The Volokh Conspiracy
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More Leaks in the NY Times About The "Supreme Court Ethics Debate"
Jodi Kantor reports on a confidential ten-page memo from Justices Gorsuch, and comments from Justices Thomas and Alito.
Another day, another leak story in the New York Times. This time, Jodi Kantor turns her attention to the Supreme Court's "ethics debate." This piece is far less earth-shattering than Kantor's prior reports. The biggest reveal is that Justice Gorsuch wrote a ten-page memo opposing any efforts to make the ethics code "enforceable." Everything else reported either reflects what the Justices have said in public, or can be reasonably inferred from what the Justices said in public. The bigger story, of course, is that leaks are still coming from the Court--and these leaks are designed to impugn and attack those on the "wrong" side of legal issues.
Let's go through it.
First, we learn that Judge Robert Dow, the Chief's Counselor, prepared the first draft:
In May 2023, the chief justice made a public concession, saying the court could take further steps to "adhere to the highest standards" of conduct. Three months later, he gave his colleagues the first draft of the code, prepared by Judge Robert M. Dow Jr., a staff member who advises the chief justice. It was modeled on the one for federal judges, according to several people familiar with the process.
Relatedly, there is an office at the Court that provides ethics advice, though some justices do not seek it "consistently." I'm not sure this fact has been reported before:
While a legal office at the court dispenses ethics advice to justices upon request, the counsel is not binding, and not all the justices have consistently sought it out, according to several people familiar with the office.
Second, the Court's progressives supported a code that can be enforced. Justices Kagan and Jackson (but not Sotomayor) have said as much in their public remarks. Sotomayor also has gotten in trouble for her book events.
All three liberals — Justices Sotomayor, Kagan and Jackson — supported enforcement.
In an apparent attempt to make a higher level of scrutiny palatable to their colleagues, Justice Kagan proposed an initial step, involving a small group of veteran federal judges, according to people familiar with the discussions. She sketched out what she called a "safe harbor" system that would give the justices incentive to consult the judges about ethics issues. Later, if the justices were criticized — say, for accepting a gift — they could respond that they had obtained clearance beforehand.
"There are plenty of judges around this country who could do a task like that in a very fair-minded and serious way," Justice Kagan said at a public appearance this year.
Third, the Court's conservatives were not interested in negotiating on this point. Here, Kantor repeats her claim about the Trump immunity decision--there was no attempt to play ball with the liberals.
That modest proposal went nowhere.
…
The three liberal justices insisted that the rules needed to be more than lofty promises. But their argument never had a chance.
Fourth, the liberals signed the code, even though it lacked any enforcement mechanism. This was the best they can do. Yet, Kagan has continued to criticize it publicly.
In the fall of 2023, Chief Justice Roberts, seemingly determined to emerge with something to show the nation, circulated a revised version of the new code and urged his colleagues to sign it, according to people from the court. It had no means of enforcement. The liberal justices decided this was the best they could get, at least for the moment. All nine members of the court signed.
Fifth, the villain of the story is Justice Gorsuch. Kantor reveals that Gorsuch wrote a ten-page memorandum opposing it.
Justice Gorsuch was especially vocal in opposing any enforcement mechanism beyond voluntary compliance, arguing that additional measures could undermine the court. The justices' strength was their independence, he said, and he vowed to have no part in diminishing it.
The justices began discussing the proposal inside their private conference room and through memos. One from Justice Gorsuch, raising questions and cautions, stretched to more than 10 pages.
This is a reveal not only of the memo, but that it was discussed in conference, and subsequent writings. For the second time in a few months, Kantor has now revealed a private correspondence from Gorsuch. In September, she wrote about Gorsuch's note to Roberts about the Trump immunity decision.
Sixth, Kantor also links Gorsuch's opposition to the code with his general opposition to administrative regulations:
Justice Gorsuch, Mr. Trump's first appointee to the court, is known for his no-one-tells-me-what-to-do streak, with warnings of government overreach and a record of libertarian, sometimes-unpredictable rulings. As a teenager, he watched his mother, then the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, face a bruising congressional investigation into the mismanagement of a toxic waste program and eventually resign.
At the time the justices were debating the ethics questions, Justice Gorsuch was working on a book asserting that Americans were afflicted with too many laws. He warned colleagues that enforcement could undermine the independence of the court by putting other figures in a position to judge the justices, according to several people familiar with the discussions. Justice Alito echoed some of those concerns.
This sort of reporting is not just inferential. She seems to be relaying how Gorsuch tied together his new book and the ethics code--or at least how those on the Court perceived Gorsuch's comments. I suspect some of Gorsuch's colleagues were none too pleased with his book talk during the conference.
