The Volokh Conspiracy
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Neutral Principles for the Emergency Docket
The lower courts, which are issuing unappealing rulings, are inverting the Article III hierarchy. This Inferior Court Supremacy cannot stand.
In recent terms, several Justices have attempted to sketch standards for granting relief on the shadow docket. In Does v. Mills (2021), Justice Barrett and Kavanaugh focused on cert-worthiness as an important factor. But in Labrador v. Poe (2024), Justices Kavanaugh and Barrett focused on likelihood of success on the merits. These two tests are very much in tension. Department of States v. AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition illustrates this tension.
In this dispute, the Trump Administration attempted to block the payment of certain foreign development assistance funds. The procedural posture of the case is complex. A federal district court issued a Temporary Restraining Order, which was in effect a mandatory injunction: the State Department had to pay out approximately $2 billion. On February 25, the district court ordered the government to pay funds for work that was already completed by February 26 at 11:59 p.m. Shortly before that deadline, Circuit Justice Roberts entered an administrative stay of the February 25 order. Roberts then referred the government's application to the full Court.
The application sat pending for seven days. On March 5, the Court vacated the Chief Justice's administrative stay. In other words, the Court denied the government's request for an administrative stay. The vote was 5-4. Chief Justice Roberts, and Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, Barrett and Jackson, were in the majority. Justice Alito dissented, joined by Justices Thomas, Gorsuch and Kavanaugh.
The Court offered only one sentence of reasoning to explain its actions:
Given that the deadline in the challenged order has now passed, and in light of the ongoing preliminary injunction proceedings, the District Court should clarify what obligations the Government must fulfill to ensure compliance with the temporary restraining order, with due regard for the feasibility of any compliance timelines.
This order took me some time to sort through.
First, as a general matter, if the Court vacates an administrative stay, the lower court order goes into effect immediately. The District Court order required the payment of these funds by February 26. That order went into effect as soon as the stay was vacated. The Court says that the "the deadline in the challenged order has now passed." That might be true, but it is irrelevant. If a court orders you to do something on Monday, and it is now Wednesday, it is true that the deadline has passed, but it also means that you are now in violation of a court order and can be held in contempt. An order doesn't cease to be in effect when the deadline passes. The order remains in effect unless an appellate court says otherwise. And the Supreme Court ultimately let the order go into effect. Sort of. The Court's one sentence of reasoning makes little sense.
Second, if the February 25 order is now in effect, why does the government not have to make the payments immediately? Because the Court said "the District Court should clarify what obligations the Government must fulfill to ensure compliance with the temporary restraining order . . . ." In other words, the Supreme Court gave the District Court an assignment: the lower court should issue some sort of clarifying order about what funds are due. This order, if I can even call it an order, is perplexing. The Court denied the government's application. How can the Court grant any relief if it denied the government's application? The Supreme Court lacks any sort of free-floating, supervisory power over the lower courts. If it grants an application, under the All Writs Act, the Court can give instructions of how the lower court should proceed. But by denying the application, the Court has no power to act. This order is in keeping with Justice Barrett's opinion in San Francisco v. EPA, where she purported to dissent in part, but in fact dissented outright. The Court is engaging in shenanigans with how it describes its appellate jurisdiction.
Third, given that the Court denied the application, any discussion of the merits would be an advisory opinion. Yet the Court strongly hints that the lower court was wrong on the merits. "Clarifying" the obligations of the government is a nice way of saying the prior ruling was not quite clear enough. If the order against the government was insufficiently clear, the remedy would be to vacate the lower court opinion with instructions to clarify. (Then again, the Supreme Court "clarified" Bruen in Rahimi by partially overruling it, so words really have no meaning on the Roberts Court.) But the Supreme Court asked the District Court to clarify its ruling, without ordering it to do so. The Supreme Court cannot make suggestions. It can only issue orders. Again, these are shenanigans, designed to direct the lower court without actually granting the government's application.
I struggle with this ruling because there is no attempt, whatsoever, at a neutral principle. At this point, Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Barrett are just bailing out a sinking ship, trying to stay afloat long enough to avoid the next iceberg.
Justice Alito's dissent is one for the ages. When the current emergency docket madness is over--and it will come to an end sooner or later--we will look at Justice Alito's opinion as a turning point.
Justice Alito carefully walks through the standards for granting a stay--and those standards are amply satisfied.
