are the real "experts" on this complex issue: the women who have been there. Just listen to what they have to say:
"After my daughter was born, it was love at first sight . . . I know I made the right decision in having her." Nancy "Cole"
"Often I cry. Cry because I could not stop the attacks. Cry because my daughter is dead. And I cry because it still hurts." Edith Young
"I think that rape victims with pregnancies are discriminated against because people seem to think you're nuts to have a baby by a man who raped you. We are looked upon as being liars, or stupid." Sharon "Bailey"
"They say abortion is the easy way out, the best thing for everyone, but they are wrong. It has been over 15 years, and I still suffer." "Rebecca Morris"
"I thank God for the strength He gave me to go through the bad times and for all of the joy in the good times. I will never regret that I chose to give life to my daughter." Mary Murray
"Abortion does not help or solve a problemit only compounds and creates another trauma for the already grieving victim by taking away the one thing that can bring joy." Helene Evans
"The effects of the abortion are much more far-reaching than the effects of the rape in my life." "Patricia Ryan"
"I, having lived through rape, and having raised a child conceived in rape,' feel personally assaulted and insulted every time I hear that abortion should be legal for rape and incest. I feel that we're being used to further the abortion issue, even though we've not been asked to tell our side of the story." Kathleen DeZeeuw
In Victims and Victors, 20 women like the ones quoted above share what it is like to face a pregnancy resulting from rape or incest. They speak bravely and candidly of the pain of sexual assault, of the sadness and trauma of abortion, and of the joy and healing of giving birth.
To the extent "serious risk of a substantial or irreversible impairment of a major bodily function" is vague, the rule of lenity can save it.
I know you (Eugene) don't like the most-favored nation doctrine in Free Exercise cases, but didn't Tandon v. Newsom establish that doctrine (however sloppily in the shadow docket)?
I disagree with the “most favored nation” doctrine. But I do think the court here made a serious error by not discussing Tandom v. Newsom and either applying it or distinguishing it.
I don’t think this law is any vaguer than numerous laws with similar phrases that have been upheld in the past.
There was a period where courts were requiring heightened specificity standards for abortion laws, analogous to those required in First Amendment cases. But Dobbs makes clear abortion gets treated like any other general subject.
I agree that the religious claim fails here, altjough based on somewhat different reasoning. I definitely agree the law in no way singles out religion. I also disagree with the Alito position that if you give an exception for just about anything, you have to give an exception for religion too.
"I also disagree with the Alito position that if you give an exception for just about anything, you have to give an exception for religion too."
I actually think that was a perfectly reasonable position, though I'd add that, if you're handing out exceptions to begin with, maybe you should rethink whether the law is justified at all.
I think it’s difficult. I realize I have intuitive lines that may be hard to defend rationally against someone with a different intuition.
Let’s consider a spectrum with circumcision on one end and heart transplant on the other. Now I think intuitively that circumcision is clearly protected by the Free Exercise Clause, in part because it’s a traditional religious practice well-known at the founding, in part because I don’t think a state has a compelling interest in the integrity of foreskins. But for heart transplant, I intuit that just because doctors can excise somebody’s heart for medical reasons doesn’t always mean that Aztec-style practitioners get to do so for religious reasons. The compelling interest strikes me as obvious.
Now where on this spectrum does abortion lie? It seems to me that that really depends on your view of abortion. If you have no problem with abortion, you’ll see it as more resembling removing a foreskin. But if you have a major problem with abortion, you’ll see it as more resembling removing a heart.
I think this is part of the reason Scalia ended up going wirh Smith. There are no clear bright lines here. It is a matter of standards that people can disagree on. And Justice Scalia hated standards. He wanted bright lines.
And also I suspect this sort of issue is why Justice Barrett did not sign on to Alito’s project of overturning Smith. Justice Barrett, I suspect, is concerned about questions like this.
I'm inclined to permit just about anything, given consent.
I don't think many victims of human sacrifice provide informed consent before hand, and if a doctor kidnapped you and removed your heart without obtaining consent in advance, they'd be in deep trouble even if they'd swapped in a new one.
But taking your heart out and leaving you to die, and replacing your damaged heart with a functioning one, are not for this purpose even the same thing. It's like analogizing between a knife fight and surgery.
The implication of Alito's position is that just about every law requires a religious exception because just about every law has an exception. For example, anti-discrimination law excepts employers with less than 15 employees. That's enough for Alito to conclude an employer who has religious objection to hiring gays (or blacks) gets his way.
The end result is Smith is reversed, sub silentio.
And that's a perfectly reasonable example.
Lest we forget, non-discrimination is only a constitutional mandate for the government, not the private sector. The 14th amendment: "No State shall... nor shall any State..."
Private non-discrimination is only a policy preference of government, like setting speed limits. It can never, ever, override constitutional rights.
And religious liberty IS a constitutional right!
So, if non-discrimination isn't even important enough to the state to impose on employers with only 14 employees, how could it possibly be important enough to override an explicit constitutional right?
