The Volokh Conspiracy
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District Court Rules Trump Violated Constitution by Usurping Congress's Spending Power
The decision involved administration attempts to withhold spending on foreign aid contracts, but has much broader implications.

On Monday, US District Judge Amir Ali ruled against the Trump Administration in an important case involving control over the spending power. The court held the administration could not withhold payments from foreign aid contractors, that had been allocated by Congress. The issues in the case go far beyond the relatively modest sums of money immediately at stake. Indeed, this is just one of many cases where the administration is being sued for illegally withholding funds, in defiance of Congress. Judge Ali has a valuable summary of the broader constitutional principle involved:
The provision and administration of foreign aid has been a joint enterprise between our two political branches. That partnership is built not out of convenience, but of constitutional necessity. It reflects Congress and the Executive's "firmly established," shared constitutional responsibilities over foreign policy, Zivotofsky ex rel. Zivotofsky v. Kerry, 576 U.S. 1, 62 (2015) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting), and it reflects the division of authorities dictated by the Constitution as it relates to the appropriation of funds and executing on those appropriations. Congress, exercising its exclusive Article I power of the purse, appropriates funds to be spent toward specific foreign policy aims. The President, exercising a more general Article II power, decides how to spend those funds in faithful execution of the law….
This case involves a departure from that firmly established constitutional partnership. Here, the Executive has unilaterally deemed that funds Congress appropriated for foreign aid will not be spent. The Executive not only claims his constitutional authority to determine how to spend appropriated funds, but usurps Congress's exclusive authority to dictate whether the funds should be spent in the first place. In advancing this position, Defendants offer an unbridled view of Executive power that the Supreme Court has consistently rejected—a view that flouts multiple statutes whose constitutionality is not in question, as well as the standards of the Administrative Procedure Act ("APA"). Asserting this "vast and generally unreviewable" Executive power and diminution of Congressional power, Defendants do not cite any provision of Article I or Article II of the Constitution….
Judge Ali has a more detailed discussion of the constitutional issues later in the opinion (pp. 29-38).
I have previously covered the issues at stake in Trump's effort to usurp the spending power here. It's a massive power grab that must be blocked, even if you believe (as I do) that federal spending is way too high and needs to be cut. As noted in my earlier post, much of the administration's agenda is not really about cutting spending, but about using the threat of withholding to bend state and local governments and various private organizations to the administration's will. See also this discussion by Georgetown law Prof. Meryl Chertoff. Even if you think a Republican president should be able to wield such vast, unconstrained power, I bet you don't have similar confidence in the next Democratic one.
The actual savings achieved by DOGE cuts (about $9 billion, once we strip away errors and distortions), are relatively piddling, in the context of the gargantuan nearly $7 trillion federal budget. This isn't about balancing the budget, or even about reducing waste and fraud. It's a massive unconstitutional power grab.
For those keeping score, I have also been highly critical of Democratic administrations' attempts to usurp spending authority, as with Biden's student loan forgiveness program (rightly invalidated by the Supreme Court, in a decision I defended here). But Trump's assault on the spending power is distinctive for its sweeping nature. He doesn't just claim that vague statutes give him vast discretion over some particular spending category (as, e.g., Biden did with student payments). He's claiming a general power to "impound" any federal funds for almost any reason. That claim is badly wrong, and extremely dangerous.
Judge Ali also concluded that the Administration violated the Administrative Procedure Act. I will leave that issue to APA experts.
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Ilya's like a pig in mud with this nevertrump lawfare.
But the consequences of it are rather chilling. Trump will be out of office in 4 years -- the precedents will remain for the rest of our lives, and apply to other issues.
Dr: Ed: "Fuck the Constitution, I'm all in for Trump"
Basically.
Alternatively, Somin and others are emoting "Fuck the Constitution, I'm all in against Trump."
Except the article makes the Constitutional case clear. But then you're a cultist, so Krasnov uber alles.
"Ilya's like a pig in mud"
"The Constitution is like a pig in mud."