First, there are very strong arguments that the Government will prevail on sovereign immunity grounds. Plaintiffs cannot simply sue the United States in federal court to seek payment of a contract. The Court of Federal Claims has specialized jurisdiction for these sorts of claims. Moreover, the District Court's order was palpably over-broad. The majority acknowledged that the lower court's edict should be "clarified." Again, an order that is valid does not need to be "clarified." All of the Justices, therefore, agreed that the District Court issued a ruling that likely would not be upheld on the merits. The "likelihood of success" prong is satisfied. So we do get a merits peek, even if the majority is playing peek-a-boo.
Second, the government has squarely shown that is likely to suffer irreparable harm. If the plaintiffs ultimately prevail, the government can always pay out the amounts owed, perhaps with interest. But once the government pays out the $2 billion, recovering that full amount will be nearly impossible. The equities here scream for a temporary stay.
Third, in a footnote, Justice Alito discussed Justice Barrett's Does v. Mills concurrence:
To the extent that likelihood of certiorari is a relevant factor, John Does 1–3 v. Mills, 595 U. S ___, ___ (2021) (BARRETT, J., concurring in the denial of application for injunctive relief) (slip op., at 1), it is met here.
Do you know why this standard is met? Because four justices would grant that stay. It takes four votes to grant cert. By definition, this case is cert-worthy. In Does v. Mills, there were three votes to grant the injunction. Justice Barrett could say the case was not cert-worthy because she did not vote to grant cert. But it was not hard to predict a 5-4 case on the emergency docket. Barrett's standard was always circular. In the USAID Case, where there are four votes to review, the problems with Barrett's standard becomes apparent.
From my perspective, the Court denied the stay only because Justice Barrett was willing to go along with the Chief Justice. Justice Barrett has signaled her discomfort with administrative stays before. But, she has not articulated any reason why relief was not appropriate here. Thus, there is an asymmetry. District Courts are issuing administrative stays of executive actions, appellate courts refuse to grant administrative stays of lower court rulings, and the Supreme Court simply sits on the sidelines.
The lower court, which are issuing unappealing rulings, are inverting the Article III hierarchy. This Inferior Court Supremacy, as I call it, cannot stand. More on that topic in another post.
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Seems straightforward enough. ACB has a looong sloooow OODA loop. The lower courts have got inside it.
It's like one of those old Star Trek episodes where Kirk overwhelms a computer with a baby contradiction and the computer goes "Error ! Error !" and then explodes.
The libtoids should really thank Trump and the past few Republican Presidents. For decades they've gotten the best Supreme Court roster, (for their interests) they could have reasonably expected maybe even a bit more from the GOP. Innumerable times the Court should have moved substantially right and it was blown every time. Count our blessings Dems weren't in office anymore than they already have been since they are vastly more competent at picking people who are within a country mile of towing the line and we would have been stuck with a parade of hardline fanatics.
It is not contempt of court to fail to comply with an order it is not possible to comply with.
I think that this is what the Supreme Court was getting at when it said that the District Court should clarify the obligations of the Government. The Government cannot meet the Feb. 26 deadline without a time machine, so the District Court needs to set a new deadline.
This seems clear enough to me, but not to Josh Blackman. Since Blackman is a lawyer and I am not, that rather suggests I’m missing something. On the other hand, it’s possible that you don’t need to be as skilled as an intelligent layman at reading court directives in order to be hired as a professor at the South Texas College of Law.
It is the job of lawyers to miss things when it is in the interests of their clients and causes to do so. As Upton Sinclair aptly put it, their salary depends on doing so.
Yes, this was my critique several days ago, when Blackman himself made a post that judges need to issue orders that can be followed. I was mocked by several libs for agreeing with his nominal idea that some of these orders were not clear enough and that is one of the reasons why they were being appealed.
Now Blackman has abandoned that thinking, because a couple of justices didn't rule for the decisive outcome he wanted, even as the Supreme Court basically has agreed with his prior argument, ordering a clearer order which again might be subject to appellate review.
The entire problem here is district courts issuing TRO's which require continued government action (the entire controversy, ignoring possible particular standing) but according to current law such orders are immediately unappealable. Maybe someday, after being fully briefed and litigated, the Supreme Court will clarify the law about that and call shenanigans. That day is not today, on a rocket shadow docket to please Blackman.
It is when you don't even try to comply with the order (or the next order, or the next order) and then as a result of your non-efforts say that you cannot timely comply.
Unlike Professor Blackman, who has been very consistent about it lately, it is the job of the Supreme Court not to offer opinions on major questions off the top of their heads when they can avoid doing so. It is their job to act based on a deliberative view of the law, not on obedience to outside orders or pressure.
