The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Why the California Ban on "Disseminat[ing] Information" "Relating to a Sealed Arrest" Violates the First Amendment
The heart of our argument for a preliminary injunction in First Amendment Coalition, LaRoe & Volokh v. Chiu.
An excerpt from FIRE's memorandum filed last night:
Both as applied to Plaintiffs and on its face as to everyone who disseminates lawfully obtained information about sealed arrests, the anti-dissemination statute violates the First Amendment as a presumptively unconstitutional content-based speech restriction that cannot withstand strict scrutiny. Reed v. Town of Gilbert (2015); see also IMDb.com v. Becerra (9th Cir. 2020) (prohibition on "dissemination of one type of speech: 'date of birth or age information'" was a content-discriminatory restriction on a category of speech). This is all the more so given binding Supreme Court precedent protecting dissemination of lawfully obtained information, and holding that penalizing dissemination as pertains to sealed arrests is not the least restrictive means to achieve a compelling state interest. See Smith v. Daily Mail Publ'g Co. (1979) (other states had "found other ways of accomplishing the objective" of protecting the identity of juvenile offenders)….
The anti-dissemination statute regulates speech in covering only "disseminat[ing] information" and is content-based in reaching only speech "relating to a sealed arrest." Cal. Penal Code § 851.92(c). The "dissemination of information [is] speech within the meaning of the First Amendment." Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc. (2011)…. As the Supreme Court held decades ago, a state may not "punish publication" of "lawfully obtain[ed]" "truthful information about a matter of public significance," such as information about an arrestee. Daily Mail Publ'g Co.; see also, e.g., Worrell Newspapers of Ind. v. Westhafer (7th Cir. 1984) (striking down as overbroad a statute prohibiting any person from disclosing the existence of a sealed indictment before the defendant is arrested)….
[The statute] is also presumptively unconstitutional on its face. By its content-based terms, the statute penalizes disseminating lawfully obtained information about sealed arrests in an extensive number of its applications. True enough, the statute also covers those who disseminate information about sealed arrests they obtained through independently unlawful means. But more predominantly, the anti-dissemination statute punishes only what the First Amendment protects—publishing lawfully obtained information about matters of public concern. See Daily Mail Publ'g Co. And as detailed next, penalizing that range of protected expression cannot survive constitutional scrutiny because it is facially unconstitutional as to a substantial amount of the dissemination of lawfully obtained information. See United States v. Stevens (2010) (a law will be "invalidated as overbroad if 'a substantial number of its applications are unconstitutional, judged in relation to the statute's plainly legitimate sweep'")….
Being presumptively unconstitutional, the anti-dissemination statute triggers strict scrutiny, but Defendants cannot meet the heavy burden of showing the law is "narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests." First, as the statute "punishes publication" of "lawfully obtain[ed,] truthful information about a matter of public significance," Defendants must show "a need to further a state interest of the highest order," Daily Mail Publ'g Co., with a showing "far stronger than mere speculation about serious harms" or "[u]nusual" incidents. And they must overcome the fact that the Supreme Court has never upheld a comparable regulation even where there were far weightier interests, such as encouraging rape victims to come forward and limiting publicity to the names of youthful offenders, than those California identified in enacting the law. Fla. Star v. B.J.F. (1989) (name of rape victim); Daily Mail Publ'g Co. (youthful offenders).
In enacting the statute, California sought to "remove barriers [to] employment and housing opportunities" that an arrest history might pose. Because "background checks conducted by consumer reporting agencies" are the primary "way information of arrests generally finds its way into the hands of potential employers, housing providers, and other decision makers," the Legislature sought to "[p]rovid[e] restraints on consumer reporting agencies" by imposing the anti-dissemination statute's civil penalty.
But any governmental interest in remedying harm to an individual's reputation— whether directly or because of economic reasons—takes a constitutional backseat to the First Amendment right to share truthful information of public concern. "[R]eputational interests" do not "justify the proscription of truthful speech." Butterworth v. Smith (1990). Likewise, the desire to prevent employment discrimination does not generally justify restricting truthful speech about people. See IMDb.com. Here, the anti- dissemination statute targets truthful statements—the fact of an arrest or the existence of a sealed record—to avoid downstream economic harm. But the First Amendment does not permit the State to privilege the reputation of a person—whether a public official, public figure, or purely private person—over the dissemination of truthful statements of public concern. Landmark Commc'ns v. Virginia (1978) (injury to "official reputation" of judges); cf. N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964) (public officials must show falsity and actual malice); Garrison v. Louisiana (1964) (absolute defense of truth in connection with any "public affairs").