Yup. One only has to read the first sentence of an article by Ilya to know where he is going. Even Josh is more intriguing. Judge Ali is 39 years old.
Happily Trump can pull a Biden and ignore
SCOTUSa 39 year old Fed Judge nominated by a neurocognitively defective President approved by a severely broken US Senate on a 50-49 vote on Nov 22, 2024.Amazing how many authoritarians hate Prof. Somin.
And know him on a first-name basis!
Just like FJB's attempt to require employers to fire employees who refused to take one vaccine.
It keeps a future President from, say, using executive fiat to requite employers to fire employees who have procured an abortion,
It's almost as if certain government conduct is permissible or not depending on whether the government has a good enough reason.
As I understand it, he has to spend it (which makes sense, otherwise it's impoundment?), but they can't tell him how to spend it.
So Trump can meet this obligation without the the same subversive and corrupt Soros NGO's won't get funded.
Maybe he can use it to fund patriotic groups, or other pro-American cultural groups, or even pay down the debt with it.
It has to be spent on what the law says it has to be spent on.
If the law didn't specify what groups would get the contracts or funds or whatever, sure, he could maybe redirect it to groups that also fit the terms of the law. As long as the cancelation of the contracts follows whatever relevant Contract law there is, or whatever specific terms Congress laid out for the process of canceling, changing, or creating new federal contracts and grants and stuff.
But he still tried to do a total freeze of so much of this stuff, without following the congressionally mandated process when a president wants to impound funds temporarily like that - notice to Congress requirements, and the 45 day limit.
It's a TEMPORARY FREEZE. That's not impoundment. Judicial tyranny is a double edged sword. You should see that, and be against it. TRO abuse needs to be stopped. If the Court won't do it, Congress should.
Yeah I think there has been some TRO abuse. But.
Temporary delays are covered by the impoundment act. Temporary freezes are illegal if they don't follow the legal process.
If the president isn't approaching his desired temporary freezes legally, and judges are holding him to the law, then your problem at its core isn't with judicial tyranny, it's with Congress / the law.
https://www.gao.gov/blog/what-impoundment-control-act-and-what-gaos-role
"The ICA provides the only legal mechanism for the President to delay or withhold funding, not cancel it. This law requires that the President notify Congress before delaying or withholding funds.
P.S. I know I could totally be wrong or misunderstanding you or something.
So if you look at that link and still think the judges are doing something wrong, could you be more specific? Why is it not normal judicial legal process, in light of these laws?
I disagree with two things here.
1. Congress' spending power goes only one way. The president may not spend funds Congress has not appropriated. But he does not have to spend funds they do appropriate.
2. USAID is not a foreign aid agency. It is a slush fund that has been used to launder billions and send them to leftist causes, including Soros's campaigns to destroy the rule of law. This political use of tax funds violates the First Amendment rights of every taxpayer. Trump has the duty to refuse to do that.
The first question is - when is a delay a delay ?
If Congress specifies no particular time (except the end of the budgetary year) for amounts to be spent, there's no "delay" until the end of the budgetary year. The fact that some middle ranking apparatchik may have decided that $10 million should be handed over to the "Vasectomies for Girls" NGO on 19 March, does not mean that the President can't say "no, don't pay that."
We find out if there's been a delay only as and when a statutorily imposed deadline for the spending has passed.
Ooooh, that's a great question. We should go look at the impoundment act to see how it answers it.
I can't imagine it leaves it vague. Or rather, I can imagine Congress stupidly leaving something vague like that, but I think if this law did that it would have been part of the current discourse already.
Honestly, I'm pretty dang confident in my guess that it gives a general rule that doesn't depend on every appropriation including a statutory deadline. They were trying to counter Nixon and stuff like that, and I doubt they would have made it only take effect on laws that had very specific deadlines. That would leave too much room. I'm just guessing. But maybe the rules talk about not being able to pause contracts and grants that are already obligated via contracts or other commitments (even if the original law did not have a deadline).
