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King County (Wash.) Violated Constitution and Contract by Trying to Ban ICE Flights Through Its Airport
From today's opinion in U.S. v. King County, written by Judge Daniel Bress and joined by Judges Michael Hawkins and Richard Clifton:
For some years, United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) chartered flights out of Washington's King County International Airport, also known as Boeing Field, to transport removable aliens from this country elsewhere. At Boeing Field, fixed base operators, or FBOs, lease space from the airport and provide flights with essential services, such as fueling and landing stairs. In 2019, based on its stated disagreement with federal immigration policies, King County promulgated Executive Order PFC-7-1-EO, which directed county officials to ensure that future leases at Boeing Field prohibit FBOs from servicing ICE charter flights. Shortly after the County issued the Executive Order, all three FBOs operating at Boeing Field announced that they would no longer service ICE.
The Ninth Circuit held that King County's actions unconstitutionally violated the "intergovernmental immunity doctrine":
In recognition of the federal government's independence from state control [under the Supremacy Clause], the intergovernmental immunity doctrine prohibits states from "interfering with or controlling the operations of the Federal Government." It does so by proscribing "state laws that either 'regulate the United States directly or discriminate against the Federal Government or those with whom it deals' (e.g., contractors)." … The Executive Order violates the intergovernmental immunity doctrine in two related ways.
First, the Executive Order improperly regulates the way in which the federal government transports noncitizen detainees by preventing ICE from using private FBO contractors at Boeing Field. It is of course true that "[p]rivate contractors do not stand on the same footing as the federal government, so states can impose many laws on federal contractors that they could not apply to the federal government itself." That said, "any state regulation that purports to override the federal government's decisions about who will carry out federal functions runs afoul of the Supremacy Clause."
Our en banc decision in Geo Group, Inc. v. Newsom (9th Cir. 2022) is highly instructive and guides our analysis. At issue in Geo Group was a California law prohibiting the operation of private detention facilities within the state. Because ICE in California "relies almost exclusively on privately operated detention facilities," California's law "g[a]ve California the power to control ICE's immigration detention operations in the state by preventing ICE from hiring the personnel of its choice." This state of affairs amounted to "a 'virtual power of review over the federal determination' of appropriate places of detention" and impermissibly "breach[ed] the core promise of the Supremacy Clause."
The core logic of Geo Group governs this case. King County's Executive Order "prevent[s] ICE's contractors from continuing to" operate flights out of Boeing Field, thereby "requiring ICE to entirely transform its approach to" its sovereign function of transporting and removing noncitizen detainees. In so doing, the Executive Order effectively grants King County the "power to control" ICE's transportation and deportation operations, forcing ICE either to stop using Boeing Field or to use government-owned planes there. Because this impermissibly "override[s] the federal government's decision, pursuant to discretion conferred by Congress, to use private contractors to run its" flights, the intergovernmental immunity doctrine bars the Executive Order.
Analogous to Geo Group, the Executive Order effects at Boeing Field "an outright ban on hiring any private contractor" to transport noncitizens, a necessary step in the classically federal function of immigration enforcement. As we said in Geo Group, "[a]s part of its protection of federal operations from state control, the Supremacy Clause precludes states from dictating to the federal government who can perform federal work." The Executive Order violates this precept.
Second, and in this way even more problematic than the California law in Geo Group, King County's Executive Order on its face discriminates against the United States "by singling out" the federal government and its contractors "for unfavorable treatment" or "regulat[ing] them unfavorably on some basis related to their governmental 'status.'" The Executive Order "explicitly treats" contractors who serve ICE charter flights "differently" from those who do not. Under the Executive Order, FBOs may use Boeing Field for any purpose other than servicing flights "engaged in the business of deporting immigration detainees." And the only entity in the business, so to speak, of deporting immigration detainees, is the federal government. By "burden[ing] federal operations, and only federal operations," the Executive Order violates the anti-discrimination principle of the intergovernmental immunity doctrine.
