The Volokh Conspiracy
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What the Honorable Maryann Trump Barry Said about the Ability of the Secretary of State to Order the Deportation of Individuals Lawfully Present in the U.S.
It turns out the President's sister concluded the law being used to deport Mahmoud Khalil is unconstitutional.
Adam Liptak reports that the law the Trump Administration is citing to deport Mahmoud Khalil was declared unconstitutional by President Trump's sister when she was a trial court judge. Liptak's story begins:
The 1952 law under which the Trump administration seeks to deport Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident who helped organize protests at Columbia University, is largely untested.
Largely, but not entirely. It was ruled unconstitutional in 1996 — by President Trump's sister. . . .
At the time, Judge Barry was a federal trial judge, and so her ruling did not establish a precedent binding on other courts. In any event, an appeals court later reversed her decision, though on grounds unrelated to its substance.
But it remains the most thorough judicial examination of the constitutionality of the law, and other judges may find its reasoning persuasive.
The case was Massieu v. Reno, and here is how Judge Barry's opinion began:
Plaintiff, Mario Ruiz Massieu, seeks a permanent injunction enjoining the deportation proceeding instituted against him pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1251(a)(4)(C)(i) and a declaration that the statute, which has not previously been construed in any reported judicial opinion, is unconstitutional. That statute, by its express terms, confers upon a single individual, the Secretary of State, the unfettered and unreviewable discretion to deport any alien lawfully within the United States, not for identified reasons relating to his or conduct in the United States or elsewhere but, rather, because that person's mere presence here would impact in some unexplained way on the foreign policy interests of the United States. Thus, the statute represents a breathtaking departure both from well established legislative precedent which commands deportation based on adjudications of defined impermissible conduct by the alien in the United States, and from well established precedent with respect to extradition which commands extradition based on adjudications of probable cause to believe that the alien has engaged in defined impermissible conduct elsewhere.
Make no mistake about it. This case is about the Constitution of the United States and the panoply of protections that document provides to the citizens of this country and those non-citizens who are here legally and, thus, here as our guests. And make no mistake about this: Mr. Ruiz Massieu entered this country legally and is not alleged to have committed any act within this country which requires his deportation. Nor, on the state of this record, can it be said that there exists probable cause to believe that Mr. Ruiz Massieu has committed any act outside of this country which warrants his extradition, for the government has failed in four separate proceedings before two Magistrate Judges to establish probable cause. Deportation of Mr. Ruiz Massieu is sought merely because he is here and the Secretary of State and Mexico have decided that he should go back.
The issue before the court is not whether plaintiff has the right to remain in this country beyond the period for which he was lawfully admitted; indeed, as a "non-immigrant visitor" he had only a limited right to remain here but the right to then go on his way to wherever he wished to go. The issue, rather, is whether an alien who is in this country legally can, merely because he is here, have his liberty restrained and be forcibly removed to a specific country in the unfettered discretion of the Secretary of State and without any meaningful opportunity to be heard. The answer is a ringing "no".
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Who is going to argue that Khalil should remain in the US because he is a productive member of the american society?
Not me. But that is not the issue.
The issue is whether he should be deported because he does not support Israel.
Who is going to argue he should be deported because he does not support Israel? (there is likely a good number of people who think that)
I have always wondered why so many people phrase it like that, freedom of speech, when the original reasoning that I heard was he materially supported a group which supported Hamas by trespassing, disrupting classes, and being anti-semite thugs. Or something like that. Whether non-citizens should be deportable for supporting groups which support designated terrorist groups is a separate matter. There's a lot of stupid laws on the books.
If the government can prove he provided material support for Hamas, deport him (after prosecuting and convicting him, I would hope, since doing so would have been a crime). He denies having done so. Not that I believe him, but he should be able to put the allegations to the test.
The government could have argued that they were planning to deport him for committing crimes. They explicitly chose not to use that rationale.
In fact, they don't even appear to be expressly relying on his speech; they appear to be relying on the FYTW provision of the INA that says that if the Secretary of State personally decides for any reason that one's presence is bad for U.S. foreign policy, one can be deported.
Marco Rubio can spot a threat to America better than anyone else in DC given his Cuban roots. Now if he could only deport AOC, Bernie Sanders, and other obvious Marxists in Congress
If immigrants have no due process rights, what makes you think the administration couldn't deport Bernie and AOC?