The Supreme Court's decision in Florida Star v. B.J.F. illustrates why California's interests here fall short of being of the "highest order." In Florida Star, the Supreme Court invalidated a finding of civil liability against a newspaper for publishing the name of a rape victim obtained from a publicly released police report. The story concerned only the victim's report, not an arrest or trial. The Court found that the First Amendment protected the newspaper's truthful report and that "investigation of a violent crime which had been reported to the authorities" was a "matter of public significance." In doing so, it recognized that "the privacy of victims of sexual offenses," risks to their "physical safety … if their names become known to their assailants[,] and the goal of encouraging victims" to come forward were "highly significant interests"—but these interests did not amount to a compelling "need" to punish the publication.
Compared to the privacy of a rape victim involuntarily thrust into the legal system, speculation about potential economic harm from disclosure of a sealed arrest rings hollow. That's especially so here, where officials have rushed to the defense of a high-profile CEO. Because the anti-dissemination statute does not serve a compelling state interest, it cannot survive strict scrutiny, and the Court should enjoin it….
Even if the anti-dissemination statute served a compelling interest, it still fails strict scrutiny because Defendants cannot make the "exceptionally demanding" showing that it is the "least-restrictive means" to meet that interest. "If a less restrictive alternative would serve the Government's purpose, the legislature must use that alternative." Under strict scrutiny, "[e]ven if a state intends to advance a compelling government interest, we will not permit speech-restrictive measures when the state may remedy the problem by implementing or enforcing laws that do not infringe on speech." IMDb.com.
The law is not narrowly tailored three times over: First, Supreme Court precedent forecloses the state from punishing those who publish lawfully obtained facts of public interest to reinforce the government's interests in keeping its own confidences. Second, the statute is over-inclusive because its plain language reaches any speaker, not just those with an obligation to maintain a secret, and the State ignored obvious means of narrowing the law in manners that would protect journalists, publishers, and public commentators. Third, it is under-inclusive because it exempts the government agencies and employees who do have an obligation to prevent the release of government records….
I'll also blog about the state's argument in defense of the law, once that is filed.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Thanks for the ongoing discussion.
I think Reed v. Town of Gilbert was probably unduly broad, but that is neither here nor there.
The basic point would be the right to disseminate the information. I would respect a law that protects the information. So, if someone wrongly hacked into a computer to obtain it or the like, that act might be made criminal. Also, if a person working for the government leaked a whole bunch of information etc.
In a vacuum, a law barring publishing sealed arrest records could be conceivably just, if carefully drawn. I don't think a nation that did so would be unjust. But that is not our system.
Pretty sure it already has been!
The value in the First Amendment is not that there's value in everything someone may say. It's in denying nascent tyrants one of their best brass shays in their HO roundhouse of tyrant tool engines.
What is the justification for sealing arrest records in the first place? Other than juveniles, does not seem there is a good reason for it.
There’s an obvious rational basis. If a person is completely exonerated – they arrested the wrong guy by mistake – it’s unfair for that person to then be haunted by people not hiring or renting to or admitting him because of an arrest record.
Yes a more narrowly tailored law might address the problem. But under rational basis, the law can reach more broadly “just in case.”
What have we here--another thug government fanboy. The First Amendment entitles business to disseminate truthful information. Do you really think that the government should be able to sanction people for disseminating truthful information?
And "rational basis" isn't the test . . . .
Bored Lawyer, to whom I was responding, wasn’t talking about what test to use. He claimed there was no good reason at all. There is indeed a perfectly good reason for this law. That’s a totally separate question from whether it passes First Amendment scrutiny, a question I didn’t address.
Do you think calling people you disagree with names improves your argument?
Before the good rev, there was a David, iirc. Among his polemic tirades was the idea of suing companies that denied you because of BS, if truthful, reasons.
Is there a constitutional requirement that arrest records be presumptively public? A few years ago Massachusetts limited publication of domestic violence arrests. At least names were redacted.
No; one of the points made in Florida Star — that a particularly obtuse commenter was getting hung up on — is that there is a difference between saying that the public is entitled to a given piece of information and that members of the public can be punished for disseminating it after they lawfully obtain it. The government is entitled to make most of its records confidential and not available to the public; FOIA is not a constitutional provision. (About the only thing the government constitutionally cannot keep secret is actual criminal prosecutions.)
Agree with David, but just to amplify a piece of what he said: The question of ACCESS to govt-blessed info is separate from REPORTING that info. It's correct that "ACCESS is presumptively granted to the public" (for lots of stuff, esp. official judicial proceedings as relevant to this discussion) — but that's only presumptive (by common law). Contrariwise, REPORTING (per Right to Report, Fair Report Privilege) is Constitutionally GUARANTEED (per 1a Speech/Press).
