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"Personal" Liberty Due Process Cases at the Supreme Court Between Carolene Products and Griswold
It is clear the Court decided "economic" liberty cases in this period, but what about "personal" liberty due process cases, apart from the First Amendment?
United States v. Carolene Products (1938) established a dichotomy between enumerated and unenumerated rights. Under Footnote Four, laws that infringed provisions of the Bill of Rights would be scrutinized closely. By contrast, all other sorts of rights, including liberties protected by the Due Process Clause, would be afforded only rational basis scrutiny. Williamson v. Lee Optical (1955) made that rational basis scrutiny even more deferential. That test became the New Deal settlement on the Due Process Clause. Until it wasn't.
Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) found that a right of privacy could be found in the "emanations" of the Bill of Rights. At least on paper, the Court was trying to stay within the Footnote Four framework, though I'm not sure anyone really believed it. But Griswold made a more important move. To respond to the charge of Lochnerism, Justice Douglas sought to distinguish the Court's past cases. West Coast Hotel was retconned as a repudiation of substantive due process only for economic rights. By contrast, substantive due process was still permissible personal rights cases. Decisions like Meyers v. Nebraska or Pierce v. Society of Sisters were reaffirmed acceptable as First Amendment decisions, even though both predate the modern incorporation doctrine.
Here is how Justice Douglas attempts to reconcile the doctrine:
Coming to the merits, we are met with a wide range of questions that implicate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Overtones of some arguments suggest that Lochner v. New York, 198 U. S. 45, should be our guide. But we decline that invitation, as we did in West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379; Olsen v. Nebraska, 313 U. S. 236; Lincoln Union v. Northwestern Co., 335 U. S. 525; Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 U. S. 483; Giboney v. Empire Storage Co., 336 U. S. 490. We do not sit as a super-legislature to determine the wisdom, need, and propriety of laws that touch economic problems, business affairs, or social conditions. This law, however, operates directly on an intimate relation of husband and wife and their physician's role in one aspect of that relation.
The association of people is not mentioned in the Constitution nor in the Bill of Rights. The right to educate a child in a school of the parents' choice -- whether public or private or parochial -- is also not mentioned. Nor is the right to study any particular subject or any foreign language. Yet the First Amendment has been construed to include certain of those rights.By Pierce v. Society of Sisters, supra, the right to educate one's children as one chooses is made applicable to the States by the force of the First and Fourteenth Amendments. By Meyer v. Nebraska, supra, the same dignity is given the right to study the German language in a private school. In other words, the State may not, consistently with the spirit of the First Amendment, contract the spectrum of available knowledge. The right of freedom of speech and press includes not only the right to utter or to print, but the right to distribute, the right to receive, the right to read (Martin v. Struthers, 319 U. S. 141, 319 U. S. 143) and freedom of inquiry, freedom of thought, and freedom to teach (see Wiemann v. Updegraff, 344 U. S. 183, 344 U. S. 195) -- indeed, the freedom of the entire university community. Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U. S. 234, 354 U. S. 249-250, 354 U. S. 261-263; Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U. S. 109, 360 U. S. 112; Baggett v. Bullitt, 377 U. S. 360, 377 U. S. 369. Without those peripheral rights, the specific rights would be less secure. And so we reaffirm the principle of the Pierce and the Meyer cases.
Here is my question. Between Carolene Products (1938) and Griswold (1965), did the Supreme Court decide any "personal" liberty Due Process Cases? I am not including First Amendment cases which, through incorporation, are Fourteenth Amendent cases. I am asking about actual unenumerated claims to "personal" liberty under the Due Process Clause. I realize that the economic/personal line is bit anachronistic, as Carolene Products did not countenance this distinction.