Seventh, Kantor writes that Alito and Thomas said those who support the code were being political. Alito said as much to the Wall Street Journal, so nothing surprising here.
In the private exchanges, Justice Clarence Thomas, whose decision not to disclose decades of gifts and luxury vacations from wealthy benefactors had sparked the ethics controversy, and Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. wrote off the court's critics as politically motivated and unappeasable.
Eighth, Kantor explains the deliberations about the ethics code were super-super secret:
The discussions were treated with extra secrecy because they were so sensitive, according to people from the court. Instead of the usual legal issues, the justices were contending with controversy about finances and gifts from friends, and some of the ground rules of their own institution.
But no so secret that she didn't get the goods.
Ninth, Kantor offers these comments on sourcing
To piece together the previously undisclosed debate, The Times interviewed people from inside and outside the court, including liberals and conservatives, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the proceedings and the justices' thinking. This article also draws upon public statements by the justices, who declined to comment.
It is significant that Kantor indicate she spoke to both "liberals and conservatives." Past reporting did not have this note. It is also true that the Justices "declined to comment" on the article, but that doesn't mean the Justices did not speak to Kantor.
So who leaked? Well, here is what I wrote about Kantor's article on the Dobbs leak:
Second, and I alluded to this point in my earlier post, Justice Kagan is absent from this reporting. There is absolutely nothing about what she thought or did during these deliberations. There are insights into all of the other eight Justices, but nothing on Kagan. This isn't new. Back in the day when Biskupic got the scoops, Kagan was also largely absent. I think it likely that Kagan, or at least Kagan surrogates, are behind these leaks. If Kagan is willing to publicly undermine her colleagues in a speech at the Ninth Circuit, why would she do any less off-the-record? Moreover, this entire story is consistent with Kagan's MO, and describing the Court as bending over backwards for Trump.
This passage accurately describes Kantor's most recent article, if you substitute the emphasized text with "and criticizing the code for not being enforceable."
Also noticeably absent are Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh. They appear nowhere in the story. Even as Gorsuch is thrown under the bus, and Alito and Thomas are criticized.
Anyway, Merrick Garland still has not resigned. Nor has Chief Justice Roberts.
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Why do you think Garland is going to resign again? It's all too confusing.
President Biden said that Hunter's case was politically instigated. However, the Attorney General is the one responsible for Hunter's case, including appointing the Special Counsel and approving all major actions taking by Special Counsel Weiss.
So, is Biden effectively saying that his Attorney General was party to the politically-motivated attacks on his son.
Ergo, Blackman believes that Merrick Garland may resign over it.
And Biden is responsible for ensuring that Garland keeps things square.
Shockingly, Garland is continuing to allow Weiss to pursue his politically motivated prosecution, and Biden hasn't ordered Garland to intervene or to fire Weiss.
You keep repeating yourself as though you're correct.
The fact that you don't understand the purpose of a Special Counsel is pitifully obvious. Your lack of ethics about the matter is however, unsurprising.
"The fact that you don't understand the purpose of a Special Counsel is pitifully obvious."
The purpose of a Special Counsel isn't to completely shield the DOJ from any responsibility for the case, dumbass. We rejected that approach when we let the IC statute expire.
Wasn't there was this whole other thing about how Weiss was going to argue against dismissing the case outright and Josh thought that Biden would threaten to fire Garland if he didn't order Weiss to ask for dismissal and so Garland might instead resign in a sort of I-broke-up-with-you-first maneuver?
Biden and Garland are not at odds. I wouldn’t be surprised if the little weasel gets his own pardon soon.
Josh also still thinks his pointed criticism is going to force John Roberts out any day now.
The weird thing is not the logic of this argument -- which is sound, I agree that the public framing undermines Garland to some degree -- it's that Blackman cannot imagine a world where it doesn't come true.
Like here's an alternative story that seems to be impossible in Blackman's worldview. I know this is impossible, but just imagine -- a reality where Garland thought the charges against Hunter Biden were bullshit (or justified but overblown) but felt obligated to see them through because of the appearance of impropriety or whatever, so he didn't stop the pre-special counsel investigation and appointed the special counsel.
He expected and preferred Biden (then Harris) to win the election. He thought taking moves against the Special Counsel would undermine Democrats' political arguments about how they think Trump is the one doing lawfare (and yes he thinks they are the ones doing lawfare, I'm not saying the argument is right, I'm saying the argument is something they believe).