Access Presumption < Reporting Guarantee.
Why didn't California simply regulate consumer reporting agencies? They are already prohibited from revealing some true facts that are not off limits for public discussion.
My thoughts exactly...
Massachusetts did the opposite — the Criminal Offender Record Information (CORI) law prevents the public from having access to arrest and *conviction* records. This has led to all kinds of exceptions, e.g. public housing authorities can access the CORI records of prospective tenants, schools can for staff, etc.
The actual records in the local district court are still public so this has led to a cottage industry where those who can afford to pay for it (e.g. large landlords and employers) hire people to go to each and every courthouse where someone has lived and look for records.
Hence instead of decisions being made on CONVICTIONS, they are being made on arrests.
Why is FIRE fighting this?
For obvious reasons--the statute prevents the dissemination of truthful information (not that it matters) lawfully obtained. There is no doubt that in today's world, with computerized records, there is lifelong stigma, and that needs to be addressed, but the First Amendment is the First Amendment, and are we really going to use state power to stop the dissemination of truthful information? Becerra, the thug in charge of HHS, threatened journos for publishing truthful info regarding cops with criminal convictions.
Rloquitur has now twice asserted (paraphrasing) “1A entitles speaking truthful information,” but that’s not categorically true, so it should be called out. At most, 1A prevents truthful speech from being prosecuted (by tort or otherwise) as DEFAMATION. But it can be prosecuted in other ways, for example as CONTEMPT (say of a gag order properly issued to prevent an unfair trial).
But rather than pursuing that line of thought (which has the potential to become a rathole hijacking this thread), I wonder if the statute being challenged by LaRoe/Volokh might be repairable in such as way as to satisfy/ameliorate ReaderY’s well-taken (and totally existent) concern about “complete exoneration.” Namely, what if FAIRNESS were thrown into the statute? Thus, in the case of an exoneration, it would be an UNFAIR to disseminate only info about the conviction, without also disseminating (in the same breath, so to speak) info about the vacation of the conviction. This is, after all, certainly the rationale for exempting the victim-defendant’s exception in the statute being challenged.
I haven’t thought through all the ramifications of such a Fairness Doctrine, but at least it has some history to inform it, in the form of the well-known Fair Report Privilege (a.k.a. Right to Report), as discussed in last weekend’s comment thread on LaRoe/Volokh, see https://reason.com/volokh/2024/11/22/first-amendment-coalition-laroe-volokh-v-chiu.
Not saying this reporting isn't covered by the first amendment. Just don't see what "matters of public significance" have to do with anything. Pretty sure what counts as a "matter of public significance" is a matter of personal opinion, not an on factual standard.
Oh, look, the obtuse commenter is here again. When courts decide things, those things become legal requirements, not "personal opinion."
OMG Cannpro, must you now pollute/troll this thread like you did last weekend’s? The meaning of MoPICS (Matter of Public Interest/Concern/Significance), in the context of the weekend’s thread’s Fair Reporting discussion, has been clearly/plainly established by the current good/standing/precedential Sup Ct decisions controlling the legal landscape in this area. I will implore you again (knowing I’ll fail), for the umpteenth time, to study the Seager article mentioned in that thread, where she speaks of “three reasons/rationales” for Fair Report (thereby defining MoPICS as far as needs to be done in a thread/discussion like this): (i) reporter (= speaker/writer) as watchdog; (ii) reporter as public eye; (iii) reporter as teacher. Further elaboration (beyond Seager) of MoPICS happens in the later cases/literature (law reviews), of course, which it seems everybody reading this has studied, except you.
Wouldn't troop movements count as a "matter of public concern" and other state secrets? If I disclosed that I'm pretty sure I'd go to prison for a long time.
If you’re someone in the military or who’s otherwise taken on an obligation of secrecy? Sure. If you’re just some guy? Not so much.
Nah, if just some guy did it he would go to jail too.
What law do you believe that person would be violating? Do you have even a single example of someone being prosecuted successfully in these circumstances?
Good question, Noscitur, and I agree you're probably right (can't come up with an example). A recent "almost-successful" example might be Julian Assange, because he was somebody without a pre-existing duty to not-disclose. But he fell afoul of CONSPIRACY law (so 1A wasn't a factor, our focus here), of which he was more-or-less successfully prosecuted (almost, but not exactly, convicted, depending on your definition of "conviction," instead he pled out).
Espionage.
For example, during WWII, disclosing when a ship left port was a big issue because of the presumption that you were telling the Japanese or German submarines where and when to wait for it.
If they were willing to remove the Japanese from the coast, I don't think they were overly concerned about individual rights.