Hmm, yeah, maybe you are 100% right about brand new appropriations, and getting that funding started. Maybe those need to have a deadline for the appointment act to clearly apply. But my impression has been that none of the current fights are about that category, but rather about funding that was generally already in flight.
P.S. It seems like that category of getting things started would apply to what Biden did with the funding for the wall.
He didn't blatantly "freeze/refuse"; he dragged his feet with excuses about doing incredibly slow due diligence for meeting various detailed requirements or questions or reports or environmental impact things or whatnot. So it didn't get done through his entire administration.
I haven't heard anyone suggest he violated the impoundment act.
But I do think he violated his oath to take care that the law is faithfully executed, in the way he dragged his feet. I think that was impeachable.
corrupt Soros NGO
Can you show us on this doll where Soros touched you?
I bet he could make a good argument that his "take care" / "faithfully executed" powers give him intrinsic authority for some kind of pause to check for fraud, since ensuring it goes where it's supposed to would be part of faithfully executing.
But I don't see why that would let him ignore the Impoundment Act process entirely.
Maybe he could win an argument in court if he said he was needing more than 45 days of pause to ensure the funds were going were they were supposed to, and Congress wasn't cooperating with letting him have it. I could see a Court ruling that the limit was unconstitutionally restricting his take care powers in that circumstance. But he's not going to win that if he's just trying to completely ignore the law on temp impoundment.
And you understand wrong. What you suggest (spend the money on something completely different) isn't even "impoundment", it's blatantly violating the Congressional power of the purse. Which is more fundamentally wrong.
If Congress says "we appropriate $1M for aid to hurricane victims in North Carolina", the President can't claim he has satisfied that appropriation by building new boat ramp for Mar-a-Lago.
Because NC is missing the $1M appropriated to it and the President has spent money on something Congress didn't put in the budget it passed. That's one impoundment violation plus one Constitutional violation.
FFS, it's really not that complicated.
Zarniwoop,
No offense, but your complaints are obvious. Of course if Congress says spend $72,000 on this specific FBI table in their new building, Trump can't reject that.
In my mind, the context was USAID and I don't believe Congress appropriated funds to USAID laying out the grant recipients. Those were my unstated assumptions.
Unlike Bernstein, I won't get my feelings hurt and I'll try and be more careful with my assumptions, like I wish he had done with his Purim post.
You don't understand it correctly. Of course they can tell him how to spend it. They generally don't micromanage because the federal budget is so big and that would be a lot of work. But they can say anything from a general "Spend $X on highway projects" to a specific, "Spend $X on Company A and $Y on Company B to rebuild the bridge that the ship crashed into," if they want.
Woof, woof
"That's my other dog impression"
-Oddball
I am not disputing the constitutional issues - ie that the president cant impound funds congress authorized.
What is open to dispute is whether congress authorized the specific funding that is being impounded. ie did congress authorize the funding to be send to a specific organization ("xyz company") vs a broad spending to controlled as the executive branch determined the appropriate ultimate receipients and whether congress barred the executive branch from performing any form of due diligence to manage the funding, or barred the actions of the executive branch to perform ordinary business practices to ensure no fraud , etc in the program.
It appears the court is conflating the two separate issues.
You should read the "Scope of Relief" portion (starts p.44). It says the opposite of what you believe. Specifically, the Court says that while impoundment is not appropriate, the Plaintiffs' proposed relief to restore specific contracts with the Plaintiffs is also not appropriate:
"As to the separation of powers claims, Plaintiffs’ proposed relief is overbroad insofar as it would specifically order Defendants to continue to contract with them.... However, the separation of powers dictates only that the Executive follow Congress’s decision to spend funds, and both the Constitution and Congress’s laws have traditionally afforded the Executive discretion on how to spend within the constraints set by Congress. The appropriate remedy is accordingly to order Defendants to “make available for obligation the full amount of funds Congress appropriated” under the relevant laws
I take it that this is also the reason why the ADA is properly engaged. It's because the blanket Executive policy doesn't purport to direct the termination, or modification of the of terms, of any particular recipient's contract or class of recipients' identical contracts.
