The Volokh Conspiracy
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Updated Version of "Bilateral Judicial Reform"
Forthcoming in the Texas A&M Journal of Law & Civil Governance
I have posted to SSRN a near-final version of my article, Bilateral Judicial Reform. It should be published shortly in the Texas A&M Journal of Law & Civil Governance.
Here is the abstract:
Most debates about judicial reform are predictable and pointless. Progressives, who are unhappy with the current right-leaning judiciary, propose reforms that make it harder for conservatives to prevail in court. Conservatives, who are pleased with the current right-leaning judiciary, oppose reforms that make it harder for conservatives to prevail in court. The federal courts cannot be reformed through unilateral disarmament. Rather, any federal judicial reform must be bilateral. This Article offers ten neutral proposals that would equally weaken the right and the left. Part I introduces the first grouping of reforms about the Supreme Court Justices.
- Proposal #1: Require Justices to ride circuit and preside when federal courts of appeals sit en banc.
- Proposal #2: Impose statutory caps for outside income earned through book royalties, advances, and other similar business dealings.
Part II introduces the second grouping of reforms about the Supreme Court's docket.
- Proposal #3: Mandate that the Supreme Court remains in session year-round, with at least one public sitting for oral argument and one conference per calendar month.
- Proposal #4: Establish a standard timeline for review of petitions and applications on the merits, emergency, and capital dockets.
- Proposal #5: Appeals in the Court's mandatory jurisdiction must be scheduled for oral argument.
Part III introduces the third grouping of reforms about litigation in the lower courts.
- Proposal #6: Cases seeking a temporary restraining order can be decided by a single district court judge but can only yield relief to the named parties, and are limited to no more than seven days in duration.
- Proposal #7: Cases seeking a preliminary injunction or equivalent relief against the federal government or a state government are referred to the en banc court, which appoints a randomly-drawn three-judge panel with two circuit court judges and one district court judge.
- Proposal #8: Injunctions of statutes against the federal and state governments are automatically stayed, and if a three-judge panel submits a "certificate of division," the case is appealed to the Supreme Court's mandatory jurisdiction, with oral argument and decision based on emergency docket timeline.
- Proposal #9: En banc circuit courts and state courts of last resort could submit cases to Supreme Court's mandatory jurisdiction with a "certificate of split" (actual split of authority on question of federal law) or a "certificate of importance" (case presents an exceedingly important, and unresolved question of federal law).
- Proposal #10: When Circuit Judge reaches "Rule of 80," she is no longer able to vote on en banc court, and new judgeship is automatically created.
Most of these reforms, including expansion of mandatory jurisdiction, would require statutory amendments, though some proposals could be achieved through court rules. Here at least, I'm agnostic where the reform comes from. It is always better if courts self-regulate. I'll admit up front that some of these proposals are off-the-wall, and are primarily intended to stimulate debate, rather than to create a decisive action plan. A few of these proposals may create problems with judicial independence and the separation of powers, though I think they ultimately pass muster, or at least occupy a gray zone. My hope is that through some outside-the-box thinking, I can put ideas into the ether that eventually coalesce into tangible proposals.
Maybe now that the election is settled, some of these ideas may gain some traction.
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11. Place limits on non-business outside income, such as teaching and attending conferences. Judges must pay their own way.
12. Place limits on income earned by law clerks after a clerkships that are negotiated or secured before or during the clerkship.
13. Place gift limits. No personal gifts, i.e., trips, meals, entertainment, etc., over $300 (market value) from anyone except close family, and any other gifts over that amount belong to the government, not the individual justices.
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There are more circuits than justices. What happens if two circuits assigned to a single justice are sitting en banc at the same time?
Also, in my opinion, proposals 1 and 3 are contradictory. How can the justices ride circuit if they are in session in DC year round?
"There are more circuits than justices. What happens if two circuits assigned to a single justice are sitting en banc at the same time?"
The Justice trades off with another Justice? And if there are more en banc panels at one time than Justices, somebody just has to wait?
"Also, in my opinion, proposals 1 and 3 are contradictory. How can the justices ride circuit if they are in session in DC year round?"
Fair point. I'd say they are to some extent alternate ways of establishing the same point: It's a full time job! I rather prefer 1 to 3, as it solves another problem at the same time; I'd love to see one of those notorious 9th circuit en banc panels hearing a 2nd amendment case, with Thomas presiding...