In the end, those arguments didn't convince anyone, and Trump wins re-election. Garland's time in government is over, Biden's time in government is over. Now in this reality, Biden signals to Garland "I'm going to pardon Hunter, because we both know these charges are bullshit". Yes, I know some people don't think the charges are bullshit, I'm referring to the people in the story I'm telling.
And Garland says "yeah okay go ahead and do it. I'm going to look like an idiot over this" and Biden says "bummer dude, oh well" And that's literally the end of the story?
I don't understand why we need to jump from "Garland should be embarrassed at having his pants fall down on the public stage" (yeah I agree) to "The only possible manifestation of this embarrassment will be a protest resignation during the lame duck term".
I don't know if it's an intrusive thought for Blackman or what but it's just incredibly weird to see how often these kinds of tics creep into his work here. I often don't have any particular problem with the legal or political analysis underpinning the work, just the deeply deeply weird personal psychology.
I can't speak to exactly what Blackman had in mind when he wrote this, but I have read a lot of his other posts and watched quite a few of his YT videos.
He sometimes has a tongue-in-cheek way of bringing up contradictions and hypocrisy. I would guess that his remark about Garland resigning is more of that same sense of cynical humor- if Garland was really as principled as many a legal pundit has said he was over the years, then a resignation makes sense.
The joke here is that it won't happen. Garland, despite being responsible for the legal attacks on Hunter, isn't going to resign because he isn't as principled as legal pundits claimed.
Weiss had been investigating Hunter since 2018, under Trump. Trump was the one who appointed Weiss. Because Trump was president in 2018. You do remember that part, right?
It's true that Garland gave Weiss a new designation and additional powers as Special Counsel after Pres. Biden was elected, at the request of the GOP, to avoid a conflict of interest [or the appearance thereof].
The whole point of elevating Wiess to Special Counsel was to demonstrate that Pres Biden wasn't interfering with Weiss's investigation of Hunter (that started under Trump).
By, for example, firing Weiss on Jan. 21, 2020. Which Pres Biden certainly could have done: US Attorneys are political appointees. Compare to Trump's stated, express plans to fire Jack Smith.
This hypocrisy here is so thick you can cut it with a dull butter knife.
Josh quotes Kantor,
Justice Gorsuch was especially vocal in opposing any enforcement mechanism beyond voluntary compliance, arguing that additional measures could undermine the court. The justices' strength was their independence, he said, and he vowed to have no part in diminishing it.
What undermines the Court is that they aren't independent of politics. Where in the past someone identifies a tipping point is most likely a function of their priors, but denying the political nature of the current Roberts Court is not plausible. If the Supreme Court is going to be just another political branch of government, then lifetime appointments and no enforceable ethics code other than through impeachment are totally unacceptable. If they want to serve until they can line up a replacement with a politically aligned President or die, then they must live up to their nominal nonpartisanship and uphold the highest ethical standards. Period. It's totally an either-or proposition. Trying to have it both ways is going to ruin whatever credibility they have left. Any Justice, liberal or conservative, that won't see that is already not fit to be on the highest court.
An easy solution: Congress should pass a criminal law that Article III judges cannot accept anything of value (even from friends) with some caveats. 1. They must report everything to Congress, 2) They can accept small gifts such as dinner at someone else's house, if the value is less than $100 (these must be reported), 3) they can accept payment for outside work if Congress gives its express approval (such as a resolution approved by both houses). That's it. Takes care of paid vacations, book sales, and teaching. . .
Maybe if it applied to all senior politicians (which it should). Otherwise, it would seem to have federalism issues.
err, separation of powers issues.
Tallman — The power of Congress to impose ethical constraints on the Court is not in question, except politically. The largely philosophical notion of separation of powers should not be supposed to invalidate explicit Constitutional text.
Even if you thought that did not apply, or thought the existing text does not get the job done, Congress has power to pass criminal legislation to which justices enjoy no immunity.
If that happens, then federal grand jury indictments of justices raise no separation of powers issues at all. Federal grand juries are tribunes of the jointly sovereign People, to whom the justices swear their oaths. As such, the grand juries are not part of any of the three branches of government; they instead represent the supreme power of the sovereign over government.
Who would determine the constitutionality of such a statute? Asking for a non-lawyer friend.
Wow! Imagine if one of the Surpremes had pardoned his son (the one who didn’t die in Ear-Rock but fucked the widow of the one who did) for multiple firearms/tax crimes!
Frank
Justice Gorsuch is quite concerned about the federal government (or government in general at times, including involving squirrels named Peanut). The courts in his view provide an important oversight check. But, he should be trusted to self-regulate. It's important for his independence. He's part of the federal government. I suggest a tad bit of hypocrisy.