The only case I can think of is Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Wlliamson (1942). This was an unusual penal law that sterilized "habitual criminals." The majority opinion, per Justice Douglas, found the statute violated the Equal Protection Clause. But the analysis seemed to conflate Equal Protection with Due Process:
But the instant legislation runs afoul of the equal protection clause, though we give Oklahoma that large deference which the rule of the foregoing cases requires. We are dealing here with legislation which involves one of the basic civil rights of man. Marriage and procreation are fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race. The power to sterilize, if exercised, may have subtle, far-reaching and devastating effects. In evil or reckless hands, it can cause races or types which are inimical to the dominant group to wither and disappear. There is no redemption for the individual whom the law touches. Any experiment which the State conducts is to his irreparable injury. He is forever deprived of a basic liberty. We mention these matters not to reexamine the scope of the police power of the States. We advert to them merely in emphasis of our view that strict scrutiny of the classification which a State makes in a sterilization law is essential, lest unwittingly, or otherwise, invidious discriminations are made against groups or types of individuals in violation of the constitutional guaranty of just and equal laws. The guaranty of "equal protection of the laws is a pledge of the protection of equal laws." Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 118 U. S. 369. When the law lays an unequal hand on those who have committed intrinsically the same quality of offense and sterilizes one and not the other, it has made as invidious a discrimination as if it had selected a particular race or nationality for oppressive treatment. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, supra; Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337. Sterilization of those who have thrice committed grand larceny, with immunity for those who are embezzlers, is a clear, pointed, unmistakable discrimination. Oklahoma makes no attempt to say that he who commits larceny by trespass or trick or fraud has biologically inheritable traits which he who commits embezzlement lacks.
In Skinner, Justice Stone (the author of Footnote Four) would have applied the Due Process Clause:
And so I think the real question we have to consider is not one of equal protection, but whether the wholesale condemnation of a class to such an invasion of personal liberty, without opportunity to any individual to show that his is not the type of case which would justify resort to it, satisfies the demands of due process. There are limits to the extent to which the presumption of constitutionality can be pressed, especially where the liberty of the person is concerned (see United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U. S. 144, 304 U. S. 152, n. 4) and where the presumption is resorted to only to dispense with a procedure which the ordinary dictates of prudence would seem to demand for the protection of the individual from arbitrary action.
Are there other such cases? Please email me if you can think of other cases.
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Surely the prestigious South Texas College of Law doesn't need to crowdsource its research efforts.
I always thought Bork was right about this line of cases. The constitution doesn't make any distinction between so called economic interests and so called "personal" interests. In many ways, economic security allows people to pursue their personal interests.
Many people would prefer security and freedom from government interference in their business, home, or other property (or to get eyeglasses at a cheaper price) than they would a desire to use contraception or commit sodomy. Where in the Constitution does it say that their interests are subordinated? The line the Court tried to draw in these cases simply never made sense.
It was simply a bald policy decision because the Court sided with the "personal" interests at stake and didn't really care much about anything else.
I always understood Bork's position to be that the Constitution provided economic liberty but not personal interest liberty. But why be forced to choose between them?
To me, the question for both is how high are the stakes. Using contraception and committing sodomy violates no legitimate state function; those laws exist to please moral prudes and religious nuts, and personal morality that doesn't affect anyone else is none of the state's concern. If, on the other hand, we're talking about pedophilia and human sacrifice (even if the person being sacrificed is a volunteer), then the state's interests are implicated because the stakes are higher.
And I would apply that same standard to economic liberty. If we're trying to end a hundred years of Jim Crow, then telling businesses they can't discriminate makes sense and implicates high stakes state interest. If we're telling New Orleans butchers that they're shut out of the market in order to benefit people with political connections, that's not a legitimate state interest.
But that requires doing the hard work of actually analyzing and balancing rather than just having a knee jerk one size fits all.
" If we're trying to end a hundred years of Jim Crow, then telling businesses they can't discriminate makes sense and implicates high stakes state interest."
Why not just tell them they're no longer required to discriminate?
Why not just tell them they're no longer required to discriminate?
Nudge, nudge, wink, wink, say no more!
Well, it WOULD have been nice, if when we quit mandating discrimination, we'd paused to see what free people would do, instead of pivoting directly to mandating non-discrimination. Especially since mandating non-discrimination, instead of just ceasing to mandate discrimination, was so easy to pervert into renewed mandatory discrimination in the form of quotas.
It could have saved us some huge compliance costs.
Well, it WOULD have been nice, if when we quit mandating discrimination, we'd paused to see what free people would do, instead of pivoting directly to mandating non-discrimination.
The discrimination that existed when the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964 was not only mandated by law, and it didn't only exist in states that had those laws. We already knew how "free people" would act in the absence of mandated discrimination. There would always be some people that would discriminate. When the people that are prejudiced are not called out for their discrimination, then it continues until people are actively discouraged or punished by someone that the bigots would defer to.
