The Volokh Conspiracy
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How Will Chief Justice Roberts Split The Baby In Dellinger?
Roberts will find that the removal was unlawful, but that the court lacks an equitable cause of action to reinstate it, leaving backpay as the only available judicial remedy.
I know it is conventional wisdom that the Supreme Court will overrule Humphrey's Executor. As I joked on a recent panel, Humphrey's Executor, like William Humphrey, is dead. (And I have his death certificate to prove it.) Yet, I am not so sure the Court will actually pull the trigger on Humphrey's Executor. In early February, I wrote that Roberts and Justice Barrett would save Humphrey's Executor as a way to repudiate Trump himself. They might overrule the case at some future time. But not in the first few months of the Trump Administration. That would be seen as an unconditional surrender to the new regime.
But how can the Chief Justice salvage the situation? What will be the John Roberts Blue Plate Special? There are so many classics! Giving Congress another chance to revise the Voting Rights Act. Upholding the individual mandate as a tax on the uninsured. Allowing states to opt into the Medicaid Expansion. Blocking the rescission of DACA until the government considers the reliance interests. Blocking the census question until the government takes further action. Blocking the congressional subpoena for Trump's tax returns until it follows some incoherent test. Ruling that the eviction moratorium is unlawful, but giving the Administration a chance to stop enforcing it. And so on. Roberts's legacy will be a series of too-cute-by-a-half rulings that resolved the precedent at hand without setting any actual meaningful precedent. None of these rulings will be remember once he leaves his court. His impact will fade quicker than Justice Kennedy's.
I think I figured out what Roberts's play will be. As best as I can recall, the presidential removal cases that have come to the Supreme Court did not concern re-instatement. Rather, Meyers and Humphrey sought backpay. So in all regards, the Walter Dellinger case, which seeks reinstatement, is novel. Dare I say, unprecedented. (To be clear, Dellinger argues that he was never legally fired, since Trump did not show cause, so he does not need to be reinstated, but I still think the effect of the remedy has to be one of reinstatement.)
Justice Gorsuch's dissent in the Hampton Dellinger case contended that the Court lacks an equitable cause of action to order reinstatement. I think he is correct.
What will John Roberts do? The Chief Justice can hold that the removal of Dellinger was unlawful but the Court lacks the power of reinstatement. Dellinger, at most, can seek backpay in the Court of Federal Claims. Then, it is up to Trump to decide whether to recognize Dellinger as the lawful holder of the office. That way, Roberts does not need to stomach forcing the President to reinstate Dellinger. This move would resemble Chief Justice Taney's opinion in Ex Parte Merryman. Taney did not order Lincoln, or anyone else to release Merryman. Taney only ruled that the continued detention of Merryman was unlawful. Roberts would not actually issue an order against the President, but hope he complies with it voluntarily.
There is another, less dramatic variant. Generally, if an injury cannot be remedied, the Court lacks jurisdiction. Everyone remember California v. Texas? If the Court lacks the power to reinstate Dellinger, then an opinion finding his removal was unlawful would be advisory. Therefore, the entire case must be dismissed for lack of jurisdiction. Dellinger can start over in the Court of Federal Claims, which can then adjudicate the legality of the removal, with proper jurisdiction. That case might reach the Supreme Court in two years or so. At that point, no one will remember this conflict. This would probably be Justice Barrett's preferred option. Redressability is her favorite jurisdictional prong. Indeed, if Barrett fractures with Roberts, then the Chief has a green light to issue any sort of opinion he wants, since it will not command a majority of the Court.
The District Court issued a 67-page summary judgment opinion in favor of Dellinger. That case seems to be moving faster than the Wilcox NLRB matter. The race is on.
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Will anyone be releasing a John Roberts squish toy?
https://duckduckgo.com/?t=ftsa&q=squish+toy&iax=images&ia=images
It would have to be a jelly fish to show his lack of a backbone!
So what might be a strike late in the season might not be a strike early in the season? Does Home Plate get bigger and smaller with the seasons? Kill the Umpire!!!!!!! (Don't call the FBI, it's just a figure of speech)
Frank
I wouldn't trust Roberts to call balls and strikes in a T-ball game.
The most straightforward way to dump the case is on standing: Dellinger has no personal right to hold office. The tenure provisions are not for his benefit. This way out leaves open the possibility of back pay. Some lower level terminated employees have already won preliminary victories at the Merit Systems Protection Board.
That seems like a rather bizarre claim. For whose benefit are they?
How? If he doesn’t have standing to complain about being improperly removed, why would he be able to complain about not getting paid?
They are, of course, for his benefit, but it doesn't matter, because that's not how standing works. Did he lose his job? Yes. Is that an injury? Yes, duh. If so, then he has standing.