Eugene provides a persuasive answer (read the whole thing):
I'm not personally going to find anything terribly persuasive that right in the table of contents declares religious liberty (Or any other enumerated right!) to be a second-class right. EVERY explicit liberty is entitled to strict scrutiny. Every last word of the highest law of the land should be enforced completely.
But even a second class right should override a mere policy preference, and that's all the government's desire that the private sector not discriminate can be, since it was not put into the Constitution as a mandate.
It is, by the way, amusing to see the table of contents listed in the table of contents. Is that standard in legal publishing?
Somin's reasoning reduces religious liberty to a sort of tie breaker, to be used when more important things than explicit constitutional commands are not enough to resolve a question.
"This Court’s rejection of a general right to liberty under the rubric of substantive due process wisely recognizes that these questions should ultimately be left to the political process."
The [Expletive redacted in the interest of politeness] political process went to considerable trouble to formally put these rights in the blasted Constitution!!!!!! It isn't the job of the judiciary to rip them back out and hand them back to the political process, it's to enforce them. If the political process doesn't like that, it has Article V, it can take them back out of the Constitution again.
Just another case of lawyers whining about how actually upholding the Constitution is too much work, can't they just ignore the parts of it they don't think are particularly important?
To be sure, 'substantive due process' is a joke, these rights are supposed to be incorporated via the P&I clause. But that's no excuse to restore the Slaugherhouse Court's dirty work of gutting the 14th amendment.
My apologies to Eugene. Or maybe to Somin, I guess, given what I wrote. Got distracted and typed the wrong Conspirator's name.
You are begging the question as to what the scope of the Free Exercise right is. Is it a right to be treated better than others and disobey laws? Or is it a right not be targeted for worse treatment? Once the right is defined, strict scrutiny applies to infringing on it.
Compare the definition they're challenging to this definition in the South Carolina assault statute:
So are we going to open the prisons for everyone convicted of aggravated assault? Or are we seriously claiming that "substantial risk" is well defined and "serious risk" is not, and that "impairment of a major bodily function" is vague while "impairment of the function of a bodily member or organ" is not?
Good points. And there is only one explanation. Abortion. They’re just looking for a back door to replace Roe/Planned Parenthood v Casey. Just more nonsense from the federal district courts. It’s their specialty these days.
That was my reaction, actually: That it was just a way of circumventing Dobbs.
I mean, you could clarify things by, say, setting up a body of physicians to examine the case and provide binding approval on an expedited basis, but exactly that sort of thing was foreclosed by Doe v Bolton, the same day Roe was decided.
To pile on, this doesn't sound even a little more vague than other laws that routinely get upheld.
A basic problem with the vagueness challenge is that it claims the statute is vague because it fails to use professional terms of art. But statutes simply don’t have to do that. They are judged by application to ordinary people, not professionals. RICO statutes so not have to use thw professional lingo of organized crime to define their terms. Laws against contract killing do not have to use language lifted from Hit Man for professional contract killers to be expected to understand them
Criminal law requires would-be criminals to understand and conform to the language of ordinary society. Society does not have to understand and conform to the language of professional criminals. The plaintiffs are asking for a degree of deference to them and respect for their jargon as the relevant terminology that just does not have to be there.
bad legal training keeps this farce going.
Freedom of Relgion was at the top with the Founders.
Two huge problems in history were addressed
1) No matter your personal beliefs if GOD is not given space then the state becomes GOD (pace Steven Pinker)
2) ALL ulimate questions and ultimate answers are relgious. You cannot say eg that the view that abortion takes a human life is religion but the view it doesn't is not !!!
"Nothing is more dreaded than the national government meddling with religion." —John Adams, in a letter to Benjamin Rush. 1812
"[T]hat the opinions of men are not the object of civil government, nor under its jurisdiction; that to suffer the civil magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles on supposition of their ill tendency is a dangerous fallacy, which at once destroys all religious liberty." —Thomas Jefferson, 1779.
"The Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man: and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate." —James Madison, 1785.
"Driven from every other corner of the earth, freedom of thought and the right of private judgment in matters of conscience direct their course to this happy country as their last asylum." —Samuel Adams, Speech on August 1, 1776.
"While we are contending for our own liberty, we should be very cautious not to violate the conscience of others, ever considering that God alone is the judge of the hearts of men, and to Him only in this case are they answerable." —George Washington, in a letter to Benedict Arnold.
"Conscience is the most sacred of all property." —James Madison, 1792.
LOOK AT HOW STEVEN PINKER AND RICHARD DAWKINS ARE NOW TREATING THE ONE THEY CALLED 'the greatest female athiest in the world" now that she is a CHRISTIAN Aayan Hirsi Ali
You’ve provided a bunch of quotes. But I can’t for the life of me figure out what you’re proposing or advocating for here. What exactly is the “farce” that you think should stop? How would you decide this case, and why?
Vagueness is evidenced in Kagan and Sotomayor, who taciltly admitted the parents could opt out of gay filth classes but were bothered that they couldn't draw a legal line !!!! This is the great sin of lawyers nowadays : I know you are right but some contrafactual or hypothetical prevents me from ruling in your favor.
You might opt your kid out of Math class !!!! Rank stupidity and contempt for justice.