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Judge Ho's Decision To Appoint Paul Clement In United States v. Adams (Updated)
This decision may not pan out for the court.
Today, Judge Ho (no, not that Judge Ho) appointed Paul Clement as an amicus in United States v. Adams.
Accordingly, to assist with its decision-making via an adversarial process, the Court exercises its inherent authority to appoint Paul Clement of Clement & Murphy PLLC as amicus curiae to present arguments on the Government's Motion to Dismiss. See Seila L. LLC v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 591 U.S. 197, 209 (2020) ("Because the Government agrees with petitioner on the merits of the constitutional question, we appointed Paul Clement to defend the judgment below as amicus curiae. He has ably discharged his responsibilities.") . The Court expresses its gratitude to Mr. Clement for his service and will provide Mr. Clement a copy of this Order and the transcript from the February 19 conference.
From time-to-time, the federal government declines to defend a judgment in a pending Supreme Court case. In such cases, the Court will appoint an amicus to defend the judgment below. In other words, the amicus is not arguing his own personal views on the law, but is instead defending what the lower court did.
This approach makes some sense when there is an actual lower-court opinion. But this approach does not make sense in a trial court. The Court appointed Paul Clement to "present arguments on the Government's Motion to Dismiss." What kind of arguments? The order does not say. Maybe Clement will agree with the government. Maybe he won't. Who knows? In effect, the Court has appointed Paul Clement to give Paul Clement's opinion on the issue. Clement is a friend of the Court, to be sure. But unlike most amicus, he is being elevated to the status of a party. I think Article III jurisdiction demands adversity, and appointing an amicus to argue his own views does not suffice for adversity. For all we know, Clement will agree with the government, and there still will be no adversity.
In candor, I am a bit befuddled by this decision. I know Judge Sullivan appointed an amicus in the Michael Flynn case. That is certainly a precedent, but not a particularly good one.
There is another element to discuss here. It is pretty obvious the Court appointed Clement to have a well-known conservative (potentially) argue against the Trump Administration. Judge Ho took a page from the Seila Law playbook, in which Circuit Justice Kagan selected Clement. I described Kagan's choice back in 2020:
That choice fell to Justice Kagan, the Circuit Justice for the Ninth Circuit. And she made a strategic decision. Rather than selecting someone like Deepak Gupta, a steadfast defender (and former employee) of the CFPB, she looked to the right, and picked Paul Clement. Yes, she selected the former Scalia clerk who (I suspect) agrees with fellow Scalia clerks, SG Francisco and Kannon Shanmugam.
At the time, I thought it was a shrewd move. Clement would be better served to hand-craft arguments for the conservatives on the bench, particularly Chief Justice Roberts, who may otherwise be inclined to rule against the CFPB. In effect, Kagan chose Clement as the equivalent of a counter-clerk. (I am not sure if Kagan has adopted the sometimes-practice of Justice Scalia, and picked counter-clerks for her own chambers).
Did Kagan's choice pan out? I do not think it did. You can read what I wrote in 2020, which I know caused some controversy at the time. Lawyers are trained to zealously argue in favor of a client. But Clement has no client here.
Will Clement's appointment here work out for Judge Ho? Well, unlike with Seila Law, Clement is not forced to defend any particular judgment. He will give his own opinion. And I have to think that Judge Ho did not inquire about those views in advance. If he did, that would be extremely problematic.
Ultimately, I think this entire exercise is a waste of time. The Judge should dismiss the prosecution promptly. This appointment simply reaffirms the perception of how Lawfare continues to hobble the Trump Administration. Indeed, DOJ is trying to de-weaponize the law by dismissing an indictment. But it cannot do so.
Update: Maybe we can predict what Clement might say in this case. As some readers may know, Paul Clement represented Boeing before the Fifth Circuit. Boeing and the United States reached a deferred prosecution agreement, which would have effectively dismissed the prosecution. Co-blogger, Paul Cassell represented the family members of victims of Boeing crash, who objected to the deal. Clement's brief to the Fifth Circuit speaks about the importance of the Prosecutor's ability to dismiss cases:
The Constitution entrusts the Executive—and the Executive alone—with the duty to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed." U.S. Const. art. II, §3. Given that constitutional command, it is unsurprising that "[t]he Executive's primacy in criminal charging decisions is long settled," as "decisions to initiate charges, or to dismiss charges once brought, lie at the core of the Executive's duty to see to the faithful execution of the laws." Fokker, 818 F.3d at 741 (alterations omitted); see, e.g., United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 693 (1974) ("[T]he Executive Branch has exclusive authority and absolute discretion to decide whether to prosecute a case[.]"). Conversely, judicial authority is "at its most limited" when reviewing a prosecutor's exercise of discretion over charging decisions, as "few subjects are less adapted to judicial review than the exercise by the Executive of his discretion in deciding when and whether to institute criminal proceedings, or what precise charge shall be made, or whether to dismiss a proceeding once brought." Fokker, 818 F.3d at 741; see Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598, 607 (1985) ("[T]he decision to prosecute is particularly ill-suited to judicial review."). While several other countries have systems in which courts have a direct role in initiating or supervising criminal prosecutions, that is decidedly not the system the Framers adopted. See Blakely v. Washington, 542 U.S. 296, 313 (2004). Our Constitution leaves it to prosecutors, not courts, to decide whether and how to pursue or dismiss criminal charges. As the Second and D.C. Circuits have recognized, those principles preclude district courts from superintending the quintessentially prosecutorial decisions embodied in DPAs.