How can any SCOTUS Justice ever trust Elena Kagan, who may (emphasis on may) be the 'mystery' leaker to the Old Grey Hag. The trust that was once there between the Justices is irretrievably lost. Sad to see.
XY — The trust is not irretrievably lost. It will return in full force as soon as binding ethical constraints on the justices are in place.
Those will have to be enforceable, of course, by ordinary federal grand jury indictments, which must be re-recognized as they have been formerly, as sovereign decrees, and thus not matters over which the Court enjoys jurisdiction. That principle is already embodied in standard guidance presented to every newly-sworn federal grand jury member.
Should the Court mistakenly judge it does have power to set any of that aside, the mistake could be readily corrected. Let the People indict a justice. Let a reform-minded administration arrest and prosecute. Try the case before a criminal court jury, and if the justice is convicted, impose and enforce whatever penalty the law calls for.
If the Supreme Court objects, remind justices the administration is sworn to serve the jointly sovereign People, not the Court. Thereafter, expect routine ethical compliance from the justices, while any sense of crisis fades from memory.
That’s funny. Do you know any other jokes?
lathrop, in the end, people are people. Human beings and their emotions haven't changed much in 2-3 million years. We are motivated today by the same emotions that motivated us then. The circumstances are modern, the emotions are ancient.
When trust is betrayed between colleagues, there is no going back. It is irretrievably lost.
The Justice (if it was a Justice) who leaked these things to the press, in the process betraying their colleagues trust, should resign.
Commentator - its unknown who the mystery leaker may be, though Kagan comes across as one the more ethical justices. If I was to hazard to guess, I would more inclined to think it would be Sotomayor based on her history with Ricci.
And how can the American people trust SCOTUS when they reject an ethics code amidst genuine and legitimate concerns of impropriety?
I'll have to beg pardon, but we already knew that the liberal justices broadly supported an ethics policy with more bite, and that the conservatives were opposed.
(That the biggest apparent offenders were conservatives has not been lost on anyone, nor should it be.)
So while I'm sure that the details of deliberation might be interesting, it doesn't feel like there's very much "there" there.
These leaks are going to kill the Court and the way it has operated since its founding. Justices cannot operate if they cannot communicate frankly and openly with each other without fear that what they say might become public fodder.
Ultimately, the man responsible is the Chief Justice, and he has failed miserably. Frankly, regardless of what one thinks of his jurisprudence, he has failed as a leader, which the Chief must be. He should bring in professional investigators and read everyone in the building the riot act. "This Court cannot operate without trust and discretion. I am going to find the source of these leaks. If I find out it was you, I will make you famous and do everything in my power to make sure you never work in the legal field again. And if the source was a justice, I can't fire you, but I will let the world know it was you, and that you can't be trusted."
But he won't because, ultimately, Roberts is a weak man.
These leaks are going to kill the Court and the way it has operated since its founding.
Not since its founding. More like since the early 20th century, when justices began to assume they enjoyed illegitimate power over political policy, in addition to their legitimate power to decide cases and controversies. Political partisans from both parties participated in that change, making a public spectacle of the tussle.
Changing back will thus present bi-partisan opportunity, but do not expect any such reform initiative to come from the Court. It will have be imposed on the Court by the Congress and a reform-minded President.
Democrats in search of better political methods ought to consider that opportunity as part of their necessary reform. They should begin running on that notion, to give it time to sink in politically with the public.
It will take a while, and accumulation of still more frustration on the political right, before anything like that can be accomplished. No time like the present to begin.
The Supreme Court also survived a much more detailed insider account in the 1970s, The Brethren, without falling apart. The press since then has shined some light on inside details.
Justices also discussed out-of-school inside talk in the past to some degree. Insider negotiations, for instance, involving Dred Scott were leaked. A Jeffersonian appointee shared some gossip about his colleagues with Jefferson in some letters.
Other justices shared with others inside happenings. There has been some shift in recent years for various reasons but that applies to the government in general.
I'm not sure why the Supreme Court is sacrosanct here given the power it has. Some leaks also generally have been understood to be a type of check on overbearing government.
Too much leaking can be a problem but that isn't unique to the courts though some here might be personally attached to them specifically.
Anyway, if Thomas or Alito won't be shamed too much about their ethical issues, I don't know how much Roberts leaking (ha) it out that maybe Kagan has been talking to the media will do.
Not that I am a big Roberts fan. He could have more vocally supported ethics reform & met with the Senate Judiciary Committee to air things out. He does not - like what the liberals have begun to do - even explain why he does not take part in certain cases.