King County nevertheless argues that the United States has not demonstrated improper discrimination under the intergovernmental immunity doctrine because "significant differences" exist between the federal government and other charterers at Boeing Field that "justify the inconsistent … treatment." According to the County, singling out ICE charter flights is permissible because those flights pose a "unique risk of protest, property harm, liability, and business disruption" at Boeing Field…. [But[ the Executive Order does not bar FBOs from servicing charter flights based on their potential to disrupt airport operations; it instead specifically bars FBOs from servicing ICE charter flights because of their role in carrying out the federal immigration laws. And the Executive Order expressly draws this distinction based on the County's opposition to federal policy, namely, that "deportations raise deeply troubling human rights concerns which are inconsistent with the values of King County."
The Executive Order thus does not draw lines based on disruption level but on the FBOs' role in carrying out a specific federal objective. The title of the Executive Order is, after all, "Prohibition on immigrant deportations." Even if the disruption risk of a non-ICE charter flight "turned out to be identical" to that of an ICE flight, the Executive Order would still permit the non-ICE flight, but not the ICE flight, to access FBO services at Boeing Field. The Executive Order therefore discriminatorily burdens the United States specifically because of federal immigration operations, based on the County's disagreement with federal policy. This discrimination, plain on the face of the Order, contravenes the intergovernmental immunity doctrine.
The panel concluded that the anti-commandeering doctrine doesn't entitle King County to act as it did; among other things,
[T]he United States is not asking King County to "enact and enforce" or otherwise "administer" any federal immigration program. This is not a situation in which King County officials are being conscripted into carrying out federal immigration laws on the federal government's behalf. See U.S. v. California (9th Cir. 2019) (finding that the anti-commandeering principle protected a California law limiting the cooperation of state and local law enforcement officers with federal immigration authorities); McHenry County v. Raoul (7th Cir. 2022) (upholding an Illinois law that prohibited state or local governments from housing or detaining individuals for federal immigration violations). Instead, the United States is asking King County, in its capacity as the owner of a public airport facility, to lift a discriminatory prohibition on private parties' ability to engage in business with the federal government that supports federal immigration efforts. King County identifies no authority that would treat this as an anti-commandeering question.
Requiring this form of non-discriminatory access to county property consistent with the intergovernmental immunity doctrine does not create a back-end anti-commandeering problem. We would not perceive a threat of unconstitutional commandeering when ICE uses county highways to transport immigration detainees from one place to another just because the county owns its highways. Similarly, we discern no anti-commandeering issue here.
To the extent King County argues that it has expended resources ensuring the safety of Boeing Field in response to ICE charter flights, it identifies no case treating this degree of background support as rising to the level of unconstitutional commandeering. And in any event, there is no indication that the federal government has ordered King County to provide additional support in connection with ICE charter flights at Boeing Field. The anti-commandeering principle prevents the federal government from "harness[ing] a State's legislative or executive authority." Invalidating a restriction on the federal government's use of private contractors at Boeing Field does not lead to that result.
The panel rejected the County's "marketplace participant" defense:
[N]o court has previously applied the market participant doctrine as a defense to state or local actions that otherwise violate principles of intergovernmental immunity. But even assuming the County could mount a market participant defense in this context, the County was not acting as a market participant.
A state or local government functions as a market participant when it acts (1) "in pursuit of the 'efficient procurement of needed goods and services'" or (2) with a sufficiently "narrow scope" so as to "'defeat an inference that its primary goal was to encourage a general policy rather than [to] address a specific proprietary problem.'" Here, King County has repeatedly stated that it adopted the Executive Order in response to perceived human rights abuses in the federal immigration system. That is the clear substance and tenor of the Executive Order and the County's many comments surrounding it. The County's broad objection to federal immigration policy does not reflect King County acting in the capacity of a market participant.