Clement also represents Attorney General Drummond in Glossip v. Oklahoma. The entire premise of that case is that the Attorney General, and not the Court, decides whether a prosecution goes forward. Those facts are not exactly analogous to the Adams context, but they are consistent with what Clement argued in the Boeing case.
Anyway, if I was looking to appoint a lawyer who has filed arguments in support of Emile Bove's position, then Paul Clement would be my pick. I do not know if Judge Ho was aware of these cases.
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Is my understanding correct, that Judge Ho has the responsibility to decide whether the government's motion to dismiss is in the public interest? Is this the question being addressed by Mr. Clement?
And your assertion that this order to dismiss is actually deweaponizing the law is pretty hilarious.
Why do you believe that Clement cares about the public interest? He is letting a corrupt mayor off the hook due to politics.
C’mon at least give him a chance not to care, the guy’s only just been appointed !
Uh, I’ve been as critical of this decision as anyone. But I’m not seeing how it’s Paul Clement’s fault?
I have no idea what Clement cares about. My question was what exactly is Clement appointed to do? Is he determining the question of whether or not the withdrawal is in the public interest?
I believe that you are correct that the Judge has the responsibility to decide whether the motion to dismiss is in the public interest. In 1981, in California, the District Attorney moved to dismiss charges against an accused serial killer, the Hillside Strangler, because he believed he lacked sufficient evidence to prove the case. The trial judge, believing there was enough evidence to proceed, refused to dismiss the case and reassigned the matter from the DA to the State Attorney General. The AG prosecuted the case and the defendant was convicted. The trial judge, Ronald George, was widely applauded for the decision, and, years later, Republican Governor Pete Wilson appointed him Chief Justice of the California Supreme Court.
The problem is that a federal judge can’t appoint a different prosecutor.
We have an adversarial system. In that regard, the appointment makes sense.
This is the confusing part to we who are non-lawyers. If the prosecution and the defense are in agreement, is there still a case or controversy?
I think this is done to overcome perverse incentives on behalf of the government.
The executive can manipulate the courts to bypass legislation. Or in this case, to extort the accused.
We have an adversarial system with no adversary. Should the courts appoint a few adversaries to fight out their pet issue whenever they feel like the docket is a bit light?
No. They should dismiss the case since there's nothing in dispute by the interested parties. Dismiss it with prejudice if he is worried the administration will continue to hold the case over Adams as leverage.
He may be using this to set the stage for dismissing with prejudice.
He can just do that.
I don't see any downside for the court here. Under Rule 48 and applicable case law the court can deny a motion to dismiss brought by the government in the public interest. Politicizing prosecutions by using them as leverage to get public officials to do administration bidding is not in the public interest, especially when in early memos Bove said he wasn't ordering the prosecutors to dismiss based on lack of evidence. Nobody argued that position and getting somebody to create that record for the court isn't crazy here. If it was an improper move by Judge Ho he'll he right back where he started and either will have to articulate those reasons himself by taking judicial notice or just dismiss the case.
DOJ could have avoided all this just by having a political appointee dismiss the case with barebones explanation. But because they wanted to send the message to public officials to play ball or else, they've shown current DOJ can't be trusted to dismiss cases in the public interest. DOJ’s backtracking now in saying it is because of the weight of the evidence just shatters their credibility and shows they can't be trusted to articulate a truthful position on the reasons for the motion.
We should never end up in this universe where a court had to appoint amicus but DOJ's officials have engaged in conduct that is borderline sanctionable (stating a prosecution is politically motivated without grounds for doing so) and so here we are.
Ho is in a weaker position than Sullivan, because different clocks are running.
Sullivan wanted the Flynn case to continue so he could try to produce headlines to embarrass Trump coming up to the election. The DC Circuit initially said no, because someone had accidentally appointed a conservative leaning panel, so the en banc court had to step in to let Sullivan continue his fun. IIRC the en banc court said something like mandamusing Sullivan is not necessary as he’ll do the right thing soon enough. Good one !
But here the clock is against Ho. The DoJ wants delay. The people with their hair on fire are shouting that there must be no delay - trial now or dismissal with prejudice. Now ! So by dragging it out Ho just gives the DoJ what they want.
I suppose what Ho really wants is his deserved place on the front page. That’s what judgin’ is about.
The Flynn case was in a different posture as well. Flynn was awaiting sentencing after pleading guilty, while Adams maintains his innocence and hasn't gone to trial yet.
Silly conspiracy theory with zero evidence.
I don't think a court can or should block a dismissal by finding the dismissal would be against the "public interest." That standard is so vague and subjective as to be essentially worthless. I know there is public interest language in some of the circuit court and district court cases, but the Supreme Court has not endorsed such a broad power to prevent dismissal.
Among other problems, giving the court carte blanche to impose its own conception of the public interest is a separation of powers problem. The president is elected to enforce the laws. Voters can select the candidate whose articulation of "the public interest" bets fits their own. No one has elected some random district court judge to impose his conception of the public interest on decisions whether and how to enforce the laws.
Many federal courts appear to embrace a "bad faith" standard. Sometimes this is coupled with language about improper motive, e.g., "dismissal can be refused when the government acts in bad faith or with improper motives." I don't think this standard is all that useful either. What are improper motives? Specific to this case, is it improper to dismiss because the AG feels that the mayor should not be distracted by a criminal prosecution while in office? What about if the AG believes the prosecution is simply ill-advised, i.e., the defendant may be guilty but the charges aren't that serious? I don't think we want federal judges overruling prosecutors as to what are essentially mixed questions of law and policy, and concerns a core executive branch function.
