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Major Technological Questions
The George Washington University Law Review has now published "Major Technological Questions," a contribution by John Duffy and myself to a symposium on Legally Disruptive Emerging Technologies. (You can find all of the symposium contributions here.) In this post, John and I will provide a brief overview of our argument. We'll elaborate more in several subsequent posts.
Our core argument is that courts and agencies should hesitate to interpret ambiguous pre-existing legal authority as resolving legal questions newly raised by major technological developments. As the title suggests, we draw an analogy to the "major questions doctrine." That doctrine can be understood as holding that an administrative agency seeking to resolve major questions of vast or political significance must have a fairly explicit authorization in pre-existing statutes that supports the agency's power to address such "major questions." If such an explicit authorization is absent, the pre-existing statutes are interpreted so that the "major questions" are viewed as outside the ambit of the agency's statutory authorization.
Our approach to major technological questions is analogous but not identical. We argue that, when significant new technologies and with them major new legal questions arise, all legal actors (both agencies and courts) should typically view those questions as falling outside the ambit of pre-existing legal materials, including not only statutes but also judicially created common-law doctrines. The consequences of such a view varies. For agencies, the consequence is likely a lack of statutory authorization and thus less power (just as with the major questions doctrine). For courts, the consequence of viewing pre-existing precedents as not addressing new technological issues may well be to give the courts more power because the courts would then not be constrained by precedent.
We'll give some examples of past and current controversies in later posts, but the idea can be seen clearly in a hypothetical. Imagine that in the future, a technological development (maybe even the invention of Mr. Fusion Home Energy Reactors) makes it possible for individual households to generate substantial amounts of power and sell that power directly to their neighbors. The question might then arise whether each individual household is a "public utility" under the relevant statute governing administrative action or is sufficiently "public" under judicial precedents governing the reach of traditional regulatory powers. Those questions, it should be noted, may not fall within the "major questions doctrine" because, at least at first, only a few early adopters may be buying the home fusion devices.
The lawyerly instinct would be to look, say, to the pre-existing administrative statutes and judicial precedents to answer those questions. We think, however, that the pre-existing definition of "public utility" under statutory law or the pre-existing concept of a "public" business under judicial cases simple may not shed light on the fundamental policy questions in this radically different world. Given that pre-existing lawmakers probably did not consider whether individual households should have to meet, say, paperwork and procedural requirements imposed on large electric utilities, the pre-existing legal sources might reasonably be interpreted as simply being inapplicable. That doesn't mean that we necessarily favor that such home electric sales should ultimately be unregulated, but the relevant lawmaking body (the Congress for federal statute law and the courts for judge-made law) may very well have to act to address the relevant new legal questions posed by the advent of the technology.
We do not claim major technological questions as a subcategory of the major questions doctrine. As noted with the fusion hypothetical, many major technological questions may be presented at the first dawn of a new technology when the social or economic stakes hardly seem "major." Rather, our approach to major technological questions follows a fundamental insight of the major questions doctrine: sometimes lawyers and judges are looking for answers in texts that simply cannot provide them.
Ultimately, our argument is a prudential one, and we do not claim to prove wrong someone who has more faith in the power of legal actors to extract from old, ambiguous sources clear meaning relevant to entirely new problems. We also recognize that our approach may have more purchase in some contexts than others. Reasonable people may disagree about whether a technological development and the legal questions surrounding it are sufficiently "major" to justify our approach. Nevertheless, our approach is, we believe, especially justified in three circumstances: first, when a contrary approach would give decisional power concerning the new technology to an agency or other regulatory body that lacks the expertise necessary to make the relevant policy decisions; second, when the principal costs and benefits of the new technology are not closely related to those that animated the lawmaking entity that created the pre-existing legal authority; and third, when a contrary approach would greatly limit the emergence of, and experimentation with, the new technology.
A potential critique of our approach is that it often favors a deregulatory default. While that may be true, the fundamental goal of our approach is to make sure that the relevant lawmaking bodies have grappled with the relevant policy issues and come to some considered resolution. Where the relevant lawmaking body is a legislature as opposed to a common-law court, our approach can be viewed as favoring democratic action. To the extent that our approach still has a deregulatory tilt, that tilt is a positive. In common lawmaking, courts can legitimately consider all sorts of policy considerations, including the strong historical support in our legal culture to innovation and progress as exemplified by our constitutionally authorized patent system. In statutory law, our approach is no less appropriate than the major questions doctrine, at least where there is ambiguity. Of course, sometimes the law will discourage innovation with antiquated justifications but yet be sufficiently clear. An example may be the Federal Aviation Administration's nearly complete ban on supersonic aircraft. Where the law is genuinely ambiguous, however, our approach would help to make sure that regulatory decisions are made with full consideration of the relevant policy grounds (by the legislature or by the courts) and are not developed merely by having lawyers and judges squinting to find answers in dusty legal materials that don't offer them.