The County argues otherwise by claiming that it issued the Executive Order "due to its concerns about business disruptions and liability from potential protests on airport property." To begin with, there is a lack of evidence of such disruptions. Regardless, the County's claimed concerns about protests—which are referenced only obliquely in one small part of the Executive Order—cannot overcome the Order's overwhelming import. The Executive Order is based on King County's view that "deportations raise deeply troubling human rights concerns which are inconsistent with the values of King County." While King County and its leaders are entitled to hold that view, the obvious policy and regulatory basis for the Executive Order prevents King County from invoking the market participant doctrine, even assuming it could be invoked as a defense to otherwise improper discrimination against the federal government.
And the panel also concluded that King County's actions violated "a World War II-era contract reconveying Boeing Field to King County":
In 1941, the United States acquired Boeing Field from King County for use in World War II. In 1948, the United States returned Boeing Field to King County under the Surplus Property Act of 1944, which, as relevant here, imposed terms and conditions for the use of airports that the United States granted to state or local governments after the war. When the United States conveyed Boeing Field to King County under the Act, the parties executed an "Instrument of Transfer." The Instrument of Transfer provided that "the United States of America … through any of its employees or agents shall at all times have the right to make nonexclusive use of the landing area of the airport at which any of the property transferred by this instrument is located or used, without charge." …
[T]he Executive Order violates this provision of the Instrument of Transfer. The Order precludes FBO services to ICE charter flights at Boeing Field, which effectively prevents ICE from using the airport. ICE charter flights are quite plainly flights of the United States through its agent, Classic Air Charter. The flights are also performing a quintessential function of the federal government. The ICE charter flights fit well within the plain language of the Instrument of Transfer and Surplus Property Act….
We reject the County's assertion that the Instrument of Transfer applies only to government-owned or leased aircraft, as opposed to charter flights. There is no basis for reading such a limitation into either the Instrument of Transfer or the Surplus Property Act.
McKaye L. Neumeister argued on behalf of the federal government.
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Seems like its commendeering to me. This is state property, and the state can choose to not assist the federal government. That should include assist the federal government by allowing the federal government to use the state's property. The state cannot constitutionally mandate that private contractors don't work with the government outside of the state's property. But that isn't this case.
if you bothered to read the post such a broad reading of anticommendering would mean that county officials could stop the feds from driving on county highways whenever they wished.
It is 'state property' under a CONDITIONAL GRANT, which King County executives violated.
Once again, I missed the part where the executives received any punishment - - - - - - - -
Ah, my mistake. You are right Longtobefree. I thought the state owned the property fee simple. But they were not given the property fee simple, but a conditional grant and they violated that grant. That makes the federal action not commondeering as it wasn't entirely state property. The feds owned this limited aspect of the property.
Other than the lease provision, that would be true. But it cannot treat the federal government worse than everyone else.
Separate from anti-commandeering/anti-discrimination, it is only conditional state property. It was originally Federal property. The federal government gave it to King Coumty on condition King County let the federal government freely use it.King County clearly violated that condition.
What also distinguishes it from 10th Amendment cases is that here King County prohibited private parties from doing business with the federal government. It prohibited the airport gas station, maintenance folks, and so forth, private companies all, from servicing planes involved in immigration enforcement. The 10th Amendment cases only involve commandeering state officials. States can’t tell private parties not to do business with the federal government.
So, which King Country executives will be jailed for this? Personally fined?
The ones who personally committed violations of one or more criminal statutes, and who were convicted by a jury of their peers of so doing?
Lawyers are always good for the quibbles.
What about the takeoff area? My first reaction was turning the area around the airport into another boneyard of abandoned planes.
FAA definition of "landing area":
LANDING AREA- Any locality either on land, water, or structures, including airports/heliports and intermediate landing fields, which is used, or intended to be used, for the landing and takeoff of aircraft whether or not facilities are provided for the shelter, servicing, or for receiving or discharging passengers or cargo.
(See ICAO term LANDING AREA.)
https://www.faa.gov/air_traffic/publications/atpubs/pcg_html/glossary-l.html
No surprise. I just find it amusing how lawyers make such a mess of language.