Seems to me, the most logical standard for Rule 48(a) leave of court decisions would look exclusively to the due process rights of the defendant. If the dismissal would somehow deny due process to the defendant, leave should be denied. If not, dismissal, and the political fallout therefrom, should be left to the prosecutor.
I don't like this Adams dismissal at all, but there isn't a judicial solution to every problem.
In what world would a dismissal of a federal criminal indictment 'be a denial of due process' to the defendant?? Are you high right now?
Think it through real slow.
I don't understand what Blackman means by questioning whether this decision "will pan out for the court". In what way? This seems to presume that the court's desired outcome is looking for a reason not to dismiss. I don't see anything wrong with having a fair adversarial argument presented before the judge, before he makes his decision. It's not a waste of time make sure the final record is defensible for the benefit of the legal profession.
Unless someone is going to tell me this amicus appointment is a violation of federal judicial procedures. Maybe it's too much to assume, but if it were, I would have expected Blackman to mention that. Maybe whether it is dismissed with or without prejudice is up for grabs, if Clement were to argue that point?
At the end of the day, I don't see how a judge can make the government pursue a prosecution it does not wish to. Certainly can make that more painful, but that is not the proper function of a judge. Maybe the judge is looking to build a record for sanctionable conduct by government lawyers.
Your last paragraph seems to assume an administrative power simply to wish away an unwanted federal indictment, without constraint. I doubt that is the way the federal grand jury system is supposed to work. I think the government needs either to be able to show by evidence that it refuses to prosecute because to do so would be an injustice to an unlawfully indicted defendant, or that the administration lacks capacity to waste time while prosecuting a case so trivial and unimportant. Neither reason seems to apply in this case.
Is Clement getting paid?
Yes. He will be paid some hourly rate that is usually set by court rule or administrative order. Unless this meets some kind of exception, where he can charge his usual hourly rate. Which given who he is and what he has done, would be particularly or ridiculously high. I have no experience in this type of appointed work so am guessing. I would be shocked if it was pro bono.
I figured as much. What's $1000 per hour when a judge needs to posture and preen!
His clerk could write him a memo for free.
I would love to know what Judge Ho just committed taxpayers to, financially.
No such thing as a free memo.
It would be absurd to appoint a third person to agree with the two parties.
I don't see how it's constitutional for a court to order the executive branch to prosecute a case.
Somebody on another thread suggested the court could appoint a special prosecutor to prosecute the case. Is that a thing ?
That was me, and I believe the Court can appoint a special prosecutor to try a case.
SKofNJ — You might suppose you are rightly defending the separation of powers. What that view leaves out is the grand jury. A federal grand jury is a tribune of the jointly sovereign People. It is the party which brought the indictment into court, and it is properly a party superior in this matter to both the administration and the court. A federal grand jury is not a member of any branch of government, and is not subordinate to any of them.
To safeguard the interests of defendants against the possibility of an unlawful indictment, it has long been customary to permit Justice Department lawyers to review indictments, and elect not to prosecute any found to be actually unlawful. That is not at all the same as a power to reject an indictment for policy reasons.
Likewise, there is a possibility that a grand jury indictment might be handed down on a case too trivial to warrant Justice Department effort to prosecute it. There is a customary exception to let the government bypass cases such as those.
This case is not a fit for either of those exceptions.
Huh? The grand jury that indicted Adams no longer exists. Grand juries don't hang around to oversee prosecutions.
Everyone meets. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone agrees that they agree. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone agrees to hire more lawyers to agree. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone agrees to hire more lawyers to staff the agreeable lawyers. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone writes agreeing decisions stating that they agree. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone meets to agree on the agreement. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
Everyone agrees that they did a great job! Bills hours to the taxpayer.
All the agreeable lawyers agree that they are great lawyers. Bills hours to the taxpayer.
D-O-G-E
I am hearing a tiny violin playing a sad song...with faint whispers of Martin Neimoller : "...and then they came for the appointed lawyers for arguing abandoned cases because there was nobody left to speak for the public interest..." [it's a work in progress]
It must really frustrate Blackman that Trump hasn't nominated him to a federal court yet. How many more years can he keep coming up with positions like this before he drives himself insane with the blatant hypocrisy.
Trump has been busy. Give him some time.
No 5th circuit vacancies anyhow.
Without casting any nasturtiums against Josh personally, er, the thing is as a general rule subordinates who act like performing seals to please their boss are really demonstrating loyalty to themselves not the boss. Therefore there's no reason to suspect that a performing seal would continue to perform, once she has an appointment "during good behavior."
A better bet is to identify someone who has actually taken some punishment defending the sort of things, you - the boss - value, when there was not much reason to expect reward for your virtue. That suggests the presence of some of that "courage" that Josh wishes there was more of on the bench.
And I'd say that's a fairly consistent pattern in Trump 2.0's appointments. He seems to be showing a strong preference for people who have been kicked in the teeth by the Swamp, and didn't buckle under.
Without casting any nasturtiums against Josh personally, er, the thing is as a general rule subordinates who act like performing seals to please their boss are really demonstrating loyalty to themselves not the boss. Therefore there's no reason to suspect that a performing seal would continue to perform, once she has an appointment "during good behavior."
As Clarance Thomas has demonstrated even when you have a lifetime appointment to the highest court in the land there are still continued benefits to demonstrating your loyalty to the cause.
A better bet is to identify someone who has actually taken some punishment defending the sort of things, you - the boss - value, when there was not much reason to expect reward for your virtue.
Vance went from "Trump is Hilter" to Trump is the second coming, you think he wasn't looking for a reward? And Musk's position is very much a reward for his donations. RFJ Jr. endorsed Trump in exchange for a cabinet appointment.