Courts don’t sit en band all that frequently, and when they do it’s rarely if ever against a hard deadline. It’s not hard to just not schedule two for the same day (or even week), but especially if you know in advance you need to avoid it.
"It’s not hard to just not schedule two for the same day (or even week), but especially if you know in advance you need to avoid it."
This necessarily presumes that the circuits will cooperate with each other.
That’s true at least to a degree, I suppose. Do you have any reason to think anyone would be remotely hesitant about accommodating this?
"Proposal #7: Cases seeking a preliminary injunction or equivalent relief against the federal government or a state government are referred to the en banc court, which appoints a randomly-drawn three-judge panel with two circuit court judges and one district court judge."
Proposal #7a: "Random drawn panels must be drawn by bingo cage in a public setting with observers designated by both parties to the case.
We have some evidence that randomly drawn panels in some of the circuits aren't actually random...
Also, will the pool of judges be from the circuit where the case is filed, or will the pool be all judges, regardless of circuit?
While I'd like to see the latter, that could impose some onerous travel requirements on a lot of judges.
The whole circuit system was original based on the difficulty of long distance travel, wasn't it?
We have some evidence that randomly drawn panels in some of the circuits aren't actually random...
Every fucking time.
Yes, every fucking time you dive so deep into denial that you hit magma. Every fucking time. By now you must know that I don't write stuff like that if I can't back it up.
Challenging the Randomness of Panel Assignment in the Federal Courts of Appeals
"As Figure 2 shows, there is evidence that the panels are nonrandom in four circuits: the D.C. Circuit, the Second Circuit, the Eighth Circuit, and the Ninth Circuit."
"For the D.C. Circuit, the Pearson’s chi-squared test statistic is 6.42, which has a p-value of 0.09. "
"For the Second Circuit, the Pearson’s chi-squared test statistic is 7.05, which has a p-value of 0.07."
"For the Eighth Circuit, the Pearson’s chi-squared test statistic is 7.63, which has a p-value of 0.06."
"For the Ninth Circuit, the Pearson’s chi-squared test statistic is 21.84, which has a p-value of < 0.01." Any doubt in your mind 9th circuit panels aren't chosen randomly?
"For the other eight circuits—the First, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Tenth, and Eleventh—we did not find any statistically significant evidence of nonrandomness."
I don't know if this is true, and neither do you.
A moment's Google finds the methodology is disputed:
https://people.csail.mit.edu/henrycg/files/academic/papers/ssrn14math.pdf
Like I said, every fucking time.
Did I say, "iron clad proof"? No, I did not. I said "some evidence".
Is this not "some evidence"?
Well, at least you bothered engaging, that's something.
A disputed study that declaims your thesis in it's abstract isn't 'some evidence.'
Why do you have this need to believe these things?
Why do you have this need to disbelieve these things? It's like you have the starting premise that we really ARE governed by angels, so that any abuse whatsoever by somebody in government starts out disproved, because angels!
He's a deep state kiss-ass and if you start poking around in their practices, you may find something like this.
So, naturally, he looks to circle the wagons to protect his preferred style of government, the kind that operates the autopilot of government functions because he understands implicitly that the bureaucracy is completely captured by his tribe.
It's also why he'll be crying the hardest/loudest about Elon and Vivek taking a chainsaw to that bureaucracy.
I, baseline, require sufficient evidence to prove stuff I assert as fact.
You, when it's in keeping with your right-wing priors, have no standard of proof at all, letting your imagination be your guide.
When it's not, you require metaphysical certitude.
You've offered manifestly invalid evidence. Invalid in 2 different ways. And here you are going after me for pointing it out.
I don't suppose you bothered to read more than the abstract.
re: #1 - So you want to conflict out one justice in each case that reaches SCOTUS resulting in even more potential for 4-4 splits.
re: #2 - Yet as far as I know there are no such caps for legislators or executive branch officials. What makes judges so uniquely susceptible to conflicts of interest?
re: #3-5 & 8 - They may be good ideas (though I'm skeptical) but they do nothing to "weaken" SCOTUS or change the ideological balance.
#7 seems to weaken the process by eliminating a potential layer of review.
#9 replaces SCOUTS discretion over what cases to take with some lower judge's discretion. And that's better why?
re: #10 - If being old is a problem such that mandatory retirement is the answer, the "Rule of 80" is a stupid answer.