In the next blog posts, we'll apply our approach first to some old technologies (the inventions of photography and airplanes) and then to some new ones (cryptocurrencies and artificial intelligence).
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How does your statutory approach to major technological questions differ from your constitutional approach?
The first amendment doesn't anticipate social media, the second doesn't anticipate modern semiautomatic weapons, the fourh doesn't anticipate [insert all of the weirdo no man's land exceptions like all the jurisprudence about cars], the fifth requires we define takings in novel ways to reflect novel property that can be taken, the seventh doesn't anticipate inflation, the eighth doesn't anticipate modern forms of execution, the eleventh doesn't anticipate international law, 14a4 doesn't anticipate financial engineering, 16 doesn't anticipate modern electronic banking, 25 doesn't anticipate colonoscopies...
I'm maybe overplaying my hand a little bit and kidding a little bit, but I think the broader question should be clear.
First Amendment was a statement of a Natural Law principle and had now intention of anticipating anything. Your rights are independent totally of such things.
I would ask you , Why say eg that becase a gun is involved it is automatically a 2A case, or speech involved , it is a 1A case
The 11th in no way has to take a stand on ius gentium because it is stating a letal principle that is exclusive to the US
I would start with Natural Law and stop making technology dictate 'principles'
If anything the internationalization of technology (Internet spanning borders and hence being above the law) has diluted rights.
J D VANCE
"The Trump administration is troubled by reports that some foreign governments are considering tightening screws on U.S. tech companies with international footprints. America cannot and will not accept that, and we think it's a terrible mistake."
"At this moment, we face the extraordinary prospect of a new industrial revolution ... But it will never come to pass if over-regulation deters innovators from taking the risks necessary to advance the ball. Nor will it occur if we allow AI to become dominated by massive players looking to use the tech to censor or control users' thoughts."
1978, my Dad had this great “Hi-Fi” set up, Turn Table, Reel-to-Reel(remember those?) and a new fangled Cassette Deck, I’d order LPs from a “Record Club” make Cassette copies, send the LPs back (yeah right, I think I was still paying them off years later)
So this Fat Fuck Tim had Queens “News of the World” LP, asked if I could borrow it,
“Fuck you man! Buy your own!”
I played HS Baseball and Tennis, Tim only Tennis, one match a few weeks later we played as a doubles team (no Homo)
I must have drilled him in the Butt-Ocks (no Homo) 3 or 4 times before he “got it”
“OK, OK, you can borrow it!” (By that time I’d already bought it, great Album, worth it for the Cover Art)
Frank
https://youtu.be/dOZuIV2FZTc?si=DwdZu6rqvPHLxAcs
That Robot still Creeps me out
So just by deploying new technologies, people become entitled to their own personal Wild West legal regime where the Big People can freely shake the little people down or do whatever they want with them as long as, using novel technology, they do it in a novel way?
All traditional concepts of fairness and justice just have to be set aside? The little people are just not WORTHY to judge their masters, their overlords, the tech geniuses? Force of technology creates its own right to command and control the serfs the way force of arms used to do in medieval times? The little people just have to give way? If our new overlords want prima nocte, we little people just have to pull down our pants and take it?
Isn’t a right to be above the law effectively a grant of a title of nobility?
You sure have a statist view of markets. Consumers are king; Jeff Bezos didn't get rich by blackmailing or otherwise forcing the little people to buy crap; he did it by providing a better, cheaper, faster way to compare vast numbers of products for the one they want. I remember buying backpacking gear pre-Amazon, and it had nothing to recommend it.
So because he can sell you better backpacking gear, he gets to be above the law and the state can’t touch him? Saying he should be subject to law in disputes with others is “statist?” You’ve pretty much given away the game that your alternative to being a “statist,’ the kind of regime you actually want, is an oligarchical corporate dictatorship where the little people can’t touch gods like Bezos. That makes the little people nobodies, not kings. I’ll take the state and its problems over your corporatism (the technical term is “fascism” in its original sense) any day.