Trump is extremely transactional and many of the appointments are almost explicit rewards.
And I'd say that's a fairly consistent pattern in Trump 2.0's appointments. He seems to be showing a strong preference for people who have been kicked in the teeth by the Swamp, and didn't buckle under.
To the extent that Trump isn't explicitly rewarding folks the second thing he looks for is people with extreme rhetoric who act on that rhetoric. Yes, they tend to earn a "kick in the teeth", but it's the actions that Trump looks for.
This is, of course, incorrect: indeed, Clement’s response to the petition for certiorari expressly acknowledged that the courts continued to have a role in determining whether or not Glossio was entitled to relied, despite the Attorney General’s concession of error.
It seems at least implicit from Ho's emphasis on the benefits of "adversarial" proceedings that he did not "appoint[] Paul Clement to give Paul Clement's opinion on the issue." Rather, he appointed Clement to develop and present the best arguments (whatever Clement personally thinks of them) for denying the government's unopposed motion. Judges at all levels appreciate the value of strong presentations by both or, as occasionally is required by circumstances, *all* sides to a dispute. The existence vel non of an actual judgment (as would be before an appellate court) is rather beside the point. Ho's order roughly approximates what the district court purported hoped to achieve by allowing the proponents of California's Prop 8 ("Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California”) after state officials declined to defend it against constitutional attack.
It’s also not clear to me why Prof. Blackman believes the position Paul Clement took on behalf of two of his clients represent his true beliefs on executive authority (setting aside the mischaracterization of one of those positions). Could be the never practicing law thing, I suppose.
I think you're right but there is still something a little weird about the appointment here. In appellate cases, and I suspect in the Prop 8 case you reference, the appointee was being asked to take a position on a legal question, or set of legal questions. The factual record was fixed.
Here, there is no record, but just a handful of self-serving letters (I don't mean that disparagingly, but merely to point out that the letters are not based on a common set of facts developed in discovery). So does Clement get to do discovery? If not, does he get to make credibility findings on matters in dispute?
Clement seems to be part appointed advocate and part special referee. There's reason to doubt he'll be able to function effectively as either.
".... Rather, he appointed Clement to develop and present the best arguments (whatever Clement personally thinks of them) for denying the government's unopposed motion. "
I don't read it quite that way. Rather, he is asking more for a legal memo from Clement than an adversarial brief. I think he is asking Clement for his impartial understanding of how to analyze and decide a 48(a) motion. I strongly suspect that he expects that Clement's analysis will make it easy for him do then deny the motion, but he is not framing the question that way.
This looks and smells like a TRO under another name. A 3.5 week delay (not 2 week) until argument on 3/14. And then a wait for Judge Ho to make up his mind.
How long before this judicial maneuver becomes a new
lawfareresistanceTrumpLawlegal standard?I’m not entirely sure what “this” is, but there is absolutely nothing about the case that resembles a TRO.
Nas, the case is 'on ice' while this gets sorted out = Mr. Clements making his argument against dismissal. A TRO enjoins someone from doing something; this special counsel order has the same practical effect, except it extends 'enjoining' (I use the term loosely, but the status quo is frozen) more than 14 days.
And it appears to be an open-ended commitment of taxpayer dollars. This is not a behavior I want to encourage.
With all due respect, this is idiotic. Filing a motion is a request for the court to do something. Until the court grants the motion, nothing is going to change, and there’s nothing unusual or sinister about the court taking time to consider the motion.
Lawfare? Surely that was sarcasm. I haven't visited here in awhile but I'm surprised any of the commentators would engage in Trumpspeak without a smidgen of evidence. It's absolutely irresponsible as a lawyer with a platform to do so. Disappointing to put it mildly.
Whether the government has the exclusive power to prosecute is an open question--private prosecutions were a thing in the early Republic--but caselaw in recent decades has indicated that it does. But even assuming that, people keep missing an important aspect of the federal criminal process when they say the executive branch has exclusive power to bring a case. The *grand jury* brings charges and, constitutionally, can even do so on its own (that's called a presentment rather than an indictment). In conjunction with the Take Care Clause, I think that does limit the executive branch's power to simply dismiss cases, at least without prejudice. (Dismissing a case with prejudice is functionally a pardon, which the executive, i.e., the president, does have the power to do.) Historically, a grand jury was regarded as an independent entity. But if it is part of any branch, it is the judicial, not the executive. So, the executive can't simply ignore its decision to bring charges, and I think a court is correct to appoint someone to champion the grand jury's indictment.
Also, since Blackman mentioned Glossip, once a case is decided by a jury, the executive branch (assuming Oklahoma's government is set up similar to the federal government's) can't simply ignore that decision by dismissing charges after the fact. At that point, the issue is out of the hands of the executive, as the judiciary (in this case the jury) has made its decision. The executive may decide to not defend a judgment in post-conviction proceedings. But the appellate courts are not *required* to defer to that decision. (They may, however, take the executive's stance into account when deciding whether to grant or deny relief.) Likewise, when a case is on appeal, if the executive will no longer defend the judgment, then it is appropriate for the courts to appoint someone who will.
A grand jury's only function is to determine the existence of probable cause to indict. It is not entitled to weigh the wisdom of going forward with a prosecution once an indictment has been brought. Otherwise, Judge Ho ought to have reconstituted the grand jury and asked for it opinion of the motion.
I agree that the executive decides whether to continue the prosecution. But my point here is that if the government is going to drop the charges *without* prejudice, then, since the government didn’t bring the charges, rather the grand jury did, it’s proper for the judge to bring in an outsider to defend continuing the grand jury’s indictment. The government shouldn’t just get to keep throwing out the charges and seeking re-indictment over and over.
