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Bernick v. Wurman on Birthright Citizenship and the 14th Amendment
An important (and importantly civil) debate on birthright citizenship.
Professor Evan Bernick recently guest blogged here about birthright citizenship, challenging those who have put forward revisionist arguments about the scope and import of the citizenship clause in Section One of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Bernick recently debated one of those revisionists, Professor Ilan Wurman, at the recent Federalist Society Third Circuit Chapters Conference. It was a civil and highly substantive debate focusing on the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. I confess it did not change my views on the subject, but I found it quite worthwhile. It can be viewed below.
To my mind, Prof. Wurman's arguments challenging the conventional account of birthright citizenship are interesting, but ultimately fail to establish the lawfulness or constitutionality of the Trump Executive Order. At most, they suggest that there might be some room for Congress (should it choose to legislate on the topic) to redefine the conventional understanding of what it means for someone to be born in the United States "subject to the jurisdiction thereof." They do not suggest that the President may unilaterally redefine the settled and long-followed meaning of the citizenship clause embodied in federal law.
I should add that the Bernick-Wurman debate--like much of the recent public debate on birthright citizenship--proceeds on the assumption that the question should be resolved by reference to the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment, and not on various living constitutionalist theories. As I have noted before, though, if one rejects this premise, the case for the conventional account of birthright citizenship becomes less clear. If one believes either that courts should be particularly deferential to the political branches or should embrace evolving constitutional meanings in response to political and other developments (such as an election in which a prevailing candidate advocated a contrasting constitutional interpretation), one might well conclude that the traditional understanding of citizenship is up for grabs. Similarly, if one embraces a capacious understanding of Congress's power to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment under Section Five, it would seem to follow that Congress has more authority to redefine the contours of birthright citizenship than some suppose. Food for thought.
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I should add that the Bernick-Wurman debate--like much of the recent public debate on birthright citizenship--proceeds on the assumption that the question should be resolved by reference to the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment, and not on various living constitutionalist theories.
I think that the meaning of the citizenship clause is the same today as it was in 1868.
It seems to me that the people trying to get rid of birthright citizenship are going back and trying to claim that the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means something other than what almost everyone has thought it meant since ratification. Are they "living constitutionalists," or xenophobic reactionaries?
Also, does "living constitutionalism" claim we should change our readings based on election outcomes? That was not my impression, though being a definite amateur in this area I could easily be mistaken.
I'm fine with living constitutionalism increasing rights (but not increasing government power sans amendment.) This case does not really apply, but looking at history, it sure seems wrong to change the definition after so many years.
Birthright citizenship, and travel births, are a badge of honor for this nation. Quit treating it as a racist, them dirty brown people getting away with something.
I knew the Republicans had gone off into the weeds when they started bitching about the Statue of Liberty poem.
You are no friend of liberty. The Ds aren't, either, but for vastly different reasons. Take plank out of your own eye, Rs.
Birthright citizenship, and travel births, are a badge of honor for this nation. Quit treating it as a racist, them dirty brown people getting away with something.
Agree 100%
"Living constitutionalism" involves applying the constitutional terms based on the lessons of history.
Madison, over time, determined the national bank was constitutional. The economy changed so that more things are reasonably labeled interstate commerce. Old myths about women or homosexuals are tossed aside when applying equal protection.
The Constitution assigns certain people the power to apply it. Election outcomes will affect that, including who become judges.
"Living constitutionalism" is a sort of adverse position theory of constitutional meaning: You get into a position to assert a new meaning contrary to the text and precedent, and if you can't be stopped fast enough, it sticks, like a squatter getting to take your home from you because you didn't evict him in time.
It's the refuge of people who know that their own preferred constitutional meanings could never be formally adopted by amendment, because the public wouldn't agree to them. A kind of constitutional embezzlement by the judiciary.
I believe "living constitutionalism" claims that we should change our readings based on what we think is right or fair i.e. morality, or maybe just whatever we want.
The Supreme Court's recognition of birthright citizenship under § 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment has been consistent over several decades. Of course United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), is the seminal case. Numerous decisions since that time have followed suit.
