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Prof. Michael McConnell on The Supreme Court's Religion Docket
I'm delighted to be able to pass along this item from my Stanford colleague Prof. Michael McConnell (Stanford Law School), one of the nation's leading scholars on the Religion Clauses:
The Supreme Court has a unique opportunity this Term (or next) to hear four cases with major implications for religious liberty. One case is already on the merits docket—Catholic Charities Bureau v. Wisconsin Labor and Industry Review Commission, which involves a challenge to Wisconsin's determination that Catholic Charities is not sufficiently religious to qualify for an exemption from the state's unemployment program.
This Friday, the Court will consider adding three more:
- Apache Stronghold v. United States—in which Native Americans are challenging the federal government's plan to destroy a sacred site by turning it into a copper mine.
- Mahmoud v. Taylor—in which Muslim parents are challenging a school district's refusal to notify parents or let children opt out when teachers present controversial readings on sex and gender identity.
- Roman Catholic Diocese of Albany v. Harris—in which religious groups are challenging New York's mandate to cover abortions in their health insurance plans.
(Full disclosure: I participated in amicus briefs in all four cases.)
While these cases may seem unrelated, they converge on two pressing issues that have divided lower courts, distorted the law, and harmed religious liberty. The Court should hear all four cases. Here's why.
[1.] Apache Stronghold and Mahmoud present the first issue that has divided lower courts: What kind of "burden" on religious exercise triggers heightened judicial scrutiny?
The Apaches have been worshipping at their sacred site, Oak Flat, since before European contact. Oak Flat occupies a unique role in Apache cosmology as a site of specific religious rites that cannot take place elsewhere. Now the government plans to transfer Oak Flat to a mining company that will destroy it—ending Apache rituals forever. This would seem to be a textbook case of a "substantial burden" on religious exercise under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). Yet the en banc Ninth Circuit, in a 6-5 ruling, held that there is no "cognizable" burden at all. According to the court, "the Government's management of its own land and internal affairs" does not burden religious exercise unless the government also coerces, discriminates, imposes a penalty, or denies equal rights.
It is, of course, possible that the copper mine would be found to serve a compelling governmental purpose—but RFRA was intended to put the government to the test on matters such as these. I know little about the geological circumstances, but it is often possible to find ways to advance important governmental interest while minimizing impacts on religious exercise.
In Mahmoud, a public school district requires children as young as three to participate in reading and discussion of controversial books on sexuality and gender identity—with no notice to parents and no opportunity to opt out. Muslim parents say that subjecting their children to this instruction violates their faith. Yet the Fourth Circuit held that there is no "cognizable" burden on their religious exercise unless the school "coerces" the children "to change their religious beliefs or conduct."
Both rulings are counterintuitive. Of course destroying the irreplaceable locus of sacred rites burdens the ability to practice those rites. And of course subjecting children to sexually-themed lessons that are forbidden by their religion burdens their religious exercise. Other circuits have recognized the obvious burden on religious exercise in similar circumstances, as the cert petitions have noted. Yet the Ninth and Fourth Circuits strained to find no burden in either case. Why?
The answer may lie in the much-maligned Employment Division v. Smith, which rejected heightened judicial scrutiny for laws that are "neutral" and "generally applicable" toward religion. Smith was animated by Justice Scalia's desire to get courts out of the business of granting case-by-case exemptions from laws that burden religious exercise. But whether or not Smith was correctly decided—in my opinion, it wasn't—the law has changed significantly since Smith was decided. First, Congress enacted RFRA, which expressly calls for courts to engage in case-by-case overrides of religion-burdening laws. Second, the Supreme Court itself has made it harder for governments to claim the mantle of Smith by tightening up what it means for laws to be "neutral" and "generally applicable."
The upshot is that the law now often requires heightened judicial scrutiny of laws the burden religious exercise. But some courts remain reluctant to engage in that scrutiny—whether motivated by a Scalia-like aversion to case-by-case balancing, distaste for the religious beliefs at issue, fear of slippery slopes, or other policy concerns. So we get decisions like Apache Stronghold and Mahmoud—where courts bend over backwards to avoid finding a "cognizable" burden on religious exercise, even when the burden is staring them in the face. The Supreme Court should grant review to address the issue.