It's an unusual case, with some hints of a corrupt bargain. I think the judge is wise to pump the brakes a bit and shine a bit more light on the matter even if in the end the DOJ position prevails. Sunshine is the best disinfectant and all that. Could that result in political embarrassment? Perhaps, but that is not the concern of the judiciary.
So, may we stipulate that the main question is not whether to dismiss, but whether there's reason to deny the DoJ motion to "dismiss without prejudice" and instead to direct dismissal "with prejudice" because of prosecutorial misconduct (by the people who wrote the dismissal motion (Bove et al.), not the original SDNY prosecutors who wrote the indictment).
Through the week I've been reviewing several such judge-directed dismissals for prosecutorial misconduct cases, and provisions of Federal Rule 48 allowing it. Everything I've read takes as a given that the defendant and prosecution are opposing teams with differing trial objectives.
Trump’s DoJ is challenging that model. Trump, Emil Bove (his personal defense lawyer until recently) and Alex Spiro (lead defense attorney and long-time Musk lawyer) seem to be trying to establish a new collaborating relationship with defendant Adams to pursue mutually-beneficial objectives, most unrelated to the judicial system, for the next 10 months.
In case you're missing something, that's until the next NYC Mayor is sworn in Jan 1st…who may or may not be Adams. So, what Trump wants is a short-term Trump lease on the NYC Mayorship, with quite attractive terms and option to buy his own Democratic, Black, Big City Mayor (and the MAGA-value of baldly forcing such public humiliation on a powerful Black man—and making him say he wants it—seems not absent among Trump's motivations).
So, all precedent I've read assumes a client/prosecutor adversarial, not collaborative relationship (except for one straight DA solicits bribe to drop the charges case). Given the fact of this case's unique collaboration, it seems quite logical for Judge Ho to appoint a respected conservative Paul Clement-type as amicus curiae to represent the missing adversarial PoV, with which he has extensive bipartisan and partisan experience.
Rule 48’s bounded legal definitions of terms like strategic use and prosecutorial harassment differ from plain language meanings. Both the rule and all cites to precedent I read, assume a client/prosecutor adversarial, not collaborative relationship (except for one straight DA solicits bribe to drop the charges case).
Might Clement's report go so far as to provide rationale supporting a possible Judge Ho decision to dismiss Bove's motion with prejudice? This would unavoidably broaden precedent around Rule 48's strategic use prohibition (to, as a factor in determining prosecutorial misconduct, address such defendant/prosecutor outside-the-legal-system mutual benefits). Despite the logic in establishing that new precedent, it seems real-world unlikely.
But I thought this kind 'Special Master' appointment to represent a more traditionally adversarial prosecution effort might be possible, and I'm glad to see it.
While I'm not sure it substantially shifts my earlier prediction…
“…in this unique set of circumstances, my SWAG is that is ends with Judge Ho approving the current DoJ dismissal motion…there's just so much precedent that, even given unique facts, it's hard to create a new unique precedent.”
…because it could. Will be interested in the the report.
DOJ is trying to de-weaponize the law by dismissing an indictment.
Oh bullshit. First, unlike Trump, his boss Elon, and his toadies Bove and Martin, Biden weaponized nothing. Except for a few bad pardons on his way out the door, he kept his nose admirably out of the criminal justice system. And Garland bent so far over backward to avoid the appearance of politicization that he allowed the clock to run out on prosecuting Trump's most egregious crimes.
Second, if Bove actually did have even the slightest interest in de-politicizing the DOJ, he would have dropped the prosecution with prejudice. For reasons explained here and elsewhere ad nauseum, dropping the charges without prejudice is an act of blatant politicization.
Quite correct. The rationale for the dismissal is telling here. It was explicitly not because of 'weak evidence' or doubt about Adams' guilt. Dipshit Bove made that clear in his initial letter to the head prosecutor handling this case. He had made his decision explicitly not relying on the strength of the case [and cited basically political reasons for why it should be dismissed (w/leave to re-file).
Also, not mentioned much in these posts or comments; was her [the lead prosecutor's] statement saying they were ready to proceed to indict on additional charges related to obstruction of justice and related crimes once Adams realized he was under investigation and his futile attempts to hide or destroy evidence or instruct others to do the same.
Emil Bove is Trump's bitch. He has enough institutional knowledge to pretend to be someone capable of being a deputy AG...but his personal ties to Trump as his private counsel has obviously tainted him..combined with the knowledge of Trump's vast immunity and by extension Trump's exclusive and non-reviewable pardon power.... he is on a massive power/ego trip. He is on the job for like 3days and is scolding career FBI people for insubordination for not following one of his insane directives related to Jan 6th. Then he orders this dismissal and red flags fly as multiple DOJ prosecutors resign in protest of his directive. Its mind boggling how fast this can happen and how fast one corrupt sycophant can be a self-sabotaging wrecking ball to whatever the administration's goals were. The mere fact he, the deputy AG, had to appear in court to justify/argue why this case should be dismissed is telling. He is having trouble sending some peon to do his dirty work on what could have been a routine proceeding. Why did 7 people [multiple from the public integrity section] resign instead of being the sacrificial lamb at counsel table for the govt in this hearing? Its clearly amateur hour. Hiring/promoting people on the sole criteria of loyalty vs competency has already displayed its results. Emil Bove will be thrown to the wolves.
Co-sign.
he allowed the clock to run out on prosecuting Trump's most egregious crimes.
He had a lot of help.