How far are you willing to go?
Would you....
Authorize a subpoena for all smartphone location data for personal and work devices, including Justices?
Authorize a subpoena for all social media, email accounts of all SCOTUS staff, including Justices?
Authorize polygraphs for every person, including Justices?
Authorize a subpoena for all tax return information, with supporting documentation?
And....would those subpoenas be issued by the Executive Branch, or Congress? Or Chief Justice John Roberts?
Since it would be illegal to obtain any of that material with a subpoena…
Would it be, though?
Congress could assert a valid legislative purpose, and issue subpoenas. The Executive branch could be concerned for actual illegality (it is a crime, I believe, to disclose the deliberations of the court), and potential national security issues. CJ Roberts....I dunno what legal basis he would use, but I bet he could probably find one.
If we really want to ID the leaker, then we really need to say how far we are willing to go to do that.
The Chief Justice has no authority to really accomplish any sort of punishment and instead it has to fall to Congress to create a law criminalizing unauthorized releases of Supreme Court information, kind of like unauthorized releases of classified information.
So every document (including email) would be automatically marked with "Supreme Court Restricted. Restricted to Supreme Court personnel only. Releasable outside of Supreme Court channels only upon Supreme Court Chief Justice authority."
Then any unauthorized release can be criminally investigated and prosecuted - including Justices who are NOT exempt from the law.
This obviously wouldn't cover release of conversations but those can always be made into a he said - she said fight and easily dismissed by the public.
Also noticeably absent are Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh. They appear nowhere in the story.
Barrett is referenced twice, including in a caption to a picture:
"Justice Amy Coney Barrett has spoken at Federalist Society events and received a book advance of about $2 million. She supported the ethics code, but her position on enforcement is unclear."
As to Gorsuch being the "villain" of the piece, I guess that it is a matter of opinion. If you agree with him, you might say he is the hero. I don't but I figure JB might.
===
The liberals have started to explain why they do not take part in Court decisions, referencing ethical guidelines. Each liberal justice has done this with Kagan and Jackson doing so the most. None of the conservatives have joined them. Not referenced in the article.
I've noticed that every single time you refer to journalistic writing about the Supreme Court you make a snide comment if any detail is something you deem unsurprising, already known to court watchers, or logically following from known information... but equally seem hyperbolically upset that any non-obvious writing requires standard investigative journalism practices, because this implies a "leak" which I guess you think is harmful.
I don't know if it's a need to center yourself in every story or it's an anxious disposition or what, but it really impedes your ability to actually discuss the coverage when so much of your discussion is being worried about the existence of the coverage.
Deeply incredibly weird personality tic that has nothing to do with the ideological or legal dimensions of the discussion.
One thing to note is that the authors are not writing in a legal journal. They are writing for the general public. Not that legal journal pieces just have novel accounts.
The details are rarely totally surprising but that is often the case in commentary of all types. The long-form pieces are informative to their intended audience. They usually often have details if not "surprising" are at least somewhat new.
JB's commentary tends to be catty when discussing the NYT, for which he is ideologically opposed. It would be helpful to compare his commentary to a Wall Street Journal piece.
The thing to understand about Josh's writing on the Supreme Court is that he's a gossip columnist. He's not interested in the substance. He's interested in he-said, she-said, who's-dating-whom kinds of discussions. He's not a serious commentator, and he has no aspiration to be one.
I have said this before, but people who wring their hands over whether Josh is somehow angling for a judicial or political appointment misunderstand what motivates this hack. He toils at a fourth-tier law school in Texas for a reason; he can phone in his real job and spend his time pursuing his true passion, which is self-promotion. His "scholarly" work is tied with primary contributors who are more academically oriented than he is, or hoisted off on his student research assistants. He aspires to have some policy influence, but he never will give up the shitposting freedom he has today, which a judicial or political appointment would require (to say nothing of being expected to do some actual work for once).
Ayep.
Also: have you considered changing your handle to "Please, Josh, Seek Help"?
Maybe this has been covered, but what stops one justice from using a concurring or dissenting opinion to call out another justice for a conflict of interest or ethical lapse? The accused justice would even have the ability to respond in his or her own concurrence or dissent.
The same things that stop one justice from using a concurring or dissenting opinion to announce that s/he's leaving his/her spouse, and itemizing the reasons why: professionalism, a sense of decorum, etc.
As if I needed another reason to like Justice Gorsuch.
Neil Gorsuch writing a ten page memo about why he shouldn’t be subject to ethics codes has the same energy as a kid doing a presentation for his parents about why his bed-time should be an hour later.
They don’t need reformed; they need parented.