#6 is the only one that makes sense to me.
"What makes judges so uniquely susceptible to conflicts of interest?"
Um, the fact that they can neither refrain from enacting, nor veto, legislation addressing their conflicts of interest?
"replaces SCOUTS discretion over what cases to take with some lower judge's discretion. And that's better why?"
As well as potentially allowing a sort of judicial DDOS attack on the Court, if it ticked off too many lower court judges. But the Court still turns down too many cases they really ought to be taking. Maybe proposal 3 would encourage them to take more cases, rather than just take still more time with the few cases they do take?
Probably wouldn't, but they DO need to take more cases, they let circuit splits and outrageous single circuit rulings fester too long.
"can only yield relief to the named parties"
I come to the court with a doctor's note saying everybody needs to wear a mask around me. I seek an injunction requiring the county to require everybody to wear masks in my school, all county buildings, or everywhere the county. Is that a narrow injunction granted by one judge or a broad injunction requiring three judges? There is one named plaintiff and one named defendant. This is not just a hypothetical. People were doing this during COVID. There were also people seeking a mask exemption. On paper there is only one plaintiff, but if the plaintiff takes her mask off everybody in the school dies.
IANAL but I thought court orders couldn't apply to non-parties. Eugene has has numerous instances of parties trying to force Google to censor search results when Google was not part of the court case.
The question is about what happens when the US (or a state) government is one of the parties to a case and an injunction is entered against the government.
Does the injunction bind the government's actions globally, just with in the district/circuit court's jurisdiction, or only as to the opposing parties?
I was referring to this:
I understand the bolded words, but that ends up being the county issuing regulations which individual people contest. Wouldn't that change it?
A parent gets an order requiring students to wear masks. The school then disciplines anybody who doesn't wear a mask.
11) No yachts in Bali if you’re not paying. Pay your own nephews tuition. Maintain Mom’s house yourself. Pay for your own Christmas parties. No personal “loans” from friends for luxury RVs. Also, sitting justices should not fly on private planes to witness swearing-in ceremonies of lower court judges conducted in nazi memorabilia museums.
I like how he introduces the bit by saying his proposals will affect the left and right equally, then vomits out a conservative wishlist with no compromise. Very Blackman.
You could counter him with a progressive wish list. Maybe that's beyond your capabilities, as shown by you not having read this bit:
Proposal #__: SCOTUS to establish pursuant to its specific* Article. III. “judicial Power … vested in [it as the] one supreme Court …” with responsibility for resolving judicial controversies, such standards, procedures and processes, consistent with text and history, for removing “inferior Court” Judges for “bad Behaviour”.
* “(S)pecific”: i) congress is not empowered to address judicial controversies; ii) the Constitution – a) has no “wasted words” (thus “shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour” includes the “standards, procedures and processes” leading to removal for “bad Behaviour”), b) provides limits on the charges to which “impeachment” by congress is applicable), and iii) acknowledges that impeachment is a political process.
Judges who demonstrate “bad Behaviour” are not “independent” and undermine the credibility of the entire judicial system, as well they deny the People Constitutionally protected enumerated and unenumerated Rights not delegated to government.
Examples of “bad Behaviour” include: incompetence; incapacity (cognitive or physical); breach of the Oath of Office, e.g., politicization of Office through rulings; ignoring precedent and stare decisis without well-reasoned arguments; manipulation of the judicial process to disadvantage one or more parties; lack of “judicial demeanor”; …
Slow decisions are an institutional problem not confined to the Supreme Court. By the time a case gets to the Supreme Court it may be several years old.
If the Supreme Court spends too much time weeding through frivolous petitions that problem could be solved by making more Circuit Court decisions final. I don't have the impression that a few thousand petitions per year are what stands between us and a fast court.
Under Proposals 6, 7, and 8: would a litigant would have to go all the way to the US Supreme Court to enjoin enforcement of a per se unconstitutional statute ("Only Catholics can vote") for longer than 7 days... ?
Absolutely ripe for abuse. Automatic stay pending SCOTUS review. Just pass blatantly unconstitutional voter suppression laws the day before the election. Guaranteed you are allowed to enforce it through the time necessary.
What is the point of reform in the first place?
I'll bite: isn't #5 a null set?
To my knowledge the only cases SCOTUS *must* hear are its original jurisdiction cases, and even then the Court sometimes refuses and there aren't any consequences.