Well sure. And I doubt allowing Trump to escape accountability for his crimes was Garland's plan. His evenhanded refusal to treat these prosecutions with more urgency just enabled the machinations of actors (*cough*Cannon*cough*Alito*) with no such commitment to impartial justice.
My understanding of the issue is rather straightforward. The government does not have to prosecute any particular crime. Likewise, they can choose to bring charges at any time within the statute of limitations. It would then seem that it could choose to charge, dismiss, and bring the charges later within the statute of limitations.
However, the latter of those three presents particular problems because you have a defendant being ping ponged through the justice system, pay legal fees and suffering anxiety. Once brought into the legal system, the government no longer has unfettered rein to dismiss without prejudice and then rinse and repeat. However, if the defendant consents to the dismissal, for whatever tactical or strategic reasons he deems fit, then these concerns evaporate.
To have the court involve itself in this process creates serious separation of powers concerns and creates a case or controversy where none exists. Adams and the DOJ both want this. The court is there to adjudicate disputes, not foster or foment them.
Think of a defendant in this situation. He is perfectly fine with a dismissal without prejudice because he calculates that charges will never be brought. Should the court, a neutral arbiter, then FORCE the government to choose whether to pursue charges or dismiss with prejudice, knowing that the choice may very well land him in prison? Could the defendant expect a fair trial in a situation where the court has forced the charges to come forward?
It seems like in its zeal to push back against Trump, the court is throwing out some very fundamental precepts at play.
The unclean hands of the government here might justify dismissal with prejudice so that the government could not bring the prosecution later. If that is an option, I think the judge would be doing his job.
That would be one aspect of the situation. But what if the judge is convinced there is good evidence that Adams is guilty of the crime? Does that come into play? Not a rhetorical question.
wva: "[unwarranted dismissal without prejudice]...presents particular problems because you have a defendant being ping ponged through the justice system, pay legal fees and suffering anxiety. Once brought into the legal system, the government no longer has unfettered rein to dismiss without prejudice and then rinse and repeat."
Just so. Here's DC District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan dismissing a guns-n-drugs case, exactly on your ping pong/rinse & repeat point, which he notes constituted prohibited "strategic use" of Rule 48 in a court proceeding:
But you go further, saying: "...if the defendant consents to the dismissal, for whatever tactical or strategic reasons he deems fit, then these concerns evaporate."
Usually, yes...but not always and not here. Rule 48 presumes such "strategic use" is only during the course of judicial system indictment/trial strategy. But what if your defendant and prosecution "strategic reasons" have nothing to do with the judicial proceedings at all?
In the case at hand, Jude Ho decided to appoint the experienced, respected conservative, Paul Clement, because existing evidence strongly suggests a finding that the relationship between government and defendant is not adversarial (two strong advocates of conflicting positions), but collaborative (pursuit of mutual benefit independent of indictment and trial activity).
• For Adams, that benefit is obviously help in delaying proceedings long enough to let him campaign as the incumbent Mayor (potentially with Musk financial help) for at least the next 10 months (until Jan 1, 2026 when a newly elected mayor will be sworn in); and later perhaps, to grease the path to later initiation into Trumpworld's long-existing pervasive ecosystem of financial graft.
• For Team Trump, the primary objective is to locate the boundaries of what a weaponized DoJ can get away with, and a test flight of the needed practices while selecting the next DoJ 'lawfare' victim. Plus, less importantly but still beneficial, to get the Mayor's assistance in getting some chaotic, performative NYC immigration-related stuff done (they're not looking for meaningful results, but for chaos video to play on Fox—see Tom Homan).
So, will pursuit of mutual defendant/prosecutor benefit entirely independent of the indictment/trial process, be potentially judged Rule 48 prohibited "strategic use" of indictment/trial strategy, indicative of the unclean hands JoeFtB notes below?
Will be interesting to see what Clement comes up with.
Stipulating to your parade of begged questions on this particular case, the "abuse" of Rule 48 is a tiny mouse, not a roaring lion. It's just not a big deal to get all wound up about.
This is because it only comes into play after indictment. Prosecutors and perps can do as much threatening and deal making as they like prior to indictment. Without any interference from the courts.
Prosecutors will only get themselves into a position of needing Rule 48 to make their deal in the rare circumstances of "regime change" - where one prosecutor takes over from another. No need for Rule 48 to decline to indict Hillary. You just .... don't indict her.
Very occasionally you may want to protect your defendant from regime change by reaching a plea deal that requires a sign off from a judge, and you might get very uniucky with your judge, as happened in the Hunter case.
But generally all this sort of wickedness is happening long before it gets anywhere near a judge.
You are having fainting fits about the urgent need for asteroid defense, and ignoring the obvious workaday things that need doing to control everyday problems like flood defense and fire control.
Simmer down.
Disrobing's reply to you is correct...you're incoherent. You say:
"It's just not a big deal to get all wound up about. This is because it only comes into play after indictment. Prosecutors and perps can do as much threatening and deal making as they like prior to indictment."
Then you add some incoherent rambling about doing things before indictment.
Ummm...what are you talking about? What case is in the status: "prior to indictment?" Not U.S v. Adams...in fact, SDNY was already considering "a superseding indictment that would add an obstruction conspiracy count based on evidence that Adams destroyed and instructed others to destroy evidence and provide false information to the FBI" and other charges to the indictment already in place. That, however, is moot in the current situation, because the the DoJ motion before Judge Ho is to dismiss the original indictment.
You also said: "Prosecutors will only get themselves into a position of needing Rule 48 to make their deal in the rare circumstances of "regime change" - where one prosecutor takes over from another."