The blanket policy purports to suspend the Executive's performance of its obligation to pay any and all funds (validly appropriated by Congress) otherwise owing to any and all counter-party recipients - including not *only* for past performance. It does so without any particular consideration as to why any particular recipient in the blanket class ought be fixed with the adverse consequences of such a blanket suspension.
The Executive *doesn't* plead that it is unburdened by any or all payment obligations. It doesn't because such a pleading would require it to fulfill the onus of proving that, in respect of its *identification* of the particular terms of any relevant contract, its obligation is (for whatever plausible legal ground) defeasible.
I also tend to think that it's precisely the blanket nature of the Executive's representation of its policy (on which its agencies have acted), that the US District Court has jurisdiction (especially under the ADA). The jurisdiction of the Court of Fed. Claims would be exclusively enlivened *if* the general Executive policy specified agency guidance for the termination or modification of some particular contract or class of identical contracts, & if the responsible agency acted on such guidance with respect to those contracts..
It didn't & doesn't.
I reckon Joe_Dallas is correct in his doubt as to the Con. question of whether, in this instant case, the funds have (strictly) been "impounded".
The reason, I take it, why the USDC refused relief to "restore" plaintiffs' contracts specifically, is that the impugned agency action to suspend any and all payments in reliance on the blanket Executive policy, doesn't purport to operate at the specific contractual level at all. This is why, I take it, the USDC was peculiarly persuaded of the plaintiffs' ADA grounds.
.
It won't matter long, As the Democrats on the Appropriations Committee said:
"With a full-year continuing resolution, the guardrails are off. Elon Musk and President Trump will have even more leeway to shutoff and repurpose funding as they see fit."
That is true. If the CR passes Trump can cut anything he wants. That is in addition to the other massive enumerated cuts that are in the bill.
It doesn't even have to pass, if the government is shutdown nobody gets paid anyway.
Do you see how you are advocating for no checks on Presidential action that matter?
That's authoritarian.
If you can't get to where you want to go within the system, you're going to throw out the system.
That's you being the bad guy.
Er, it’s Chuckie and the Senate Dems threatening to block the CR.
The system is Congress passes a spending Bill or it doesn’t. The consequences flow from there.
He's not specifically speaking of the shutdown, except in as much as it lets him get away with illegal and unconstitutional stuff.
I don't believe it's ever been held unconstitutional for the President to refuse to spend money he doesn't have, during a shutdown.
Yeah, but the authority at issue here isn't that.
All the federal employees who have to continue working during a shutdown must be paid. Federal law enforcement, firefighters, air traffic controllers, etc. It is not an insignificant number of people.
Of course that's just federal law. Who says the Trump administration would actually comply?
So some judge named Amir Ali gets to tell the President to send money to foreign countries? And an immigrant law professor praises it?
We need American deciding to spend American tax money on Americans. The country has been taken over by foreign interests.
Congress did that. Judge Ali is just being a referee here - you know, balls and strikes.
Where are the robot umps?
Pitchers, catchers, and batters get to challenge the call during Spring Training (depending on the field).
Then convince Congress to allocate money differently. Those are those who believe that the benefits of foreign aid are worth the costs.
Yes, that previous Congress which enabled the agency and established it did. That President who signed the enabling legislation did. All previous Congresses who continued appropriating money for it did. But who gives a shit about laws and appropriations and the Constitution? It's all deep state bullshit.
Amir Ali is a fringe left-wing kook and shameless political hack, confirmed 50-49 by the lame-duck Democratic Senate in the lame-duck session after the 2024 election. These are the judges Somin the great libertarian throws in with nowadays.
So what? That's the judge they got. Remember Aileen Cannon? Sometimes you get a favorable judge, sometimes not. Did you defend Judge Cannon?
Behold, the libertarian mind.