[2.] But which case should the Court take—Apache Stronghold or Mahmoud? While it might be tempting to grant cert in one and GVR the other, doing so would not fully address the division in the lower courts or prove fruitful here, given differences in the facts and legal issues in each case.
Consider, first, a grant in Apache Stronghold and a GVR in Mahmoud. Apache Stronghold focuses mainly on RFRA, which requires strict scrutiny when the federal government "substantially burdens" religious exercise. If the Court resolves Apache Stronghold based on the ordinary meaning of "substantial burden" in RFRA (as it should), that would not necessarily control the application of the Free Exercise Clause to the local government policy at issue in Mahmoud. It would be easy for the Fourth Circuit, after a GVR in Mahmoud, to treat Apache Stronghold as limited to the language of federal RFRA and to reissue the same ruling in Mahmoud.
Alternatively, consider a grant in Mahmoud and a GVR in Apache Stronghold. If the Court resolves Mahmoud on the ground that subjecting children to religiously-forbidden instruction without parental knowledge is a burden under the Free Exercise Clause, that would not necessarily control the RFRA question in Apache Stronghold, because the Apache Stronghold court purported to divine a land-use-specific meaning of "burden" from the Supreme Court's earlier decision in Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association. Thus, it would be easy for the Ninth Circuit, after a GVR in Apache Stronghold, to say that the ruling in Mahmoud does not affect its land-use-specific analysis under Lyng.
To fully address the conflict in the lower courts, the Court should grant cert in both cases, allowing it to address the vitally important burden issue under both RFRA and the Free Exercise Clause.
[3.] Catholic Charities Bureau and Diocese of Albany presents the second issue dividing lower courts: the issue of religiously discriminatory exemptions. In both cases, a state has enacted a general rule, crafted a narrow religious exemption, and then applied the exemption in a way that discriminates among religious groups.
In Catholic Charities Bureau, Wisconsin generally requires nonprofits to pay into its unemployment program, but exempts organizations controlled by a church and "operated primarily for religious purposes." Based on this provision, Wisconsin exempts, for example, the Diocese of Superior. But it refuses to exempt Catholic Charities—the social ministry arm of the Diocese of Superior—on the ground that, because Catholic Charities serves and employs non-Catholics, it is not engaged in "typical" religious activities and therefore is not "operated primarily for religious purposes."
Likewise, in Diocese of Albany, New York generally requires employer health insurance plans to cover abortions, but exempts religious organizations that have the "purpose" of "inculcat[ing] … religious values" and that primarily "employ[]" and "serve[]" those of the same religion. Based on this exemption, New York exempts some churches and religious schools but not others, based on whether they hire and serve people of other faiths.
In both cases, the narrow religious exemption has the effect of discriminating among different religious institutions. Yet in both cases, state high courts upheld the exemption—despite contrary rulings from other state high courts, federal circuit courts, and the Supreme Court.
The Court has already granted cert in Catholic Charities Bureau; argument will be heard in March or April. But what should the Court do with Diocese of Albany? It may be tempting to hold Diocese of Albany and later GVR it in light of Catholic Charities Bureau. That may, in fact, be the simplest course. But as the Petitioner in Diocese of Albany has noted, that case has already been GVR'ed before in light of Fulton v. Philadelphia. And the New York courts thumbed their noses at Fulton during three more years of litigation. Another GVR could simply lead to a third cert petition after several more years of state-court litigation. Stronger medicine is needed; the Court should grant plenary review in Diocese of Albany, too.
[4.] Granting all four of these cases would not be unusual. The Court resolved four religion cases in OT 2021 (Kennedy, Carson, Shurtleff, and Ramirez) and OT 2020 (Tanzin, Little Sisters, Our Lady, and Espinoza)—five if you count Our Lady and St. James School v. Biel separately. It resolved three religion cases in OT 2015 (Holt, Reed, Abercrombie) and OT 2014 (McCullen, Town of Greece, Hobby Lobby). If anything was unusual, it was the much-commented-on absence of any religion cases from the Court's docket in OT 2023.
