The Volokh Conspiracy
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Federal Courts Still Lack Authority to Issue Advisory Opinions
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit reminds us that there are limits to Article III.
It is not often that a federal court opinion begins by referencing the Judiciary Act of 1789, but sometimes it is called for.
Earlier this month, Judge Eric Murphy of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit wrote a short gem of an opinion in Bowles v. Whitmer reminding us all (including the litigants before him) that federal courts lack the authority to issue advisory opinions.
His opinion for a unanimous panel begins:
The Judiciary Act of 1789 required Justices of the Supreme Court to "ride circuit" by traveling great distances to resolve cases on the new circuit courts. See Pub. L. No. 1-20, § 4, 1 Stat. 73, 74–75. Losing litigants could then appeal their decisions to the Supreme Court. See id. § 13, 1 Stat. at 81. Some Justices raised "constitutional and practical" objections to this circuit-riding duty. David P. Currie, The Constitution in Congress: The Federalist Period 54 (1997). Worried about appearances of bias if the full Court affirmed a colleague, they wrote to President Washington that observers might think "mutual interest" on the Court "had generated mutual civilities and tendernesses injurious to right." 3 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States § 1573, at 440 n.1 (1833). But the Court later upheld the constitutionality of circuit riding, reasoning that the practice's continuation for a decade had "fixed" the Constitution's "construction." Stuart v. Laird, 5 U.S. 299, 309 (1803).
The plaintiffs in this case seek to reopen this debate. Michigan's legislature has waived the State's sovereign immunity by creating a specialized court, the Court of Claims, in which plaintiffs may sue the State. The Court of Claims now consists of judges from the Michigan Court of Appeals. So when parties appeal judgments of the Court of Claims, other appellate judges on the Court of Appeals review their colleagues' decisions. According to the plaintiffs, this practice violates the Fourteenth Amendment. Our resolution of their challenge must start with a different letter that the Justices wrote to President Washington. When he asked for their legal guidance on a foreign-affairs matter, they responded that they could "not issue advisory opinions" outside an actual case. See FDA v. All. for Hippocratic Med., 602 U.S. 367, 378–79 (2024) (citing 13 Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series 392 (Christine Sternberg Patrick ed. 2007)). Because the plaintiffs here seek such an opinion about the constitutionality of the Court of Claims, we agree with the district court that they lack Article III standing. We affirm.
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I confess I don’t really get this. I can appreciate that the courts are only given authority under the Constitution to decide cases and controversies, and thus that if they should offer a merely advisory opinion it has no legal significance.
But how does that morph into the idea that they have no authority to issue advisory opinions ? Is this a waste of money thing – they shouldn’t be wasting the money provided by the Congress for running the court, on such irrelevancies ?
It seems to me that there’s a lot of wasted time and effort involved anyway. Judges frequently offer remarks that go way beyond what is necessary to decide the case. I believe there’s even a Latin name for that. And what legal use are the dissents ? The dissenters aren’t deciding the case – they lost. They’re just flapping their lips to no authoritative purpose. So how come purposeless lip flapping in the form of an advisory opinion gets to be the big no-no ?
Fair critique. What harm is an advisory opinion that lacks any legal significance because it is not an exercise of the “judicial Power”? A few thoughts:
1. The judiciary has been vested with the “judicial Power.” That is a definite thing. Advisory opinions are not that thing. Judges have no special power or authority to opine on issues not wrapped in a case or controversy. Outside a case or controversy, judges have no power, so whatever they say in such “cases” would not be an exercise of the judicial power. Could they so opine though? Sure (leaving aside using public resources for something not part of the job description). At the end of the day though, it’s about maintaining norms. If judges issued advisory opinions (true advisory opinions– not dissents/concurrences), it would confuse and blur essential lines in our government. It’s similar to how we expect that judges don’t opine about specific cases. That is just a norm. At the same time, we tolerate judges’ personal opinions about whether the Constitution grants X or prohibits Y or whether the modern administrative state has no constitutional basis.
2. The advisory-opinions issue mainly comes up in the context of this post–in a “case” that looks like a real case or controversy but isn’t quite. It’s just another way of enforcing standing principles. To call upon the power of the court and to go through the full-dress show, you need standing.
3. Also, opinions are not “law” like statutes. They are just opinions. What has the force of law is the judgment, determined by counting up “votes” for each ruling. Cases were not and are not, always so cleanly decided with a majority and a dissent. In older days, judges often each wrote their opinion and it was left to others to figure out what it all meant and what the legal effect was. So in that sense, separate writings have a long historical tradition. Opinions generally, i.e., reason giving, is part of the judicial tradition we inherited.
All good points.
I would add that there are two instances in which the term "advisory opinion" is routinely used:
1) A litigant asks the court for a ruling that would not redress the litigant's injuries; calling this a request for an "advisory opinion" is just an explanatory label for why the litigant lacks standing.
2) Another branch of government asks a court to decide — in advance of taking a particular action — whether that action would be lawful/constitutional. Federal courts can't do that — they have to wait for the situation to arise with adverse parties who can litigate the case — but some states do allow their courts to do this.
Lee and Recondite are right. What judges really mean is
1) they don't *have* to issue advisory opinions,
2)it would be nonbinding anyway, not precedential.
Has any court ever issued an advisory opinion later struck down and expunged by a higher court as unconstitutional?
Maybe the Justices didn’t want to be pinned down. If the statute or executive action turned out to have unintended consequences, or revealed their view to be unbalanced or shortsighted, they would look pretty foolish if they had advised the President that it was perfectly o.k.
That makes a lot of sense. Falls squarely within Rule 101 of judgin’.
“Is there any way to avoid answering this question and the consequent risk of people throwing tomatoes at us ?”
I found this interesting: https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artIII-S2-C1-4-2/ALDE_00013564/
If I'm not mistaken, the Massachusetts SJC was authorized to offer advisory opinions when requested to do so "on solemn occasions" and the MA Constitution predated the US one.
But I also don't see how that applies here to a 14th Amendment challenge in an actual controversy (i.e. suit).
Try reading the opinion; it's linked above and it clearly explains it. There is no "actual controversy." The plaintiffs just want the court to randomly announce that something is unconstitutional even though it wouldn't affect the plaintiffs if the court did so.
One recourse in regulatory matters is the No Action Letter. While one can't ask a court for a NAL, obviously, it seems to me that in theory if one is proposing an activity which may be criminal but the law is unclear, one could get a NAL from the appropriate prosecutor. I suspect in practice they'd tell you to fuck off, though in more elegant and less direct terms.
Isn't that when you get an injunction against the prosecutor?
It is not common, but also not rare, for a judge, after applying the law as it is to a case, to then suggest that the legislature consider changing it. This is a kind of advisory opinion, but I think it’s an entirely reasonable one.
An example is Perkins v. North Carolina, a 1964 habeas corpus case in which the district judge, after upholding a decades-long sentence for consensual sodomy despite the fact that the defendant’s accomplice got only 5-7 years for participating in the same act, and after rejecting various constitutional challenges to North Carolina’s crime against nature law, ended his opinion by suggesting that the legislature consider why exactly consensual sodomy has a higher maximum sentence than 2nd degree murder, armed robbery, and various other crimes, and consider reducing the sentence. After the case, very likely as a result of the opinion, the North Carolina legislature lowered the maximum sentence from 60 years to 10 and abolished the mandatory 5-year minimum.
https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/234/333/1671292/
Courts still have the ability to opine in an advisory way and regularly do so while writing opinions in cases.