There is something rotten in the federal courts and a lot of it is in DC. As noted in the gov't's memorandum "Plaintiffs seek essentially to place the U.S. Agency for International Development (“USAID”) in a receivership, superintended by the Court, by requiring Defendants to make disbursements and to “clear[] any administrative, operational, human resource, or technical hurdles to implementation” to do so. See, e.g., AVAC Proposed Order, ECF No. 13-6" If the plaintiffs have a contractual claim, they should bring the matter before the Court of Federal Claims or the Civilian Board of Contract Appeals. This ruling is an affront to the President's authority in foreign affairs and his constitutional role and duty under the Take Care Clause. The federal judiciary seems to be engaged in some kind of half-assed coup with more than a few trial judges acting as stupid activists undeserving of judicial power. Don't know what's going on but unless the S.Ct. intervenes more seriously, these judicial hacks may do some permanent damage.
Another tantrum from an illiterate bot.
Your responses to Riva are botlike. Every response is to simply accuse Riva of being a bot.
Perhaps he is too lazy to type out "-fly"
Kinda ironic. Now I could appreciate a clever response. This robotic trolling is not that thing. And why there is no point in ever responding directly to crazy Dave.
He should just mute Riva like everyone else has.
No. The bot posts something completely fictional, pulled from something input to it from social media, and garners substantive responses from multiple people, including me, pointing out where it went wrong. Then the bot just repeats the exact same things over again, without even acknowledging, let alone responding to, the refutations.
This confuses some people who don't understand the concern for limited government via proper checks and balances:
It's a massive power grab that must be blocked, even if you believe (as I do) that federal spending is way too high and needs to be cut.
This reflects the reality that many people don't quite believe in the principle, supporting it selectively:
Even if you think a Republican president should be able to wield such vast, unconstrained power, I bet you don't have similar confidence in the next Democratic one.
At least one person bluntly said that Trump should do all he can as long as he has the power to do so, including before the 2026 elections. Raw power is the name of the game.
I'll have absolutely no problem with the next Democrat president wanting to cut the bureaucracy to the bone.
Nakedly ends justifies the means.
Nah, because you assume "cut" is automatically an unconstitutional act.
It is, for the president. Congress of course is free to cut stuff.
More Nelson at Copenhagen stuff. Democrat Presidents don’t need to grab power back from the apparat, because the apparat is loyal to Democrat policy.
But Republican Presidents do need to - for precisely the same reason.
Republicans have no fear of eliminating the er “checks and balances” within the executive branch because these checks and balances don’t apply when the Democrats are in power anyway.
It’s like me giving up mushrooms. I hate em - giving them up costs me squat.
So the idea is that giving up checks and balances costs MAGA squat? How about the corrollary? Does destroying checks and balances on purpose make MAGA rich?
It surely must be factually incorrect to say that Congress directed that these funds be provided to these exact grant recipients. Congress appropriates funds to be spent by the Executive. They don't name the recipients. How could they? The grants are competed for.
1. I also cannot identify the materially-legal connexion between a mere Congressional direction, in exercise of its legislative power over appropriations, that the Executive spend funds for "specific foreign policy aims", & the particularisation of the contractually-entitled recipients of such funds (a particularisation determined, presumptively, by reference to those "specific aims").
2. The power to particularise recipients is in the Executive.
3. An executory power of particularisating recipients is subject to ADA constraints on the exercise of Executive power.
4. An executed power of particularisation remains at least capable of being vitiated for non-compliance with ADA constraints.
5. The question whether an executed power remains capable of being so vitiated depends substantially on whether the terms of any *particular* contract with some *particular* recipient provides for an exclusion of ADA constraints on discretion.
6. Even if a particular contract doesn't exclude otherwise applicable statutory constraints on the enforceability of a contractual relation with the Executive, statute does confer on the Executive unilateral supervening powers to review contracts awarded by it, including by pausing or ceasing funding, or by imposing additional conditions on the recipient's performance.
7. I tend to view this instant case as raising the question whether a representation by the Executive of a *blanket policy* to suspend its putative obligation to spend all validly appropriated Congressional funds for "specific foreign policy aims", is or isn't consistent with those powers, conferred on the Executive by statute, to review etc the terms of contracts with *particular* recipients.