No. My point is entirely the statist mindset that everything must be regulated. If it moves, find some law to stop it, no matter how convoluted, until you can hold congressional hearings, then regulate it until you get enough campaign contributions and grow your bureaucracy enough for another promotion.
And P.S. If you think free markets turn into corporatism and fascism, then all you've shown is your statist mindset and you don't have a clue what free markets are.
Maybe REASON hasn't seen this beautiful test case.
This has all the elements that my answer would take.
So, the question is the never-before techonological 'problem' of global warming....
Not one dollar: One-third of voters unwilling to spend anything to counter climate change
Poll shows 39% also unwilling to pay more for electricity, gasoline
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2021/oct/13/not-one-dollar-one-third-voters-unwilling-spend-an/
YET JANET YELLEN (under Biden of course) said we need AT LEAST $3 TRILLION / year to fight climate change
It amuses me that the article doesn't even consider whether the government should regulate new technologies; that's a given. All the authors worry about is how to force old laws and regulations to fit those new technologies.
But it's playing games with words. Every day even the simplest problems are tangentially affected by the rest of the technological universe. Cameras for example. NOw all this offloading of responsibility on to government puts the watchmen to sleep.Did no one in the camera industry see smartphones coming? Did the publishing world not get pdf's and open access etc?
So what did government do in its role as brilliant futuriest.
It wasted trillions on EVs ...
Jan 26, 2025 — In the United States, just 5% of people said they're looking for an EV as their next vehicle,
BIllions for charging stations, did what?
WASHINGTON POST
Biden’s $7.5 billion investment in EV charging has only produced 7 stations in two years
It's ok to use the pronoun "me." (. . . contribution by John Duffy and myself)
Insomnia is a bitch but thanks to posts like this I am often able to get some sleep. (That would include David Posts upstream post.)
This is a really shitty approach. Just because something is novel technology does not mean it merits novel legal solutions. Quite the opposite.
Creating new laws and regulations for new technologies is the reason why law is so fucked up, convoluted, and generally ineffective. You are over-complicating something just to over-complicate it.
As we have seen with the Internet, our basic constitutional laws work effectively as designed. They worked when the Gutenberg press was invented, when teletype was invented, when radio was invented, TV, and every other novel technology that allowed us to move information rapidly and with high fidelity to the masses.
It's the same fucking thing each time, but every time there is pearl-clutching that we have to create novel rules for the novel solutions. No, it's a terrible idea when what you already have works appropriately and by design.
I take an intermediate approach. Sometimes new technology indeed merits new legal rules. But courts should not refuse to resolve legitimate disputes with the tools they have at hand simply because a new technology is involved. If that were so, such abstention would give technologists license to prey on the public with no judicial recourse for those they harm.
"Rather, our approach to major technological questions follows a fundamental insight of the major questions doctrine: sometimes lawyers and judges are looking for answers in texts that simply cannot provide them."
Yes, more judicial modesty, please. We can start with the meaning of "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the citizenship birthright debate. The meaning of that conditional is NOT CLEAR, and it is imprudent for the Courts to say they are the body to decide how to untangle it. The Courts should defer to the people's representatives in this case.
A fundamental element of our system of government is that the people’s representatives are bound by the constitution, and it is the duty of the courts to interpret it. Our constitution maay be an imprudent doctument, but its imprudence in this respect is a feature, not a bug. While judicial modesty requires care in interpretation, it is not modesty but a shirking of duty to simply give up on enforcing provisions of the constitution simply because their interpretation is hard.
I don’t think this one is nearly as hard as you suggest it is. The common-law idea that “subject to its jurisdiction” means susciptible to judicial process both has deep roots and explains the traditional exceptions described in Won Kim Ark. The 14th Amendment was universally regarded as guaranteeing citizenship to former Confederates and their children despite their having renounced any covenant or duty of loyalty to the United States. And it was universally regarded when ratified as not applying to members of Indian tribes because they were soveriegn nations with their own legal systems, and American judicial process did not apply to them.
American judicial process, state as well as federal, applies to children of illegal immigrants born in the United States, just as it applies to citizens. Therefore, they are subjects to its jurisdiction in a way that the children of members of invading armies, foreign diplomats, and the crew of foreign-flagged ships (born on the ship) are not. The fact that you wish it meant something different does not make it so.