Professor Blackman shows the characteristic MAGA intemperate irritable impetuosity when MAGA demands are not immediately met.
If that's not the job of the Supreme Court, it's even less the job of some random district court judge, and one job of the Supreme Court is to correct errors of lower courts, especially where those courts stay from their Constitutional bounds.
It is a waste of judicial resources that the Court continues to serve as a court of first, not last, impression. These 'emergencies' are publicity stunts.
However, this is becoming like the weather: everyone complains, but no one does anything about it.
The issue is that Trump is blatantly ignoring the law, and the Supreme Court's job is to uphold the law, not serve as rubber stamps for Trump. Roberts and Barrett get this, at least some of the time. I suspect that a significant chunk of his blatant disregard of the law is designed to see just how much the courts will let him get away with. And at some point, there will be a showdown between the administration and the courts when our tantrum throwing toddler in chief decides to simply disregard the courts, only to be cheered by his base and most of the congressional Republicans. The Supreme Court may live to regret having given him criminal immunity.
Exactly. Trump can't arbitrarily decide to take over the power of the purse.
As for Blackman's bit here:
Second, the government has squarely shown that is likely to suffer irreparable harm. If the plaintiffs ultimately prevail, the government can always pay out the amounts owed, perhaps with interest. But once the government pays out the $2 billion, recovering that full amount will be nearly impossible. The equities here scream for a temporary stay.
This is just plain dumb at best. An outrageously cruel attempt at deception at worse.
The money is to support the ongoing AID programs, the plaintiffs can't continue to operate in hopes that the government pays what is owed. It's likely that many have already suffered irreparable harm! To claim the government is one at actual risk of irreparable harm is ridiculous.
No, no, loss of money is not an irreparable harm, unless Trump's side is the one losing the money, in which case it is.
This case is a nice example of TrumpLaw(tm) cutting both ways. Sorta like how terminated employees cannot seek equitable relief unless a vaccine mandate was involved.
I have little doubt that this case could be decided after a motion for judgment on the pleadings. And I would not even be surprised (or offended) by an order to show cause why the USG should not be sanctioned for not consenting to judgment. But all that does not authorize a judge to enter a TRO to skirt the requirement of actually following the procedures that apply to every other piece of litigation.
"Trump is blatantly ignoring the law"
As we have seen for a long time, that is a disease of a POTUS.
He has thousands of law suits against him; so he is not getting away with anything. There with be thousands of showdowns and in the meanwhile a FY25 recission and the FY36 budget will be his attempt to moot many of the issues before the courts.
It's the American way
For fuck's sake Don. YOU WORK AT A UNIVERSITY.
You should see enough to realize that no, this isn't normal Presidentin' level stuff.
Don, weren't you the one complaining yesterday on another thread about what-abouting?
That aside, we've seen nothing before on this scale, or this blatant. He's not even being subtle about it; he intends to govern as a Caesar. And you don't even need to take my word for it; listen to what he's saying.
I think we just elected Mussolini. I hope I'm wrong.
By the way, there's a great joke circulating:
What is the difference between Pearl Harbor, 9/11, and Donald Trump? Answer: The first two were not self-inflicted.
Josh Blackman bashed Barrett in his San Francisco v. EPA post partially by saying she was silent on the shadow docket.
As I noted, that isn't true. And, he now acknowledges (though he phrases it in a way some might miss) Barrett did write about the shadow docket. And, as I noted, not just there.
As to Alito's dissent being "one for the ages," as covered by Steve Vladeck, Chris Geidner, and others, perhaps, but not in a good way.
So if I understand correctly, the government owes money and Trump doesn't want to pay. This is, of course, in keeping with his past behavior. After all, how are you going to get rich if you pay your bills?
But somehow this simple matter befuddles our courts.
Not sure how a court can demand somebody TAKE an action. They can order an action to not be taken, but vice versa? Not quite.
SCOTUS needs to step in or Trump needs to start ignoring these asinine rulings. Their call on this one.
"Upon review of the pleadings, the affidavits in support, and the oral argument heard herein, It is hereby ordered that Party X shall do such-and-such."
Semantics. Tell me the difference between "The government is ordered to pay USAID workers money for work already performed" and "The government is enjoined from adopting the new directive requiring cessation of payments to USAID workers for work already performed."
How do you think this post differs in its contribution from the post you posted a few hours later?