If he doesn't have standing, where does that possibility come in?
The elements of Article III standing are: (1) an injury in fact to the plaintiff, (2) which is traceable to the conduct of defendants, and (3) which is redressable by an order which the forum court may enter. As I understand Professor Blackman's post, he is suggesting that Mr. Dellinger's injury is redressable by an award of back pay (and perhaps front pay for the remainder of his five-year term) by the Court of Claims, but not by an injunction of the District Court because his injury is not irreparable.
Be sure to try the buffet, folks!
Clark, this place is "All you can eat", we only need one plate.
The Court doesn't need to overturn Humphrey's Executor to find the firing to be legal. Dellinger doesn't fit within the scope of the holding in HE, as the agency he heads isn't exclusively quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial.
Of course the district judge is an Obama appointee. Trump needs to force a majority of Republicans to pass legislation that effectively removes these lawless liberal judges.
It's time to Make the Judiciary Great Again!
If the Special Counsel is not part of the Judiciary (he's not) or part of Congress (he's not), then he is, ipso facto, part of the Executive (he is). No 4th branch exists! It's that simple. Congress can create offices, but only the CURRENT President can fill them and remove them. Otherwise, there is no more democracy.
"He shall ... nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments."
Art. II, sec. 2.
"Democracy" includes the people voting for Congress, which establishes offices with certain qualifications, terms of office, and rules for removal. The executive, indirectly voted for by the people, then faithfully executes such laws.
This statement is clearly wrong: Article II expressly gives Congress the ability to best appointment power for some offices in officials other than the president.
“Roberts and Justice Barrett would save Humphrey's Executor as a way to repudiate Trump himself.”
Or maybe the motive will be a respect for state decisis? JB can only think in terms of perceived slights to Dear Leader.
You might want to discuss the story of the Judgment of Solomon with your rabbi if you think the title is a literate understanding of it. You seem to think the idiom refers to finding a compromise (or, perhaps, finding a bad compromise).
But the wisdom Solomon showed is not in finding a terrible squishy compromise, but in using deception to reveal the true motives of each party, thus allowing him to justly rule unambiguously for one of the two sides. It's a story of what you might call judicial courage, actually.
Very weird to me that you're religiously observant and a legal scholar and you whiffed this.
(Also don't really understand how the injury would be non-redressable: a judgment affirming Dellinger legally remains [or is reinstated to] the office and can exercise its authority is a remedy. If the government subsequently fires him for cause, fine. If this seems like a waste of time for you, you have to ask yourself why the government didn't fire him for a cause, even if pretextual, to begin with and sidestepped the entire debacle. You can't possibly take the position "the government doing something stupid and clumsy is fine, people complaining the government is stupid and clumsy is not fine.")
Thank you.
This misunderstanding of the Solomon story is common and very annoying.
As an aside, I understand that some think the whole thing was a ruse by Solomon, recently crowned ahead of rivals, to establish his authority.
According to them, Solomon knew all along which was the true mother, and fully intended to award her the baby, but decided to risk this bluff first, in the hopes of getting excellent PR.
It did work, and he did get the PR, which helped establish him as king.
This portion of Prof. Blackman’s post is premised on Roberts holding that the court can’t order reinstatement.
If you’re confused as to why Prof. Blackman is spending so much energy critiquing an opinion that exists only in his imagination—there, I’m afraid, I can’t help you.
He isn't. He tries to doubletalk his way around that by saying that he tries not to post on Shabbos, which may be necessary but is hardly sufficient.
This is not the post of a confident advocate.
To rule that Dellinger was illegally removed by not ordering re-installment would mean the president can illegally fire anyone just by paying some money to them.
There are many offices in the federal government that need to remain neutral and remain outside of politics. There is nothing in the Constitution preventing Congress from providing protections to civil servants. And there is nothing in the Constitution that gives the President unlimited authority to fire anyone in the EB that he wants.
Question. If the president can do anything he wants, what is the purpose of Congress and the judiciary?
The president can prosecute Congress people and judges. That is a check. I submit that Congress and the judiciary can place restrictions on the president and that is a check. All constitutional.
One, he's not an inferior officer. The Judge didn't even go there. He's appointed by the President!!!
Two, he's not appointed by a department head.
Three, the Constitution does not address the removal of these officials. The current President must not be kept from running the government as the voters chose.
Fourth, appointments are, by definition made by the current President. Ergo, they are made democratically. Removals are a different deal. Inability to remove is anti-democratic.
There is no legal concept in the US Constitution that allows the President to go against federal law because that is what the votes wanted.
If you can show me where Trump said before the election— personally or in a campaign press release — "If elected I will fire the head of the Office of Special Counsel," then I will concede you are correct and not post a single word on that topic again.