It WOULD have been nice, if business leaders, religious leaders, and other in respected or authoritative positions in society would have been uniformly against discrimination. They might have been able to reduce the discrimination without laws and government enforcement, and only used social and (private) economic pressures and consequences. But if there had been that strong of a consensus among such leaders against discrimination, then it would never have been such a large problem to begin with.
Because it doesn't actually accomplish the goal of fully integrating minorities into the economy
What libertarians fail to understand is that private economic coercion is every bit as oppressive as government economic coercion. If my skin color means I will never get anything above a menial job because private employers will not consider me for anything better, it makes not a whit of difference to me that the coercion is private rather than governmental. I suffer every bit as much as I would under a law requiring discrimination. And the practicalities are that lots of people are stuck where they are; they can't just pack up and move to somewhere else more promising.
And the practicalities are that lots of people are stuck where they are; they can't just pack up and move to somewhere else more promising.
This has always been the problem with arguments that people can just go to a different business or whatever that won't discriminate against them. That is premised on the target of the discrimination being able to do that. It is a premise that the people engaging in discrimination are few enough in number that that the targeted groups still have a lot of other options.
The less that those premises can be considered true, then the more that discrimination becomes extremely difficult, or even impossible, to avoid.
A lot of people who make this argument in this context were claiming the government had to step in on social media political discrimination because how could you live without Facebook?
"Because it doesn't actually accomplish the goal of fully integrating minorities into the economy"
The goal was restoring to minorities their full rights as Americans, as which point fully integrating themselves into the economy was up to them, because they were entitled to equal RIGHTS, not equal outcomes.
You can give everybody equal rights, and accept that equal outcomes are highly unlikely, or you can try to enforce equal outcomes at the expense of equal rights. You can't do both at the same time, and it's equal rights the Constitution mandates.
Except you also don't like the Civil Rights Acts. Or public accommodation laws.
So your 'full rights' is just this side of separate but equal. And well into de facto Jim Crow.
Why do you think the major civil rights leaders of the time such as MLK asked for anti-discrimination laws instead of that? Were they dumb, haters or liberty or something else?
King was in the tradition of WEB DuBois -- Booker T Washington would have disagreed.
In Griswold a husband and wife assert that they wish to have sexual relations without fear of unwanted children. The law impairs their sexual gratifications. The State can assert, and at one stage in that litigation did assert, that the majority finds the use of contraceptives immoral. Knowledge that it takes place and that the State makes no effort to inhibit it causes the majority anguish, impairs their gratifications.
This was taken from a lecture Bork gave in 1971 and then published in an Indiana law journal that same year.
Whatever nuance Bork might have had in his analysis and thinking, this shows why it was correct to reject him for the Supreme Court. To reduce a married couple's desire to have sex with a much lower risk of pregnancy as merely "gratification" and then to say that it is also "gratification" for some prudish members of society wanting to prohibit that because they would just "know" that something they view as "sinful"...? That is ludicrous. That is fundamentally wrong-headed to give any kind of equivalence to people wanting to "pursue happiness" in their private lives to other people not affected by that in any way other than just knowing that someone, somewhere within their society was doing something that they think is sinful.
I mean, seriously, fuck off with that kind of bullshit excuse of an argument.
Yup. Same basic principle as The Little Sisters of the Poor being unbearably distressed by the mere knowledge that many of their nursing homes' non-Catholic employees actually planned to have procreation-optional sex—sometimes outside the bounds of a Church-sanctioned marriage between one man and one woman.
No, they didn't want to have to PAY for it.
Same thing with HAVING TO PAY for PrEP meds so that people can have gay sex and do IV drugs. sCOTUS is going to rule on that one.
No, they didn't want to have to PAY for it.
And no one was going to make them. They objected to their employees getting no-out-of-pocket cost contraceptives through their insurance plans, even if it came from a separate rider that they wouldn't have to pay for. They didn't even want to fill out a form stating their objection, because it would lead to those women getting easier access to birth control.
Given this line of thought, I fully would have expected them to be objecting to their employees buying it with money from their paychecks if the Little Sisters thought there was even a tiny chance that the courts would go for that.
Society has a vested interest in children being born.
What really is the difference between this and compulsory education, i.e. truancy laws? They have to delay gratification because their child has to be in school.