...which is what happened here, with Emil Bove's main DoJ taking over from SDNY, and using Rule 48 to create their new, DoJ-created, motion to dismiss (check out the three DoJ people who signed that motion).
And as I said in an earlier comment "...the main question is not whether to dismiss [the current SDNY indictment—speculative judgment: Judge Ho will dismiss it], but whether there's reason to deny the DoJ motion to "dismiss without prejudice" and instead to direct dismissal "with prejudice" because of prosecutorial misconduct."
That's what Judge Ho just appointed Paul Clement to work on, through providing the typical adversarial view of a normal prosecution team, versus a post-indictment, pre-dismissal collaborative view, in which Bove's DoJ and Adams with his defense team defense seem to be working out mutual benefits unrelated to anything involving judicial processes.
But you believe Clement is attempting to work pre-indictment issues? I may take back my earlier supposition that your go-to technique is disingenuousness (pretending to be ignorant)...you are convincing me you really are not aware of the primary facts of topic you're commenting on (actually, that's the same path to understanding I eventually took about Josh Blackman too).
Anyway, before replying again, please sober up and at least try to skim the current SDNY indictment, DoJ motion to dismiss without prejudice, and Judge Ho's order appointing order Clement. Because if you continue to demonstrate such ignorance of their content, you're really don't have any relevance to the discussion.
[Oh yes Lee, one more thing. Please point out the question begging, because indulging in speculative commentary about future unknowns, isn't that. Or perhaps you'd rather disingenuously claim you don't know what begging the question really means?]
1. Disrobing's reply to you is correct...you're incoherent.
Disrobing was replying to Josh’s OP, not to me.
2. Then you add some incoherent rambling about doing things before indictment. Ummm...what are you talking about? What case is in the status: "prior to indictment?"
Er, every investigation in the United States that has not yet produced an actual indictment. Is this hard ? It’s irrational for you to get all wound up into a pretzel about a rare example of Rule 48 dealmaking (stipulated) when there is a whole sea of dealmaking to get excited about that is invisible to you and invisible to the judiciary.
"Disrobing's reply to you is correct...you're incoherent."
1. "Disrobing was replying to Josh’s OP, not to me."
True. Thanks! I like being corrected when I'm wrong (it happens). I want to be accurate, it often teaches me something new, sometimes triggers reevaluation of no longer warranted old assumptions, and it's a needed reminder to be a little more disciplined in reading ALL what I'm replying to.
I appreciate it. Had I payed proper attention, it would have read, " Disrobing's reply to Josh could apply to you...you're incoherent."
2. You quoting me: "Then you add some incoherent rambling about doing things before indictment."
You: "...every investigation in the United States that has not yet produced an actual indictment."
Also True. As is, here in the PNW, it rained today. Do you have a point?
Because in a string focused on a single really high-profile indictment that (swapping your sentiments) is not a tiny mouse, but a roaring lion already extensively discussed in a half-dozen other posts and their comment sections this week, you feel compelled to expel a half page of poorly-connected ramblings about generic pre-indictment activities, all obvious things not needing explanation, with no relevance or context to the topic.
In the scope of these comments, I'll take your advice and indeed, ignore your useless, null value, tiny loggorheaic mouse of an irrelevancy.
Everything from “Clement” to the end is a begged question. I have bolded the bits that make it clear where you are making claims about the current state of the world, rather than speculating about the future :
“In the case at hand, Jude Ho decided to appoint the experienced, respected conservative, Paul Clement, because existing evidence strongly suggests a finding that the relationship between government and defendant is not adversarial (two strong advocates of conflicting positions), but collaborative (pursuit of mutual benefit independent of indictment and trial activity).
• For Adams, that benefit is obviously help in delaying proceedings long enough to let him campaign as the incumbent Mayor (potentially with Musk financial help) for at least the next 10 months (until Jan 1, 2026 when a newly elected mayor will be sworn in); and later perhaps, to grease the path to later initiation into Trumpworld's long-existing pervasive ecosystem of financial graft.
• For Team Trump, the primary objective is to locate the boundaries of what a weaponized DoJ can get away with, and a test flight of the needed practices while selecting the next DoJ 'lawfare' victim. Plus, less importantly but still beneficial, to get the Mayor's assistance in getting some chaotic, performative NYC immigration-related stuff done (they're not looking for meaningful results, but for chaos video to play on Fox—see Tom Homan).
So, will pursuit of mutual defendant/prosecutor benefit entirely independent of the indictment/trial process, be potentially judged Rule 48 prohibited "strategic use" of indictment/trial strategy, indicative of the unclean hands JoeFtB notes below?”
You have got yourself obsessively overexcited about all this. As I suggested, simmering down is a good plan. We do not want "purple" to come true.
Thank you. Coherent, good sentence construction, decent grammar. And a rare genuine attempt to answer a question and provide supporting evidence! Congratulations!
But, do you mistakenly believe I'm trying to convince you of anything? How droll. I don't write for you; it's not worth the effort. (There's too much history showing that, often in your own slyly disingenuous way, you reject any evidence contradicting your beliefs).
No I write to provide others with context and facts about your varied Trump/MAGA fantasy talking points which—because you've learned to wear shoes, use decent grammar, are often amusing, and can write well when sober—often project a sheen of credibility (though a slightly oily sheen with a lingering miasma). Also (perhaps even more), I write for me, because verifying asserted facts/analyzing the logic of arguments presented, is of great value in its own right, increasing knowledge and providing an opportunity to improve one's skills to hone one's own points.