Meanwhile, important conflicts linger in the lower courts. Two of those conflicts are cleanly presented by this set of cases. The conflict presented in Apache Stronghold and Mahmoud is especially important, given the centrality of the "burden" issue in almost every RFRA and free exercise case. Those conflicts are also uniquely urgent given the irreversible consequences faced by the plaintiffs in these cases—the physical destruction of the sacred site and permanent erasure of religious practices in Apache Stronghold, and the loss of parental rights and childhood religious autonomy in Mahmoud. And Diocese of Albany presents an important opportunity for the Court to clarify that laws that discriminate among religions are not neutral and generally applicable, at least absent grounds for distinction that meet that test. The Court can do a great service to the jurisprudence of the Religion Clauses by granting review in all four cases.
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Apache Stronghold would be better decided, not as a religious liberty case, but as a "Treaties are actually binding law!" case. Both issues were raised by the Apaches.
I agree.
See Article 11 (hopefully this is the correct treaty).
https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-apache-1852-0598
Yup, it's the treaty they mentioned in their filing.
Except that US law, as I understand it, is that treaties can be abrogated at any time and that the only remedy is whatever the treaty provides. Indian treaties are even more problematic in that the tribes continue to be recognized as having any force at all due only to Congressional sufferance.
Right, this would be a good vehicle to do something about that, IF the Court is prepared to restore treaties to their constitutional status as just beneath the Constitution itself, and superior to statutes. Or at least elevate them to something more binding than a pinky promise.
Are they? McGirt suggests that they might be starting to lean in that direction; At least they declined to do Congress' dirty work for them, requiring that Congress actually explicitly repudiate a treaty for it to cease being binding.
The Apaches' brief makes the argument that Congress has never repudiated the 1852 treaty, so that it is still in effect.
Treaties can only be abrogated by Congress, and only if Congress says so explicitly. So if the administration arranged for the mine as part of land-management activities under general laws, and particularly if the Apaches are right in their argument that Congress never repudiated the treaty, they have a case. But if Congress specifically provided for the mine and abrogated or overrode the treaty, the Apaches are out of luck on their treaty argument.
I agree that if the Apaches’ treaty argument is valid, the case should be decided exclusively on that basis and the Court should not reach the religion argument.
Gorsuch will deffo argue thus.
"Treaties are actually binding law!"
Statutes are binding law too, until a later statute changes that law. Same with treaties, a later statute changes the treaty.
Article 11 of that treaty specifically says the rights contained in the treaty are "subject only to such modifications and amendments as may be adopted by the government of the United States". That contemplates unilateral statutory modifications.
I think the quoted wording is sufficiently vague that the Apaches are entitled to argue that the government of the United States has to follow the normal and usual procedures the government of the United States has to follow in order to modify or amend a treaty.
I don’t think this interpretation makes the wording surplussage. The wording serves the useful purpose of notifying the Apache of the government of the United States’ general right to modify a treaty, to prevent future misunderstanding. But nothing in the wording says it can modify a treaty in any other than the usual way, by Act of Congress. Nothing in the Treaty implies the Apache are giving the Executive Branch special powers to act without Congressional authorization. Nothing in the wording appears to change in any way, nothing even appears to address, the respective rights and responsibilities of branches or subdivisions of the United States government vis-a-vis each other.
I was really just responding to Brett's point about it being bad that treaties can get superseded.
Oh, I don't think it's bad that treaties can get superseded, I think it's bad that they get treated as little more than pinky promises. Treaties are very useful to be able to enter into, but your ability to get other countries to enter into treaties with you is diminished if you treat them casually.
"Same with treaties, a later statute changes the treaty."
Sure, the significant difference being that with a treaty, the legislature isn't the only party to the agreement. But they have to do so explicitly, treaties are not repealed by mere implication.
IIRC the courts decided that the US had departed from the Vienna Convention de jure simply by passing AEDPA because of its effects on foreign citizens tried in the US. No official or formal notification of departure was needed.
"IIRC the courts decided that the US had departed from the Vienna Convention de jure simply by passing AEDPA because of its effects on foreign citizens tried in the US. No official or formal notification of departure was needed."
Are you talking the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties? Because we never ratified that one. So why WOULD we need to formally notify that we were departing what we never joined?
No. The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations
Ah. I'd assumed you meant the Convention on Treaties, because we were discussing treaties. You're right, the latter actually DID get ratified.
Apache Stronghold is a RFRA case, but could also be decided under treaty law. It seems unlikely to implicate the First Amendment.