It's an empty road at 2AM -- society says that I can't drive 100 MPH.
In 49 states, it requires that I wear a seat belt.
How is there a difference?
I'd just add that the Congressional debate over the adoption of the 14th amendment makes it clear that economic liberties were to be protected.
After all, what good do your other liberties do you if the government can reduce you to penury at its will? If you starve because you can't afford food, or die of exposure because you can't afford housing? Economic liberties are, in a serious sense, logically prior to the liberties you can actually live without.
But they got in the way of the fad for central economic planning that was sweeping the West in the early 20th century, and had to go.
I think it's reasonable to argue that the 14A imagines greater protection for contract liberties, but I can't really go along to "the government can reduce you to penury at its will".
People are just more adaptable than that. If the government prohibits pursuing a particular line of business, that may well be the wrong decision, but you don't just sit back and starve as a result, you do something else (even if you are challenging the action). If a government regulation hurts your business, you may well want that regulation repealed, but you don't just fall over and die, you adapt to the regulatory environment and if necessary pivot the business's operations. And overwhelmingly most people running businesses are able to have the business fail while protecting at least some of their own assets.
I think one indication of this is that new entrepreneurship rates remain fairly high despite, you know, all the government overreach into economic liberty that occurs. Again, totally on board with the idea that pushing back would unlock additional growth, not against the line of argument, but let's not be too precious or dramatic about it.
" If the government prohibits pursuing a particular line of business, that may well be the wrong decision, but you don't just sit back and starve as a result, you do something else (even if you are challenging the action)."
Sure. If you can't eat bread, you eat cake. Problem solved.
The problem is that the government that can prohibit pursuing one line of business, can then prohibit pursuing the next line of business, and the next, and the next...
Particularly if the government takes your financial resources to do so.
So no depriving contract assassins of their livelihood. First they go after Murder For Hire Inc., and next thing you’ll know they’ll be after plumbers and lemonade stands.
I have a hard time finding that any Congressional debate made much of anything clear.
Bork was not an “economic liberty” judge. Bork’s position was that both kinds of liberty could be equally abridged if the state had a “reasonable” basis for its laws, which was pretty close to the current rational basis test.
"Between Carolene Products (1938) and Griswold (1965)"
I never realized it, but as both Caroline Products and Griswald were decided in favor of the Progressives, and they were, you have 27 years of a legal doctrine that starts and stops to their benefit.
Skinner provides a lesson expressed in multiple later cases of the synergy of equality and liberty. Certain rights are particularly important, so there is a heightened concern about classifications. For instance, the right to vote.
Griswold noted: "We have had many controversies over these penumbral rights of "privacy and repose." Citing cases.
For instance, Pollak referenced "the privacy to which he is entitled in his own home." Multiple opinions referenced a "right to privacy" in some fashion in the Fourth Amendment context.
A concurrence cited Kent v. Dulles. The opinion noted: "The right to travel is a part of the 'liberty' of which the citizen cannot be deprived without due process of law under the Fifth Amendment."
It also referenced Prince v. Massachusetts , which provided an open-ended interpretation of parental rights to raise children ("cardinal with us that the custody, care and nurture of the child reside first in the parents") that goes beyond the First Amendment.
There’s a website out there called http://www.westlaw.com that lets you search through a big database of legal cases, including some from our very own U.S. Supreme Court! It supports Boolean searches and terms and connectors and all kinds of cool stuff. You should check it out!
Josh is probably too busy writing his
sixthseventh gov't apologist screed about A.A.R.P and W.M.M. v. Trump to fire up Westlaw.My copy of the constitution just says "liberty". It doesn't say economic liberty, personal liberty, or sexual liberty.
For the love of dog, is there a way for Reason.com to automagically apply the "Read More" button to each and every post Josh writes?
Rochin v. California, 342 U.S. 165 (1952), reversed a criminal conviction because it was obtained by methods violative of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment where police directed a doctor to forcibly administer an emetic to the accused's stomach to obtain two capsules which proved to contain morphine.