I'm hard pressed to see how occupying a patch of grass in New York City "materially" supports Hamas. The same for disrupting one or two classes at a college in New York City or "being a thug" whatever that means. Don't you have to supply a "material" benefit to someone in order to "materially" support them? Just running around saying "Hamas is great" or having a Martin Luther King-style sit-in would seem to qualify as intangible support.
The issue is whether he should be deported because he does not support Israel.
That's one way to signal that you are a liar and shouldn't be taken seriously.
Not that he doesn't support Israel but that he does support Hamas. What is it with leftists supporting terrorists?
That's pretty funny. I don't do paywalls, so I have no idea how Adam Liptak found this, but whoever did must have been really really surprised, like weeding-the-garden-and-finding-Captain-Kidd's-buried-treasure surprised.
Um, it was discussed in one of the comment threads here a week ago.
You really don't have much of a sense of humor, do you? Do you ever just stop and smell the roses? If you see a typo on a sign, do you just chuckle and go on, maybe take a picture for friends, or do you dash off an angry letter to your local representative?
I don't always agree with my sister either.
@ Professor A
You should probably mention that the case was overturned by then Circuit J Alito (small world) on other grounds. There was no appellate review of the merits one way or the other.
This came up about a week or so ago.
link to the case below... its still biding circuit percent in New Jersey. And also, read the case. Liptak does a very bad job of summarizing it. It very much limits what the district court and immigration court can do.
The Third Circuit expressly declined to reach the merits of Judge Barry's decision:
Massieu v. Reno, 91 F.3d 416, 417 (3d Cir. 1996). Judge Barry's reasoning on the merits is sound, and while not precedential, it should be afforded persuasive value.
I just want to say....nice find not guilty.
Professor Adler, VC Conspirator not guilty wrote about this case last week in the Wednesday thread.
That is what I meant by:
"There was no appellate review of the merits one way or the other."
Other than it was a decision made by Trump's sister of what interest is this decision? It was overturned on appeal and therefore holds pretty much zero value.
It was overturned on other grounds. It has the same value as any other district court decision: it is persuasive authority, not binding precedent.
I mean, it was still reversed. I might crib some of the cases and arguments, but I don’t think I’d cite it.
I mean, rev’d on other grounds is a perfectly valid citation signal. Of course I wouldn't lead with it if I had something better, but when it's otherwise an issue of first impression, I'd have no qualms about citing it.
Of course, you buried the most important part: "The author of the appeals court’s opinion [overruling Barry] was Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr., who would join the Supreme Court in 2006.
Judge Alito did not address Judge Barry’s constitutional rulings, saying instead that Mr. Ruiz Massieu had pursued his claims in the wrong forum. “We do not reach the merits of the constitutional questions decided by the district court,” he wrote.
https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=7004697097821672875&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr
Short version of the Alito appeals opinion:
The constitutionality of the statute should be decided by the appeals court *after* the immigration hearing. The constitutionality of the statute is not reviewable by the immigration judge.
Unironically, this 3rd circuit opinion (by Alito) is binding precedent in New Jersey.
Khalil will go home because the immigration court is being presented with multiple, independent causes to deport him, including hiding his connections.
The smart money is on: "they wont facially invalidate the statute they will simply impose a due process required immigration hearing consistent with the rest of the statute."
Also lets remember what happened to massieu: He was in fact laundering money for Drug Cartels:
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/mexico/family/marioruizmassieu.html
"On September 15, 1999, the former Mexican justice official apparently killed himself at his home in New Jersey rather than face money-laundering charges in the U.S. Ruiz Massieu had been under house arrest in the U.S. for several years as he fought U.S. attempts to extradite him to Mexico to face charges including money laundering and graft. A Houston jury had found that $8 million in his Texas bank accounts was paid him by drug cartels (in particular the Gulf Cartel) in exchange for protection. In his suicide note, Ruiz Massieu blamed Presdient Zedillo for his own death and that of his murdered brother."
Something I have not seen many legal commentators talk about is whether any of this might be impacted from the Gitmo Supreme Court decisions, if we're going to talk about minimum due process required.