- South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification (1832)
When South Carolina declared that it would not enforce federal law (namely the tariff laws), would not assist federal officials in enforcing the law (declaring it a crime for state officials to do so), and would actively resist any federal efforts to enforce the law, it precipitated what is now called the Nullification Crisis.
President Andrew Jackson condemned the state's actions, and Congress passed the Force Bill of 1833, authorizing the President to use any appropriate force necessary to ensure the laws of the United States were duly executed.
Jackson believed he already had such authority, but the Congressional enactment removed any doubt. I would advise President Trump to seek the same authority from Congress to deal with these latter-day Nullifiers.
See: https://www.wsj.com/us-news/county-sheriffs-trump-immigration-plan-deportations-64c522dd
To leverage legions of deputies, the Trump’s team is aiming for a “historic” expansion of a federal program that gives sheriffs and other agencies certain ICE powers, said one person involved in transition planning. Under that program, known as 287(g) after the section of law that created it, the team aims to revive a dormant and controversial “task force model,” which until 2012 allowed officers from participating local agencies, during their routine duties, to question and arrest suspected noncitizens in the community on immigration violations.
Trump repeatedly decided the law doesn't apply to him but sure when he is in power he can selectively care about it.
More inane leftist mind-reading, declaring what Trump thinks, wants, intends, has decided, etc etc.
Is not assisting obstructing?
FBO's operate under the Federal Aviation Regulations. If the FAA chose to, it could close down the FBO's. This leaves the FBO owners and operators between a rock and a hard place. The FAA shutting them down or the State not renewing their lease.
Actually, the state (or its subdivision, the county) operates the entire airport under Federal (FAA) regulations and while they wouldn't because of political blowback, they could shut the whole airport down.
Remember that it is Interstate Commerce which Congress HAS elected to regulate. This was established decades ago with the railroads.
As far as it being a commercial airport, you have it right. It could still be operated for General Aviation though.
I'm not sure -- but it really is a moot question because the FAA could simply declare any General Aviation airport to be Prohibited Airspace below 500 or 1000 feet.
That's similar to the airspace over the White House, and technically you can be shot down but in reality any pilot who goes in there loses his/her/its license. And being on the ground is proof that the airplane was operated in the prohibited airspace.
Two different things Dr. Ed 2. The FAA would have to go through Congress to do the prohibited airspace thing. The White House airspace and others like it are defined by Law not regulation. During Trump's rally on July 13th the airport at the Farm Show grounds was closed temporarily. Provisions still had to be made in the event of an emergency. For the time of the Rally the airspace became controlled airspace. I was the Controller. In the event of an emergency, I was to notify Rally Security and assist the aircraft in trouble to the best of my ability.
Nothing personal Doc. I have to listen to all of the Lawyers on here. This subject falls in my area. I actually have a degree in Airport Management.
My bad, I should have said "Temporary Flight Restriction" published in a NOTAM -- and my understanding is that the word "temporary" is whatever the FAA decides it means.
As to an aircraft in distress, that's International law that goes all the way back to the days of sail and the requirement to permit a vessel in distress (e.g. storm) access to a "harbor of safe refuge."
As I understand it, once you declare a "MayDay" (on 121.5 MHz), you can land anywhere, including a military base. You'd better have a damn good reason, and they may not be particularly nice about it, but you can. Remember back in 2001 when the Chinese fighter collided with the USAF P-3 spy plane and the P-3 made an emergency landing at the Chinese military base?
Unless you are at war with the flag flown by the vessel, you MUST let it land, and take reasonable efforts toward preserving human life.
Now then, for you hayseeds to be consistent, you must abhor this ruling. Dismantle the federal government and state's right must be supreme something something
Almost no one really believes/believed in states rights.
The honest person needs to know the issue first. Only then can one pontificate on the useful power of 50 experimental laboratories, or the dire need for the federal government to ensure uniform consistency.