8. It seems to me that such a blanket policy, embodied in a representation which isn't attenuated to any particular recipient or sufficiently-specified class of recipient, doesn't engage the statutory power to review, etc. Nor, obviously, can it generally engage an contractual right of the Executive, as a counter-party to some particular contract.
9. That leaves the possibility that the instant exercise of a putative power to suspend & review is an incident of an *inherent* Executive power, uncontrollable by statute unless the Executive consents to such control.
10. There may be a plausible predicate for such a proposition in the Executive's inherent power over "foreign affairs" generally.
11. But - of course! - it hardly needs stating that a blanket Executive policy to suspend payments to *any & all* contractually-entitled recipients of *validly* appropriated Congressional funds ("for foreign policy aims"), is in fact (under whatever standard of judicial "scrutiny") an expression of an uncontrollable discretion *within the scope* of a putatively inherent Executive power.
12. My view only.
Only to the extent Congress delegates such power to the executive.
Yes, you're right, the Ex. is exercising a delegated power. But a delegation to particularise, by giving effect to the purposes of a statutory grant of power, is implied when not expressed. The particularisation must of course be within the scope of the terms of the delegation, as authorised by the governing Act.
Seems like any notion a contractor won a grant in a competition is contradicted if the executive can terminate the grant at a whim.
If there are statutory provisions which govern the awarding of gov. contracts (there are, obviously); and if there are also provisions governing the modification, termination, suspension etc of contracts awarded (there are); then Executive acts which purport to effect (eg) a "suspension" of Exec. obligations to perform are either authorised by the applicable statutes or aren't. If they're not, the source for the purported Ex. act must lie in some aspect of an inherent Ex. power.
As per usual, Somin's post has won him the plaudits of the far-left commentariat here. Perhaps that's the only purpose of his posts at this point. He hasn't won them over; they've won him over. One can practically here them serenading Somin: "One of us! One of us! One of us..."
Somin has become a clown. His recent post might have been titled, "I used to believe in a unitary executive, but I hate the current President, so now I don't." This one might be titled, "The Libertarian Case for Fraud, Waste, and Abuse in Government."
Do you have any evidence that Somin ever believed in a unitary executive?
Just lame straw manning. Can you engage with his actual argument?
Meanwhile, Trump and Musk (et al) have chopped FOUR TRILLION of wealth out of America in just the past week or two. Kinda makes all these other numbers look like rounding errors.
My favorite part was when one of his biggest whores in his Cabinet, before his actual inauguration, gave Trump full credit for the then large increases in the stock market. Now that his schizophrenic back-and-forths, and forth-and-backs, on tariffs and chainsaw firings, have temporarily demolished stocks; this same women today proudly tried to throw Biden under the bus...blaming Old Joe for Trump's various disasters. Her utter bullshit was met by stunned silence, and then some muffled laughter. So, there are apparently lines of fuckery that even MAGA suckups cannot successfully cross.
If it's so clear that it is unconstitutional for a president to refuse to spend money appropriated by Congress, why did Congress in 1974 deem the Impoundment Control Act necessary?
I guess everyone was just stupid before Professor Somin and Judge Ali opined on the issue to enlighten the rest of us.
Judge Ali's handling of this case is nothing to trumpet. Prof. Somin's glowing praise of the opinion decrying Trump's alleged power grab missed Judge Ali's own power grab.
So much for Congress's power to set jurisdiction, I guess. Ends justify the means.
Power grab = action with which I disagree.
The. Fucking. Irony.
Illlllllya is always on the wrong side of the issue. For example:
"The actual savings achieved by DOGE cuts (about $9 billion, once we strip away errors and distortions), are relatively piddling, in the context of the gargantuan nearly $7 trillion federal budget. This isn't about balancing the budget, or even about reducing waste and fraud. It's a massive unconstitutional power grab."
WHAT. $9 billion is NEVER piddling, that's a ton of money, regardless of the total budget.
It's not an unconstitutional power grab. Trump has the Constitution AND the law on his side.
Go post at Slate Illlllllya.