That could cut both ways: either applying anything relevant to this case law, or revisiting some of the more problematic aspects of Justice Kennedy's philosopher Hamlet soliloquies, given the change in court membership.
I have always been bothered by the Court's bait-and-switch there: demanding more due process for enemy combatants, then rejecting the due process that Congress chose to implement. Imposing a habeas common law process defined by judges over a congressional statute. I think we're seeing echoes of some of that judicial supremacy now in the district court decisions opposing Trump. Hopefully the current Supreme Court won't ratify this.
It's a preview of how SCOTUS wold have treated Khalil's appeal should SDNY have tried to retain jurisdiction of the case. Which is why the judge blinked and did the next best thing: moved it to NJ.
Like some opinions of this genre, this looks like the judge made the decision (that the alien in question) should not be deported, and worked backwards to create a justification. Almost any discretionary executive act authorized via statute in this arena could be declared unconstitutional for the reasons given in this opinion. She threw the kitchen sink at it, I presume hoping something would survive an appeal on the merits.
I'm not a fan of Congress delegating authority to the executive branch (scope of tariff setting control), but I don't see anything constitutionally problematic about this delegated authority, as it is in support of the president's foreign policy power. The logic here would seem to undermine the entirety of immigration law where Congress has granted the president necessary discretion to control who enters the country.
Surely "control who enters the country" is a different matter than deporting long-time permanent residents? People need to be able to plan their lives, and to live with dignity. Being at the whim of a single official allows for neither.
The people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki needed for us to not drop an atomic bomb on them to be able to plan their lives and live with dignity, but that didn’t give them a legal right to prevent us from doing so.
The Constitution gives the political branches, primarily Congress, complete power over immigration and naturalization as part of its broad foreign policy and war powers, a power so broad it includes the power to make decisions about whether to drop an atomic bomb. It certainly includes the power to make decisions about whether to deport or allow to remain. While the round-up of US citizens of Japanese descent in WWII has been roundly criticized, the round-up of Japanese non-citizen long-term permanent residents, however disruptive to their ability to plan their lives and their dignity, has never been challenged.
Our Constitution gives Congress the power to choose to behave humanely and hospitably towards aliens. But it also gives Congress the power to choose not to.
If you think our policy towards aliens should be a certain way, you should be trying to persuade Congress. The courts’ job is to implement Congress’ will.
I would think if I was a visitor to the UK, for example, and the powers that be wanted me removed and sent out, then that would be one of the essential attributes of sovereignty that any nation has.
I don't know where a judge would get an idea that because we temporarily allow someone in that gives an irrevocable license to remain here. Sure, he has rights in that he cannot be jailed for his speech, for example, but we should have the right to send him packing.
Then why have any due process for deportation or extradition at all?
Because Congress thinks it’s a good idea, if and to the extent it thinks so. There is no other reason. So far as the constitution is concerned, there’s no need for it at all. All process in immigration and deportation matters, if any, is a creature of Congress.
Citizens are entitled to due process as a matter of right. And aliens in this country are entitled to due process on matters other than entry and deportation.
Assuming for the sake of argument that your analysis is right wrt Massieu, it does not apply to Khalil, who who was not "temporarily" allowed into the country, but a LPR.
But of course your analysis is misplaced even wrt Massieu. Judge Barry did not find that he had a right to stay in the country.
I would think if I was a visitor to the UK, for example, and the powers that be wanted me removed and sent out, then that would be one of the essential attributes of sovereignty that any nation has.
Between Parliament, the government, and the courts, it does. But in the UK you'd definitely have the opportunity to take the government to court before they could ship you abroad.
Where does 8 U.S.C. § 1251(a)(4)(C) say you may be _extradited_ (not just deported) on the Secretary of State's say-so? I'm not a lawyer, but the law seems to cleary say "deportable". Where did the authority to hand him over to Mexico -- as opposed to just letting him self-deport to wherever he wants -- come from? Especially after four attempts to declare him extradictable were rejected by judges.
From Judge Berry's opinion
§ 241(a)(4)(C)(i) of the Immigration and Nationality Act ("INA"), provides simply that "[a]n alien whose presence or activities in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable ground to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States is deportable"
Deportable, yes. But surely, deportation is not the same as extradition? There are different bodies of law dealing with each.