It's a vital principle!
"Which one?"
"What was the issue again?"
Do you know why Bell Labs got closed?
The ROI for foundational research wasn't there anymore. We'd grabbed the low hanging fruit of atomic physics.
Private industry is no longer able to support expanding the frontiers of human knowledge for all the world to see and innovate on. It's too expensive, and it's too long-term.
Markets are great, but not for everything.
The Bell System breakup sure reduced the cash flow available for basic research, but the lab isn't closed.
The brand remains, but they fired everyone and retooled to be fully applied in the late 90s.
Their successes now are the next iterations in decadal roadmaps. Great work that takes plenty of ingenuity from seriously smart people. But leapfrogging breakthroughs are not what it seeks, and hasn’t for a long time.
It was a long time ago now but I did my master’s thesis in the US political cultures swings between emphasizing basic and applied research in the 20th century and what external events and forces set off shifts in that balance.
You gotta admit that they no longer are funded by nor working for a national telephone monopoly.
On the contrary, I categorically deny that they not funded by not working for a national telephone monopoly any more.
Tell that to SpaceX.
SpaceX is not aiming to do fundamental research.
No, this case is very straightforward. There’s nothing new going on here. When state and federal officials disagree over policy on a matter within federal jurisdiction, State officials can’t be required to help the federal government, but they can’t actively hinder it. That’s very well established law.
It’s also law that at least historically has been generally agreed on. You may think the constitution lets Congress do almost anything it wants. You may think it lets it do very little. Either way, if Congress does something it is permitted to do, whatever the scope of its permission may be, states who disagree don’t have to help federal officials enforce the policy, but they can’t hinder them.
Yawn. Did you write that comment in crayon? Get back to me when you have an argument above junior high school level.
I wonder if the federal government itself could be considered a suspect class for EPC purposes?
The constitutional basis is the Supremacy Clause, not equal protection.
These people are traitors, plain and simple.
There shouldn't be lawsuits. There should be helicopter rides.
So edgy!
Sounds like fun. What's the catch?
State and federal officials have disagreed all the time on various issues. And when they do, each has tried to step on the other’s rights, sometimes in a way that is out of line. Federal officials exceeding federal power and state officials exceeding state power are just part of what happens sometimes in our system of limited and divided government.
The state officials here are no more traitors than the Trump I administration officials who devised anti-sanctuary-city regulations that the courts struck down as unauthorized by Congress and exceeding the administration’s power.
As I’ve said in previous comments, this country has had virtually open immigration for the first century and a half of its existence. Policy disagreements over how permissive to be about immigration have wxisted for a long time. Whoever you think has the best policy argument, this country’s Founders, who decided that open immigration was the best policy at its beginning and for quite a long time after, were not traitors for thinking this the best policy for the country. And while those who still think it is may be wrong, but they are no more traitors than the Founders.
Remember the “golden door” policy inscribed on the Statue of Liberty? (“I lift my lamp by the golden door.”)
It’s there because this was the policy of our country when the Statue of Liberty was erected. And no, the people who dedicated the Statute of Liberty in 1886, from the President on down, the people who put Emma Lazarus’ New Colossus poem celebrating America as the country with the open-door policy (have you read it?), were not traitors to this country. You may think they were wrong. But they were not traitors.
It was NOT the policy of our country, it was the policy of a poet hired by the group that raised the money for the base.
I understand the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the very first categorical immigration restriction, was in effect. That’s why I said virtually open immigration. It was not completely open, but it was a lot more open than it became starting in the 1920s.
Ilya Somin hardest hit.
Time for the Trump administration to use Eminent Domain to take back ownership of this airport.
Don't think he has to -- I believe that there is something in the defense surplus property agreement that the military can take it back if they need it again.
The War Department did that before -- gave local governments property after WWI, only to take it back again for military use during WW-II.
The ultimate hardball tactic would be to take the airport this way but instead use it to detain illegal aliens until they can be flown out.