To borrow a phrase, do you have even a single example of someone being prosecuted successfully in those circumstances?
In WWII Congresscritter Andrew May disclosed that the Japanese weren't setting their depth charge fuses deep enough, leading to numerous sunken US submarines. He was not prosecuted for that.
(He got in trouble for unrelated fraud)
(What were the newspapers thinking to reprint that?)
Having taken a careful look at the evidence you've provided, I can only conclude that you're wrong.
The suggestion is not strange though given Near v. Minnesota saying:
"No one would question but that a government might prevent actual obstruction to its recruiting service or the publication of the sailing dates of transports or the number and location of troops."
It didn't just mean for members of the military. As someone else noted, there might be a compelling state interest in blocking the release of matters of public interest in narrow instances.
Mere possession might be a problem. See, e.g., FN11 in Stanley v. Georgia.
"the possessor has reason to believe could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of any foreign nation"
It's a parlor game to suggest that sometimes the line drawing is somewhat arbitrary. The basic principles tend to be less so.
First amendment doctrine has changed quite a bit since 1930, as the dates on the cases Prof. Volokh is citing should suggest.
You'd possibly/probably go to prison if you had a pre-existing NON-DISCLOSURE DUTY of some kind, such as being an employee/contractor with contractual/oath promise to not-disclose. And anyway too, the kind of divulgement that you posit, is indeed (potentially) EXPLICITLY EXEMPTED (by Sup Ct) from the Right to Report as we've being discussing, as the cases themselves say — by the language: "STATE INTEREST OF THE HIGHEST ORDER" (as languaged in Daily Mail and progeny, with the potentially caveat that no such behavior has yet been actually found in any specific case/controversy by the Sup Ct, see e.g. Pentagon Papers). The plain vanilla Right to Report we've been discussing (as in the Seager article) addresses, instead, regular/ordinary (not special-duty-bound or state-interest-of-highest-order) citizen-journalist reporters.
Why do you pretend/troll otherwise? Such non-serious/immature behavior has no place in adult discussions like Eugene is trying to sponsor here.
So it sounds to me, you are saying California could fix the law simply by making the reporter sign an oath not to disclose the information. Sounds like a pretty easy fix. The legislature goes back to the drawing board and make a slight modification based on this technicality. Problem solved.
No, that’s not what I’m saying. CA can ALREADY do that: CA can refuse to release the info to somebody/anybody unless they first contract/oath to not-disclose or fairly-disclose (legally binding by ordinary standard law). What I’m saying instead is that CA can write into the statute a provision for FAIRNESS (≅ truthful, accurate, complete, etc.), à la the existing/standard Right to Report as we (at least the sane amongst us) have discussed. But like I also said, this is just a ballpark throw, not overly well thought-out.
The way you write is extremely confusing, contradictory, and disconnected. You responded to my question by saying "no", then continued to say that I am right and California can indeed do what I suggest. So you really mean "yes"? Do you even try to make your responses internally consistent?
Wrong. You suggested "contract/oath," I'm suggesting "statute." Big difference.
Wrong? You said "No", then you said California could do what I suggested. So that's a "Yes". Now you are saying you didn't say that. What? You write like someone who is bi-polar. Try taking some lithium before formulating your responses.
Oh please stop; you're doubletalking/gaslighting.
You said that I said: "REWRITE the new/proposed statute to require signing contract/oath to not-disclose, in order to get access to the info."
But that's not what I said, which was: "CA doesn't need any new/proposed statute to do that — because CA can already do that (require signing contract/oath to not-disclose, in order to get the info) WITHOUT any new/proposed statute. That already happens all the time (e.g., requiring attorneys/parties to promise non-disclosure in order to get discovery info), no need for a new statute.
So my "NO" was correct (namely, I didn't say what you said I said, I said something quite different).
Restricting information on military movements in wartime would survive strict scrutiny. The courts are generous to the government when national security is at stake.
This law should apply:
18 USC §793(a). Donald Trump and Jake Teixeira were charged under different subsections of the same law.
I have not consulted the annotated statutes to see how this law works in court.
It’s worth pointing out that the Nazi regime made full use of laws passed during the Weimar Republic. For example, under the Weimar Republic, a law was passed by which people who felt they were in danger could ask to be taken into protective custody for their own protection. There was a form created to make this request.
For years after the Nazis came into power, every person processed into a concentration canp duly filled out this form, voluntarily asking to be taken into protective custody for his own safety. A gun pointed to the head provided the necessary feeling of danger to make it all proper and legal.
It’s worth noting that a law like California’s could, in a regime different from what its framers planned for, serve a similar purpose, helping keep the secret police’s secret arrests secret.