So, in this one (but this topic only), I'll dismiss with prejudice my previous charge of disingenuousness...because you've convinced me you do not understand the difference between normal assertion and opinion, and "begging the question." And since (aside from typically slipping in a few simplistic oily little insults, structured to let you disingenuously deny they're insults) you wrote only about the Q-begging thing, that's what I'll address (again, not to change your mind, but for the record).
First, and so obvious a main point that nothing else is really necessary (don't worry, that won't stop me), is that a prerequisite of the logical fallacy, begging the question, is existence a question. I mean, that's the last word in the name of the fallacy.
You kindly highlight several examples of opinion (and your expression of a differing opinion doesn't constitute question-begging either) and assertion, both supported by defensible logic and varying levels of verifiable evidence. Your last example, because it's explicitly structured as a question, provides an easier path to argument (though since none of the others are so structured, that seems more coincidental than purposeful).
Noting, however, the "So, will pursuit of mutual defendant/prosecutor benefit be potentially judged..." (your bolding), that last is an example of what you separately say is not begging the question, but "indulging in speculative commentary about future unknowns." And even were it not, I can defend "benefit" against question-begging in the context of the unclean hands theory JoeFtB gave earlier.
To illustrate the principle for you, let me reframe your first example:
Since it has been established that the relationship between government and defendant is not adversarial, but collaborative, is not the judicial act of dismissal with prejudice already warranted?
Now that's begging the question: A fallacy that occurs when the content of an argument explicitly assumes the truth of the conclusion. Do you see the difference?
Were your odd views true—that expression of typical opinion and assertion constitute unacceptable question begging—all the comment strings here would be pretty short.
Going beyond the topic, this overexcited obsession with finding opportunities to exclaim Gotcha!—while studiously, disingenuously, avoiding any recognition of an opponent's true best argument—really does not serve you well. Might help to learn the term Steelman. Don't think I've ever seen you do that, a pity because I think you could, and it would greatly improve your overall credibility here.
It’s true that the Supreme Court explained the rule this way in dicta, and you’ll, accordingly find it incorporated into many lower court holdings, but as a historical matter that is simply incorrect. The records of its proceedings make it clear that when the rules committee’s primary concern proposed the “leave of court” requirement for Rule 48(a), its primary concern was to give judges the power to block corrupt dismissals of charges against politically-favored defendants. See Prof. Thomas Frampton’s article, “Why Do Rule 48(a) Dismissals Require 'Leave of Court'?” (It’s on SSRN but the spam filter won’t let me link it directly.)
"Maybe Clement will agree with the government. Maybe he won't. Who knows?
[inhales]
It is pretty obvious the Court appointed Clement to have a well-known conservative (potentially) argue against the Trump Administration."
You're incoherent.
Well he may be, but not in your example.
The first sentence relates to what Clement may or may not actually do. The second relates to what the Court hopes that he will do. (The word "to" refers to the Court's purpose.)
Sadly, we don't always get what we want. In this case maybe the Court will get what it wants, and maybe it won't.
If there is a good reason for the judge not to allow the dismissal, it would be better spelled out by Clement than by a Democrat or by a District Judge appointed by Biden. If there isn't a good reason, the judge allows the dismissal. You and Prof. Blackman seem to be assuming that the court really wants a reason not to dismiss, which isn't necessarily true. Perhaps the judge just doesn't like the smell of the order, and wants a closer look. Seems fair.
Well strictly I was reporting Josh's opinion of what the Court wants, not my own. I was making a purely logical point - that disrobing's allegation of incoherence did not follow from Josh's two sentences.
But I confess my own opinion is similar. I suspect the judge is of the same emotion as Purple Martin et al who feel this is the most shocking thing evah and so he would like to do something, anything, other than what the only two parties to the case or controversy before the court are agreed on. He's a Biden appointee - what else could he be but a frothing lefty ?
But being more cautious than some lefty judges, he'd like some cover. So he's buying an option (at public expense which is always the best way) - as you say, if Clement can think of a good reason to deny the motion then great, he has cover. But if Clement can't, then c'est la vie.
Noscitur a sociis just provided a well supported, very good reason for the judge not to allow the dismissal:
A search on the author/title gets one to the abstract with more of the background. Because my standard policy (a habit purposefully developed and practiced over time) is to be extra-extra skeptical of any new information that is immediately gut-level attractive while matching my own thinking, I'd like to read the whole paper (published in 2020) and its cites to help better judge the strength of its argument.
But first impression is that it's a logical explanation of both Judge Ho's actions, and similar Judge Sullivan behavior in the only similarly unique case: Michael Flynn (see Reuters Dec 8 2020: Judge says he leaned against dismissing Flynn case prior to Trump pardon.)
So, it might be helpful to go back to Judge Ho's appointment order to confirm what he specifically directed Clement to do (something Josh Blackman and Lee Moore, seeming to prefer mind-reading so they don't have to read documented evidence conflicting with their preconceptions, rarely do).
Here's what Clement was ordered to address:
So, both specific and broad, and includes answering anything the prosecution or defense want to bring up. Seems to put Clement in a good position to find whether a Rule 48(a)'s primary reasoning gives Judge Ho the power to block corrupt dismissals of charges against politically-favored defendants.
So, far from the Blackman's habitual analysis of the federal judicial system in the framework High School clique rivalries, or LM's similar favor of mind-reading over evidence, the most obvious (e.g. Occam's Razor) conclusion, is that it seems Judge Ho, one of Joe Biden’s most liberal appointees, hired one of the most prominent conservative lawyers in the country, to Steelman both sides' case.
Seems rational, prudent, and not unlikely to bring #3 into play next. Works for me.