In the matter where SCOTUS has scheduled oral argument for next week, footnote 1 of the brief of the States of Washington, Arizona, Illinois and Oregon cites a plethora of decisions for the proposition that individuals born in this country are citizens subject to its jurisdiction regardless of their parents’ immigration status or country of origin, to-wit:
https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/24/24A885/354760/20250404111851793_24A885_PlaintiffStates_ResponseEmergencyStay.pdf
But those decisions are focusing on the child as if the child is innocent. ITS DOUBLE PLUS UNPOSSIBLE that the framers of the 14th amend didn't intend to punish the child for the sins of the parent(s). The parents are lawbreakers - ergo - the child cannot benefit from its parents lawlessness. Just look at this case from 1540. (irrelevant precedent omitted)
/s
Why not? It's a badge of honor for us.
Also, the Ds are happy to kick kids out, using the military, in other situations.
Sacks of shit, all!
Whether its a badge of honor or not; precedent is precedent. Long held tradition and actual govt practice is another. It's a fact that the birthright citizenship issue has not readily been questioned for sometime and the words of the 14th amend were treated as quite literal by most everybody absent a few exceptions not relevant here.
Regardless, an executive order can't change the constitution, is not an act of Congress (and acts of Congress have to abide the constitution) and is not a way to change the constitution or its interpretation. It's just a shitty authoritarian shortcut attempt to try to accomplish something that is in reality difficult and time consuming to do ( that is, amending the constitution).
Also, my /s denotes sarcasm. My reply to NG was sarcastic. Getting ahead of the curve of the usual suspects who bloviate endlessly on irrelevant gripes about the perceived unfairness of letting children born here to parents who aren't citizens to be citizens.
I get your sarcasm, of course, but the thing is, they can't even go around citing cases from 1540, because the precedent going back to at least the 14th century establishes birthright citizenship as the rule.
And I was recently alerted to the fact that that common law tradition even includes illegal aliens. England had banned gypsies from entering the country back in the 15th century — and yet if they were nevertheless present and had children, those children were deemed subject to the jurisdiction of the crown.
"But those decisions are focusing on the child as if the child is innocent."
Uh, SCOTUS didn't treat Tomoya Kawakita as innocent when his matter came before him in 1952. The Court affirmed his conviction for treason for his actions during World War II.
(I get the sarcasm, but there are others who comment here who may not.)
Took a stroll through the Gov't's application for a stay, and the States' response.
Separate from the ultimate constitutional merits, the merits for the requested "partial stay" seem really poor.
And the Gov't's briefing is significantly outclassed by the States. For example the standing arguments are almost laughably bad and failing to cite recent precedent, which sets the Gov't up for this sort of zinger:
The first time a court opined on the issue was also the most straight forward time, and it was very close in proximity to the 14th amendment, and the interpretation simply lifted directly from unequivocal evidence of the original intent and meaning.
"The phrase 'subject to its jurisdiction' was intended to exclude from its operation children of ministers, consuls, and citizens or subjects of foreign States born within the United States".
- Slaughterhouse cases
Frankly, if you're relying on the Slaughterhouse cases on the basis that the Supreme court was attempting to faithfully relate the 14th amendment's original intent and meaning, you're nuttier than a fruitcake.
That case was probably the worst example of Supreme court bad faith since Dred Scot. The court set out to spike the 14th amendment and put a stop to Reconstruction, and they succeeded: It became largely a dead letter for generations.
Also note that if you think the United States should conform to international standards (see Knight v. Florida, Breyer. J., dissenting), most other countries have adopted jus sanguinis as their basic principle, not jus soli. Now personally, I think most other countries are stupid and evil, and that Breyer rather made an ass of himself, but some people think we should be guided by the wisdom of foreigners.
should conform to international standards
Breyer partially appealed to foreign experience to apply the Eighth Amendment. He did not argue that we should follow foreign law when it expressly clashed with our constitutional law.
The Supreme Court regularly cited international experience to help clarify the meaning of constitutional terms. Other nations' supreme courts do the same. There is some overlap of principle.
The Supreme Court specifically did this for the Eighth Amendment. For instance, in Coker v. Georgia, Justice White noted:
In Trop v. Dulles, 356 U. S. 86, 356 U. S. 102 (1958), the plurality took pains to note the climate of international opinion concerning the acceptability of a particular punishment. It is thus not irrelevant here that, out of 60 major nations in the world surveyed in 1965, only 3 retained the death penalty for rape where death did not ensue. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Capital Punishment 40, 86 (1968).
