The Volokh Conspiracy
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Standing in the Shadow Docket
Should the Court not consider jurisdiction unless there is irreparable harm?
Today the Supreme Court issued another order on the emergency docket. In Office of Personnel Management v. American Federation of Government Employees, a federal district court ordered the reinstatement of 16,000 probationary employees. The district court found that the unions and other organizations had standing based on a "diversion of resources" theory of standing under Havens Realty. This theory, which survived Acheson, has been under seige for some time, and should be extirpated soon enough. The Solicitor General's application explains why that argument does not work:
In granting the preliminary injunction, the district court relied exclusively on the standing of organizational respondents whose members are end-users of government services. See App., infra, 39a, 47a. Significantly, in entering relief against two of the enjoined agencies, the court appeared to rely solely on the theory that the organizations themselves suffered an injury by having to "divert" organizational resources to "counteract[]" the effects of the agencies' actions. See App., infra, 20a (citation omitted); see id. at 20a-21a; see also D. Ct. Doc. 18-7, ¶ 11; D. Ct. Doc. 18-3, ¶ 6. That standing theory is squarely foreclosed by this Court's decision in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, which held that "divert[ing] [organizational] resources in response to a defendant's actions" is not an Article III injury-in-fact. 602 U.S. at 395.
The Court's per curiam order granted the application on the grounds that the organizational plaintiffs lack standing. But the Court's brief order does not cite AHM, but instead cites Clapper.
The District Court's injunction was based solely on the allegations of the nine non-profit-organization plaintiffs in this case. But under established law, those allegations are presently insufficient to support the organizations' standing. See, e.g., Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l USA, 568 U. S. 398 (2013). This order does not address the claims of the other plaintiffs, which did not form the basis of the District Court's preliminary injunction.
The government's application does not even mention Clapper so it is unclear the exact grounds on which the Plaintiffs lacked standing. Where is the self-inflicted injury?
In theory at least, the other plaintiffs may be able to establish standing, but that matter will have to wait for another day. More likely than not, their cases are over. Here, the Court is sending yet another clear signal: challenges to the removal of federal employees should be brought through the usual channels at the MSPB and not through a nationwide injunction.
Justices Sotomayor and Jackson would have denied the application. I've seen this case reported as a 7-2 split but that is not quite right. On the shadow docket, just because a Justice does not note their dissent does not mean they agree with the majority. At a minimum, there were five votes. I think it safe to say that Justice Kagan did not join the Clapper analysis. Chief Justice Roberts and/or Justice Barrett joined the majority. My money is on Barrett. She is a standing stickler, so this would have been an easier case than some of the others. Roberts probably did as well. So the vote is most likely 6-3.
The most intriguing opinion is that of Justice Jackson. She says that the Court should not have even considered the jurisdictional argument because the government failed to show "irreparable harm."
Justice Jackson would have declined to reach the standing question in the context of an application for emergency relief where the issue is pending in the lower courts and the applicants have not demonstrated urgency in the form of interim irreparable harm. See Department of Education v. California, 604 U. S. ___, ___ (2025) (Jackson, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 1–2). Thus, she would have denied the application.
This statement is consistent with her opinion in Department of Education v. California. There, she referred to jurisdiction, venue, and sovereign immunity as "shiny" distractions. This is definitely a new argument: the Court should not even consider "standing" in the shadow docket. But that argument can't possibly be right. Jurisdiction is the basis of the judicial power. If a lower court issued an order in the absence of jurisdiction, the act was an usurpation of the judicial power. If ever there is a need for the Supreme Court to intervene, it is where the lower court lacked jurisdiction. I think it is telling that no one else joined Justice Jackson here.
Jurisdiction is not just some "shiny" object.
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Jackson is a radical and saboteur. And she's stupid on top of all that.
She would have a better case about lack of irreparable harm if the district court required adequate bond before issuing an injunction.
What's the cost of 16000 probationary employees per week, while the case is being decided?
She probably doesn't think its irreparable harm because its just taxpayers money.
Just ad hoc, contrived reasons to further limit SCOTUS' activity. Not worth analyzing deeply.
Hopefully one of the other justices gets an opportunity to call out KBJ for recklessly citing the Radio Rwanda tier study on racial concordance in medicine (disparity in birth outcomes entirely accounted for by birth weight, and researchers committed fraud omitting that according to their own data white babies fared better with white doctors, because this did not comport with "narrative")
KBJ had a somewhat similar dissent on lifting the nationwide injuction in Texas top cop shop case
how so
The texas top cop shop dealt with the nationwide injuction for the beneficial ownership report. There was a nationwide injunction issued by a district court in eastern district of texas. The SC ended the nationwide injunction (reimposed the stay?). KBJ dissent was to allow the injunction to stay in place
Speaking of shiny objects, Jackson is not exactly the brightest bulb in the lamp.
I fail to see how would nine non-profit-organizations have any standing at all in this case. If they have standing then almost anyone would. It's amazing that when it is Democrat in the W.H., no one has standing at all to sue the administration. But when a Republican is in office, suddenly everyone has standing to sue the President's administration, no matter the issue.
Well, according to SCOTUS Justice Jackson herself, "jurisdiction", "sovereign immunity", "venue" are just distractions, why not add "standing" into her mix of unnecessary constraints on her and her tribe's power.
None of things matter when you're Saving Democracy or Fighting Fascism!