Mahmoud seems to be a clear application of Employment Division v. Smith, although there might be some parental rights jurisprudence that might be easier to weigh in on. It seems a thorny case on where to draw lines, though. Can a parent object on religious grounds any school teaching, such as teachings on evolution, heliocentrism, whether the Earth is round, math, etc.?
Sounds like Employment Division v Smith is about to be re-examined, and quite likely overturned. 🙂
The trend seems to be not to overturn it, but to scrutinize whether the law or rule at issue is indeed neutral. Tightening up the neutrality requirement would affect many, but not all, laws.
How do you 'percolate' that throughout the judiciary, though, BL? The notion that neutrality is 'tightened'? Sounds very subjective. What would you see changing with tightened neutrality?
In the Catholic Charities case, on Question 1, I think there basically has to be an implicit definition of “religious behavior.” However, I think any definition has to at least include things commonly done by the world’s historical religions, a criterion Catholic Charities easily meets,
I think this is supported by the Court’s precedents. In Lukumi Bablo Aye, for example, the Court looked to historical religious practice (world historical, not just US) in deciding that sacrifice is a religious practice. In doing so, the Court didn’t just take the church’s word that it was. It formed its own opinion based on its own assessment.
I think it had to do that. Without some standard of “religious behavior” to decide whether an entity claiming to be a religion is genuine or not, people could simply call ordinary for-profit businesses religions in order to take advantage of the various tax advantages and regulatory exemptions that religions get vis-a-vis ordinary businesses.
I think not-for-profit has to be one criterion. And not just nominally not for profit, but also addressing dodges like paying exorbitant salaries and consulting fees to insiders or related companies as a way of retrieving the profits.
This may create some fine distinctions. For example, my “I know it when I see it” instincts tell me that a synagogue offering a kosher food service on a non-profit basis in a small town with few options, as part of what it does, remains a religious organization, but an ordinary kosher restaurant in New York City with the same menu is not. (Even though a kosher restaurant may be entitled to religious exemptions of various sorts, I don’t think it constitutes a religious entity as an entity.)
But this is not your call if you are not Jewish, don't eat at that deli, and don't have any stake in it.
And then you backtrack anyway "though a kosher restaurant may be entitled to religious exemptions of various sort"
I would have no problem with such a restaurant not hiring a Muslim in any capacity because: Why risk it?
Religious organizations get an additional advantage that general businesses with a religious mission or component, like a kosher restaurant, do not. General businesses with a religious mission get exemptions (under some circumstances) from laws that specifically violate their religion, and get to do things like close on their day of rest, perhaps have a dress code, things like that. But religious organizations are exempt from a broader set of laws, including basically all labor laws, wages as well as discrimination laws. General businesses with a religious mission are not.
Catholicism has no rule against a business paying its workers minimum wage or overtime. So if Catholic Charities is a general businesses run by Catholics, it can’t get an exemption, because minimum wage and overtime laws don’t interfere with any specific Catholic religious belief. But if it is a Catholic religious organization, it is entitled to such an exemption, because regulating the internal affairs of a religious organization violates the Establishment Clause.
That’s the distinction here.
How about not hiring Christians?
A complicated question. I’ll just say that the under the distinction I made, exemption is only possible for businesses if the law violates a specific religious belief, but religious organizations get exempt from interference with their internal affairs without having to show a specific religious belief is violated.
So under the distinction, a kosher restaurant could only potentially get an exemption if it could show hiring Christians violates its religious beliefs. Whether it could actually get an exemption if it could show this is, I think, a bit fluid at this point, because it involves a comparison of the weight of the believer’s and the state’s interest, and the caselaw on both seems to be a bit in flux. I suspect that if current precedent is maintained, it couldn’t, at least for general restaurant jobs that don’t require specific knowledge of Jewish law.
According to the Apache brief, the area is a "direct corridor to their Creator"
Then the crater will help them reach the Creator and we get copper! Win, win!
Way back in 1978 I had a job guarding Pt Conception from an Indian Occupation. The Indians Occupied it because it was asserted that in the Chumash religion that's where the souls of the dead departed the earth and ascended to heaven.
The area had been a cattle ranch, its about 45 minutes north of Santa Barbara and somewhat remote, especially for the Southern California coast. It was planned to be a LNG import terminal, which might have made since in 1978 but makes zero sense now.