Not on topic - but I just checked out the Barnett-Blackman book on 100 constitutional law cases and it is a very interesting and good read. It looks at things from a different perspective than I had in my constitutional law casebook 25 years ago - indicating the big changes in constitutional law since then (I remember the 2nd amendment case in my textbook was Miller v. U.S!). It has a great explanation of the Carolene Products footnote which Professor Blackman brought up in this post. It also points out the connection of Griswold to Lochner, which had completely escaped me (don't remember if I just wasn't paying attention or the connection was just not made in the class materials). I certainly don't agree with everything in the textbook - the Heller decision is disastrous, and has led to even more disastrous Bruen-like subsequent decisions - but this book disproves the hyperbolic claims of constitutional law professors from a couple of years ago that the field is dead.
The interpretation of due process of law requires an analysis of life, liberty, and property.
We have to determine what the government is allowed to do. What sort of government interests are appropriate? How strictly should we hold the government to explain why?
Justice White in Griswold (and for the Court in Stanley v. Illinois) references an earlier opinion recognizing certain private rights were more precious than "liberties which derive merely from shifting economic arrangements."
A page of history is helpful there as well as looking at specifically what is enumerated in the Bill of Rights (Douglas tried that approach). Government regulates the public sphere. The Fourth Amendment touches upon the importance of control of the person, home, and private effects. Again, Griswold references this.
Economic rights are not unprotected. There are various protections of property and economic rights generally. Still, the founding generation and now was particularly concerned about privacy -- thoughts, beliefs, the self, the home, and so forth.
It's comparable to free speech. Commerical speech is not protected as much as some other forms of speech. There are reasons why and they are logically drawn. Doesn't mean commercial speech lacks protection.
"We have to determine what the government is allowed to do."
It's helpful that you start here.
I submit that the US Constitution should be construed first as "what is the Federal Government allowed to do." There were a few items added afterward, at popular demand, that it is forbidden to do, and one of those items in turn emphasized that the Constitution overall was to be understood as only what the government was allowed to do, and only after clearing certain procedural wickets.
Understand that this is not in vogue, but instead of discussing which rights are retained by the People, we should discuss first the powers that the People have given to the government to carry out.
"Commerical speech is not protected as much as some other forms of speech. There are reasons why and they are logically drawn." The power given to the Government to prevent and punish fraud. That's the logic from which are drawn diminished protections for commercial speech.
US Constitution should be construed first as "what is the Federal Government allowed to do."
The US Constitution sets guidelines for states and the federal government. Whole sections specifically limit what states can do. The 13A applies to private parties but is an outlier.
I think your overall theory is sensible starting point.
The power given to the Government to prevent and punish fraud.
Central Hudson Gas & Elec. v. Public Svc. Comm'n notes the primary limits allowed are speech that is "misleading" and "related to unlawful activity." That seems to cover more than fraud.
Fraud is a major concern, but it hits at a core difference, too, including the so-called "no false idea" concept. The nature of commercial speech is believed to warrant less protection.
Thus, blatant lies are sometimes protected in the noncommercial speech context. "Fraud" is not enough to stop that.
The federal governemnt has no power except what the Constitution grants. The states have all power except what the constitution removes.
That’s the difference.
in discussions in this forum and elsewhere, the tendency is always to first look for a right against government action, instead of to find a government power.
Define the government's power first.
"the States or the People"
The Constitution does not say all powers not granted are retained by the states. It does not prohibit the people of the states from limiting the powers of their states in their state constitutions.
Nothing makes Blackman more giddy than denying the rights of the people.
Rights not mentioned in the constitution (to obtain birth control, to have an abortion - until recently) were given the highest level of scrutiny/protection while other enumerated rights got rational basis scrutiny. It is enough to make one suspect that the level of scrutiny depends on the personal preferences of any shifting majority of the Court.
other enumerated rights got rational basis scrutiny
Holy shit you passed the bar?
Did you forget the rights in the first amendment are fundamental?
Fundamental Theorem of Government Corruption is not an unfortunate side effect of the wielding of power. It is the purpose of it from day one, when some thugs paid a visit to farmers trading at a dirt crosspaths.
You can't get paid to get back out of the way until you have reason to get in the way. Assuming you even need to bother with a rationalization, which does not apply to half the Earth and the rest of human history.
Things like the Olympic corruption scandal are the norm, not the exception, for most places and almost all times.
That it is somewhat under control in the modern West doesn't mean we aren't lousy with it. They just have to hide it better. And have facetious talking heads who say, "What? What? You can't prove anything!" to skyrocketing personal worth on a "servant of The People's" salary.