This seems like a pretty obvious misinterpretation. Jackson isn’t saying there’s anything special about standing that means it should get less attention: she’s saying that because she doesn’t think the government has shown irreparable harm, there’s no need to consider the government’s arguments on an emergency basis.
I guess then the novel argument is that you should not consider standing, sovereign immunity or venue on the shadow docket absent adequate demonstration of irreparable harm.
It’s not novel to require a showing of irreparable harm if you’re trying to invoke the Supreme Court’s emergency jurisdiction. The government isn’t even disputing that.
Are not things like jurisdiction of the court & standing of the complainants necessary before even having the government show irreparable harm?
Why should anyone have to bear the burden of demonstrating harm in court without jurisdiction, and/or an accuser without standing?
That turns justice on it's head.
Extending your logic, anyone should be able to appeal any standing or jurisdiction issue directly to the Supreme Court on an emergency basis because those things are necessary in every case. That seems obviously wrong so there needs to be some gate to decide which cases deserve emergency review.
Yes, but whatever that gate is must hurdle jurisdiction first.
In federal practice, if you have to pay out money you will never get back, that's irreparable harm. (Some states disagree.)
I don’t disagree with you principle, nor do I necessarily agree with Jackson in this case, but the government’s briefing on this point was pretty cursory.
I have to confess I don’t understand what the plaintiffs were smoking here. You’d think it would be easy enough to find a laid-off worker willing to sign up to challenge worker layoffs. Why do these organizations rely on these weird, highly questionable indirect theories of standing even when finding a plaintiff with rock-solid conventional standing would be trivially easy?
My first guess?
It's not about the law, it's about politics.
Yes, because I don't think the worker's remedy gets people the policy outcome they want. It might just end up being backpay, but not rehire. People suing claim a right to have these workers continue in their jobs, so government continues doing the things they have relied upon.
That's the thing that has confounded me about all this DOGE stuff: while government workers have individual civil service protections, or even collectively (can't dismiss one set of workers with another), federal employment law gives the executive the freedom to decide on headcount, within the congressionally appropriated spending authority. At least that is my assumption here, that statutes do not determine the size of any particular government agency. It's all at the executive's discretion (department head and/or OMB/OPM). Limiting factor is civil service pay scales and spending authority from Congress.
Less messy than the presidential impound question, if the government decides it can do it's job (open question, I realize) with less workers, it has the freedom to do that.
No modern president was ever this brave or foolish to go down this road.
It is nuts that a union does not have standing to represent their own members.
Nothing in this applied to the union.
I’ll rephrase the comment I made above. Why, in a suit where there are plaintiffs with unquestionable standing, would a subset of the plaintiffs seek a temporary restraining order without bothering to include at least one of the plaintiffs whose standing is clear? It seems such an easy and obvious base to cover I have to confess I don’t understand it.
This theory, which survived Acheson, has been under seige [sic] for some time, and should be extirpated soon enough.
If it is still alive, it wouldn't be a ground for dismissal.
Perhaps, like Jackson (and Kagan) recently noted, instead of rushing things along, the Supreme Court should have let the normal appellate process take place.
As suggested, it comes off more as a "signal," which is selectively and in a ham fisted way sent. Lower courts and others are supposed to read tea leaves. Not a great approach.
As to standing, Alito and Thomas are somewhat selective regarding how strictly they apply the principles at hand.
"Perhaps, like Jackson (and Kagan) recently noted, instead of rushing things along, the Supreme Court should have let the normal appellate process take place."
That's rather disingenuous. If I sue you and get emergency relief at the trial court level, it would be pretty rich of me to tell you to slow down and let the normal appeals process take place. If these plaintiffs had let the normal trial process take place, you might have a point.
But make no mistake, this isn't about jobs, TdA, or spending. It's about putting a stop to Trump policies immediately and on an emergency basis and then hoping that the appellate clock runs out over the next 2 to 4 years so that he cannot implement anything he wants. That aggressive trial strategy requires aggressive appellate review.
I can turn this bit about being "disingenuous" around when you jump ahead 2-4 years when it isn't even three months in.
I think it is about those things. I think Trump is the one that requires special responses because of the harm he is inflicting in a particularly novel way at that. At any rate, it's a tad too soon to worry about 2-4 years. Maybe wait a few more months before that.
I haven't read the lower court opinions, but it seems to me that the next step should be for the Court of Appeals to remand the matter for the District Court to determine, on an issue by issue basis, whether any plaintiffs other than the instant appellees have standing.
"Jurisdiction is not just some 'shiny' object."
This completely misses the point of Justice Jackson's criticism, which is that a potential lack of jurisdiction cannot be enough to justify interlocutory relief on the emergency docket. Jurisdiction goes only toward the "reasonable probability of success" factor while ignoring whether the applicant has shown a likelihood of "irreparable harm" and the balancing of public interest and equities.
A court may ultimately lack jurisdiction for numerous reasons. Improper venue, lack of standing, failure to exhaust remedies, failure to complete prelitigation requirements, untimely filings, etc. Courts always have jurisdiction to decide whether they have jurisdiction. They usually get it right, but there are hard cases where they might get it wrong.
Literally nobody familiar with the legal system thinks that a potentially mistaken ruling with respect to any jurisdictional issue should be enough to justify emergency interlocutory relief. Of course, jurisdiction is fundamental to a court's power to act. But in the context of emergency interlocutory appeals, it can very much be a "shiny object" to the extent it is used to distract from the applicant's failure to satisfy any of the other factors that are technically required to obtain emergency relief.