But the usual suspects were against it, like all development in California, then and now, and a cohort of American Indian Movement (some of which occupied Alcatraz 169-70), local Chumash, and environmentalist had an encampment.
I was a minimum wage security guard working a 14 hour shift 3 days on 3 days off (with the hour drive each way 2 teams of 10 could provide 24 hour coverage).
But I am struck a little by the similarity of the religious claims of the Chumash and the Apache, that one particular piece of land, which they don't own, which has been used for other purposes, or no purpose at all for a cenury, is now central to the practice of their traditional religion, and must be forever preserved.
Did you ask if they had Reservations?
I haven't read the Court of Appeals opinions at issue here, but it would be helpful for SCOTUS to clarify what amounts to a substantial burden on religious exercise for purposes of RFRA. The courts have effectively read the modifier out of the statutes, such that any claimed "burden," no matter how insubstantial or even trivial, will get a (self-proclaimed Christian) plaintiff into federal court.
Pleading and proving the substantial nature of any claimed burden should be a matter of Article III standing.
I think the First Amendment permits requiring a plaintiff to show more than at present. But I think substantiality is a problem. How substantial a burden is it to give an Orthodox Jewish inmate food certified kosher by a Conservative rabbi? I don’t think the courts can really answer such a question.
I would focus instead on the sincerity prong. I think to establish sincerity, I think a plaintiff has to show that the belief existed before the incident giving rise to the claim and a religious belief isn’t simply being made up to address a situation the claimant doesn’t like.
It’s true that members of longstanding organized religions with a doctrinal literature history would have an easier time under such a regime. But it shouldn’t be impossible for members of novel religons to show that this is a pre—existing belief or practice of the novel religion and not an ad-hoc invention fabricated to avoid an inconvenience. And in any situation where evidence is required, those who are careful about documenting and keeping records have an easier time than those who don’t.
In Mahmoud, a public school district requires children as young as three to participate in reading and discussion of controversial books on sexuality and gender identity—with no notice to parents and no opportunity to opt out. Muslim parents say that subjecting their children to this instruction violates their faith. Yet the Fourth Circuit held that there is no "cognizable" burden on their religious exercise unless the school "coerces" the children "to change their religious beliefs or conduct."
Prof. McConnell seems to be taking the plaintiff's position as true in his description of the material as "controversial books on sexuality and gender identity". I'm sure that if we look at the opinions, we'll see what books they were talking about. Whether the material is "controversial" and even whether the content really is "on sexuality and gender identity," in any sense other than how social conservatives and religious fundamentalists might see it, is being assumed by the Prof.
A book where a female character is not assuming a gender role that a highly conservative religion views as appropriate for a woman (i.e. having a job rather than getting married and having kids by the time she's 25) could be "controversial" to them and be about "gender identity" in their mind.
The whole problem with the direction that so many have taken these kinds of religious freedom cases is exactly what Scalia was warning about in Smith: every person become a law unto themselves, where the government can hardly do anything without bumping into someone's idea of how their beliefs should be accommodated by government.
A description of the books can be found on pages 12-13 (PDF pages 34-35) of the linked cert petition. Based on those descriptions, I think it’s unsurprising to find parents of any religious persuasion concerned.
Based on those descriptions...
Umm, isn't a cert petition written by the party seeking review by SCOTUS, meaning the parents in this case? That matches what I was saying then. The characterization of the books is the argument of the plaintiffs that oppose their children being exposed to it at school. Of course they will lean into anything that makes the books look bad to at least 4 of the 6 conservative Justices. And after 303 Creative, I think we would be extremely foolish to assume that cert petitions contain proven and objective facts.
I mean, they give the name of each book and a reasonably detailed description of the contents. If you think those descriptions are wrong, I’d love to hear it!
The problem with this argument is that Christians have in fact believed these things for thousands of years, and the fact they have is prettty obvious as a matter of objective historical fact. The Christians who object to these things are speaking from a long and well-known tradition, not saying anything anyone has any reason to think new or surprising, or mere personal self-expression with no genuine religious basis. In fact, I think that one has to have pretty much been living under a rock, or pretend to have been living under a rock, to be shocked, shocked, or at least to pretend to be shocked, shocked, at their supposed novelty and unusualness.