Extradition is to a specific country, under guard.
Too bad Khalil lied on his federal forms about his past associations. Any case he thought he might have had just evaporated. Lying on the federal form is perjury and you are deportable. Khalil is going home.
Could SCOTUS decide this on non-delegation grounds? Congress explicitly gave the SecState (one individual) the power to deport, at his personal discretion on different grounds. Can they delegate that much power to one Cabinet officer, and not the POTUS? Is that too much power being granted?
No, foreign policy powers are exempt from the non-delegation doctrine. Congress can delegate its ENTIRE power to the president or an administration official if it wants to. And on a number of issues, including this one, it has.
Congress can always take it back (if its members want to with enough unity to overcome a likely veto).
Deporting an alien as persona non grata is no more a restraint on the alien’s liberty than a host kicking a now-unwanted guest off his property is. It just isn’t a constraint on the alien’s liberty. An alien has no life, liberty, or property interest in remaining in this country any longer than the alien is permitted to stay by those whom the constitution and laws charge with extending and revoking the invitations.
It’s as simple as that.
The alien, just like a citizen, can’t be prosecuted to a criminal or civil action for something covered by the Free Speech clause. But so far as the constitution is concerned, he absolutely can be deported. Only citizens have a constitutional right to remain in this country. All aliens are here by our invitation, and at our sufference, only. And both are completely matters of discretion on our government’s part, for any reason or no reason so far as the Constitution is concerned. Only Congress is empowered to set rules and limitations.
"The alien, just like a citizen, can’t be prosecuted to a criminal or civil action for something covered by the Free Speech clause. But so far as the constitution is concerned, he absolutely can be deported" -- why? The point of free speech is you can speak without retribution. Why should the form of retribution matter, if it's the _fact_ of retribution for speech that offends 1A values?
Because the reason for deportation is irrelevant so far as the constitution is concerned. It just doesn’t matter.
Deportation, like being shot dead in a war, just isn’t a punishment. It needn’t have anything to do with the individual - it can be about foreign affairs matters that just happen to drag the individual in.
There’s no intrinsic difference between deporting Hamas supporters because the US happens to be at odds with Hamas at the moment and deporting Japanese citizens because the US happens to be at war with Japan. The US is no more engaging in “retribution” against the individuals for supporting Hamas than it is engaging in retribution against them for being Japanese subjects. It is simply deporting them because of their status, in this case the category of Hamas supporters. The fact the status results from speech is incidental. Deportation has no concept of guilt or innocence, unless the person doesn’t leave when ordered out.
Is the alleged alien allowed to ask a court to check whether he is in fact an alien?
Yes, this law should be struck down, as applied to green-card holders. Not because the President's sister believes it's unconstitutional, or because Donald Trump supports it, but because it's unconstitutional.
Here it is:
"An alien whose presence or activities in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable ground to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States is deportable."
There's a similar law for excluding foreign visitors in general, and so far as this affects people without serious ties to the U. S., I think it's fine. I think it's fine as applied to short-term residents like tourists or students. But once the U. S. government officially decides that someone should be a permanent resident, then that person has enough of a stake in the country that expelling him should be based on specific grounds, not vague ones, not on suddenly-discovered foreign-policy inconvenience.
What if a foreign government issues a death threat against Americans for "harboring" a green-card holder? Would the Secretary of State be justified in deporting the alien on the grounds that foreign policy requires appeasing the murderous foreign regime? That's just one of many examples.
This law is from the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952, so there's no point acting as if Trump just made it up. It's the will of Congress, but then, so was the "Alien Friends Act" of 1798, which Madison and Jefferson protested against as unconstitutional.
Now, I'm a bit eccentric, in that I think deporting an alien admitted for permanent residence requires a criminal conviction (unless some official admitted the alien illegally in the first place). A criminal conviction requires a jury trial, not an immigration "judge" who is actually an executive branch employee.
That's not the same as U. S. officials legitimately acting as bouncers to eject those who come in illegally or stay beyond the time for which they're admitted. These aliens weren't admitted for *permanent residence,* and many were not admitted at all.
Another exception is the Alien Enemies Act, but as I explain elsewhere, this isn't applicable to any current country.
I’m very disappointed to learn she didn’t say “Bitch set me up!”.