Not a fan of using other countries' standards to change long term US understanding of our constitution, in a living constitutional sort of way, apart from reference to changing standards within the US. And even then, only for new unenumerated rights, and never for giving power mongers more control over things. That you can go through the deliberately laborious amendment process, you self-powering-up video game supervillain.
What other countries are doing is useful for free speech persuasion here, of course. Anyway...
only 3 retained the death penalty for rape where death did not ensue
A counterproductive stance. If you're gonna be killed anyway, dead women tell no tales.
" And even then, only for new unenumerated rights, and never for giving power mongers more control over things."
Sadly, so long as we humor positive rights, and demand with the force of law that people respect them, new unenumerated rights DO give power mongers more control over things.
So by the Breyer/Joe logic, since "subject to their jurisdiction" is ambiguous, shouldn't it be construed to implement the doctrine of lex sanguinis, this prevailing international rule?
Just to be clear, I continue to consider the Breyer/Joe logic as contrary to reason and justice, but not everyone does.
Uh huh. But the reality is that the President is not "redefin[ing] the settled and long-followed meaning of the citizenship clause embodied in federal law" because the expansive view of the citizenship clause as definitively granting citizenship to the child born from any foreign visitor who happens to get a foot over the border has never really been established in any case law or statute, let alone the plain text constitution. It's just the opinion of some who happen to prefer that interpretation. And it's wrong.
Does holding your breath until you turn purple, and stomping your feet, work well for you in other contexts? Because it's not really a way to do law.
Kinda presumptuous for you little man to lecture anyone on the law. Maybe you should ask a lawyer?
Riva, it says in Donald Trump's bedside reading material that:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Propaganda_in_Nazi_Germany (footnote omitted).
I see from your incessant bleating of the Big Lie that "the expansive view of the citizenship clause as definitively granting citizenship to the child born from any foreign visitor who happens to get a foot over the border has never really been established in any case law or statute, let alone the plain text constitution" that you have learned your lesson well.
Big Lie. Yeah uh huh. More laughable projection from the "progressive" left. And I give you the same advice as noted above, go ask a legal professional. And get some help for that TDS.
To quote the aliens in Contact, "It's the way it's been done for billions of years."
So when did people start thinking that the 14A required anchor babies and birth tourism? I don't think anyone in 1868 intended that.
I think it started around LBJs time or thereabout.
There is no such thing as an "anchor baby." An immigrant giving birth on American soil does not confer any additional rights or obligations on that immigrant.
Now that Trump is in the White House, maybe that will be enforced.
Speaking as a guy who grew up boating, anchors aren't like tying up to a pier, apply enough force and they shift. They're there to make it harder for your boat to be moved, not impossible.
So, anchor babies do work like anchors: They don't make it impossible to deport you, but they make it much more difficult.
A court could rule – because interpretation is required – that the 14th amendment concerning birthright citizenship applies only to persons born on US soil and under US jurisdiction to a parent who is LEGALLY in the United States.
Why shouldn't a court rule that way? There is nothing in the Constitution that prohibits such an interpretation.
"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside."
This clause does not specify whether the parents are in the US legally or illegally. It may be assumed that a person born in the US is born to a parent who is legally in the country.
Because, why not?
For those parents that are in the country illegally, birthright citizenship of the 14 amendment would not apply to any of their offspring, who would be citizens of the parent's country of origin.
A provision can be made to offer naturalization to a child born to parents in the US illegally upon reaching the age of majority.
By using this astute interpretation, an opportunity is created for a court to finally establish precedence on the matter of birthright citizenship.
The response to your argument from the other side will be that "subject to jurisdiction" just means subject to US laws, and therefore since persons here (illegally or otherwise) are subject to US laws, they are subject to jurisdiction.
The response would be the plain language of the clause applies to the "all persons born" and not the parent(s). It doesn't say anything about the person giving birth, does it?
If the plain language is sufficient; then you don't resort to so called statutory construction to ascertain the meaning of 'ambigous' words or phrases. What, exactly, is ambiguous about the first line of the amendment?
Appreciate this. Hope to listen if I have time.
I have generally thought the idea that Congress would need to act on this, along the lines Harry Reid proposed, is most plausible.