I won’t go so far as Noscitur a sociis’ claim that parents of “any religious persuasion” would object to these materials. But it’s certainly very understandable, and ought not to be a surprise to anyone who hasn’t been hiding under a rock (or pretending to), that parents of a conservative Christian religious persuasion would.
Oh, sure. There is no question beliefs about rigid gender roles, prudishness over sexuality, and belief that anything LGBTQ+ is an perverse or an "abomination" have been part of most religious traditions for thousands of years. The point is that it is only very conservative sects of Christianity and Judaism that still hold those beliefs to that same extent as what was the norm until relatively recently in western history.
A hundred years ago, those views were comfortably within the ability of those religious leaders to make their views official government policy. But both western society and the law have evolved to a more complete understanding of the meaning of individual liberty, human rights, and equality that is antithetical to those views. That is why the most conservative religious people have become so reactionary and seek to expand legal precedent and protection for their views. They don't have the political support to make them government policy, except in some small towns and rural counties. So, they seek to impose their views on others in any way they can. In that case, it is by claiming the "religious freedom" to make public school districts modify procedures to placate them. (Those parents wouldn't have any worries about that sort of thing in Florida, since the religious conservatives have had the power to actually make public school curricula bend toward the conservative beliefs. In a blue state, though, they need to go to court.) In other cases, they want the "religious freedom" to make sure that any of their employees don't get abortions covered by insurance they get through the employer (and that includes employees that don't follow that religion).
A couple of these case probably should favor the religious plaintiffs, as far as the legal or constitutional questions go. But that doesn't make their goals noble.
Ugh, I missed the edit window and see at least one grammatical error and a poorly written sentence. Let me know if anything wasn't clear.
You’re fully entitled to believe, if you want, that the people who objected to the pledge of allegiance in West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette were a bunch of slimy disloyal scum, a tiny disgruntled neanderthal minority unwilling to accept the society they were in, who ought never to have been allowed to interfere with the school curriculum and what the Board was teaching their children.
But nonetheless, however slimy a bunch of scum these people were, these slimy disloyal scum won their case.
You’re fully entitled to believe, if you want, that the people who objected to the pledge of allegiance in West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette were a bunch of slimy disloyal scum, a tiny disgruntled neanderthal minority unwilling to accept the society they were in, who ought never to have been allowed to interfere with the school curriculum and what the Board was teaching their children.
Of course I would be. But that has absolutely no parallel with anything I have said here, now, does it?
Making a child say the Pledge is performative nationalism. No effort was ever made to actually make me understand the meaning of the words, let alone to think about them in any way, when I was in school, and I never saw anything like that in my 21 years of public school teaching either. Even after DeSantis got the legislature to pass a law to mandate that every classroom in the state had to take time out for the Pledge and a 'moment of silence', no effort was made to actually create any learning around that act. It was only rote repetition, and by having it be something every child had to do, it was creating an expectation that the children would conform without actually thinking about what they were conforming to. That isn't any sort of curriculum.
Even if teachers using those books lead a lesson telling the children what to think about them after the children read them (or the teachers read them to the younger children*), that is still a lesson and bears no resemblance to what having kids say the Pledge on autopilot every day does.
But nonetheless, however slimy a bunch of scum these people were, these slimy disloyal scum won their case.
And? I also don't see what your point is here or how it is contrary to anything I wrote.
"Christians have in fact believed these things for thousands of years"
We are in the year 2025 AD. which is to say, 2025 years after the birth of Christ. I think it is fair to say that Christianity, defined as the religion of followers of Christ, did not originate at his birth, the earliest date you could set for that would be when he began his ministry.
That's estimated to be about 27-29AD, so "thousands of years" is clearly an exaggeration, but you wouldn't have been technically wrong if you'd just waited a few more years to make that claim.
You'd be on better grounds if you'd said "Judeo-Christian".
That's estimated to be about 27-29AD, so "thousands of years" is clearly an exaggeration, but you wouldn't have been technically wrong if you'd just waited a few more years to make that claim.
So, being a few decades short of 2000 years is enough for you to feel the need to comment on my use of "thousands of years" as opposed to "over a thousand years" or "almost two thousand years". And you make your whole reply about my word choice there instead of saying something substantive. I suppose I should know to expect that, by now.
You'd be on better grounds if you'd said "Judeo-Christian".
Except that I avoid using that term if I have any choice.