The Volokh Conspiracy
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Journal of Free Speech Law: "The Free Speech Clause as a Deregulatory Tool," by Alexander Tsesis
A new article from the Daedalus (Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences) Future of Free Speech Symposium.
The article is here; the Introduction:
The language of the Free Speech Clause is not self-definitional. Almost all human activities involve communications; even criminality can be infused with expressiveness, but that does not mean that conspiracy, assault, and hate crimes are protected by the First Amendment. The Supreme Court of the United States is tasked with explaining the scope of its coverage. In recent years, the Court has taken a decidedly libertarian approach to laws that impose even nominal restrictions on communications.
That approach has proven strategically beneficial to special interests who challenge laws meant to secure labor rights, to restrict corporate expenditures on political campaigns, to prevent protestors from standing too close to the entrances of clinics where abortions are performed, and to compel the posting of health notices. The Court's reasoning has become increasingly formalist, adopting judicial categories of interpretation to strike legislation without giving adequate consideration to countervailing government interests.
The Supreme Court's free speech jurisprudence has relied increasingly on a categorical understanding of free speech that purports to have historical pedigree. Close examination, however, reveals absolutist statements and historical inaccuracies. A series of recent cases have strictly construed the Free Speech Clause to strike various regulations. The predominant framework of analysis strengthens the Court's hand at the expense of legislative initiative. As the power of the judiciary has waxed, the ability of legislators to pass laws responsive to constituents' demands has waned. The Court's rigid free speech doctrine creates a model of governance that is "incapable of responding to new conditions and challenges."
Judicial formalism lacks transparency, which is essential to litigation and appeal. This essay argues for greater judicial clarity in balancing competing interests and in evaluating surrounding circumstances. It proposes an analytical approach for courts to undertake when assessing First Amendment challenges to traditional government functions. Rather than dismissing lawmakers' concerns, the Court should evaluate whether a law interferes with self-expression, civic participation, or factual assessment. A balance is needed for courts to reflect on speech concerns, how well the law fits with regulatory aims, and alternatives for communication.
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There is no such thing as a hate crime - the term makes no sense. There are no greed crimes, or envy crimes, or revenge crimes. Those are not legal categories. The cagegory hate crime only makes sense if you believe in thought crime. And as far as I know, there is nothing in the Constitution that allows thought crime. Stop and think - if I yell racial slurs at you without racial animus, but simply because I want to get under your skin, is it a hate crime without hate? How can a category of crime be defined by what was in the mind of the criminal? Are we mind readers now? All so-called hate crimes should be wiped off the books. Assault is assault - insult is not a crime.
+!
"revenge crimes"
If someone murders for purposes of revenge, it can be an aggravating factor (a legal term), resulting in a more serious penalty.
Mental states are relevant in various legal categories.
"if I yell racial slurs at you without racial animus, but simply because I want to get under your skin, is it a hate crime without hate?"
Of course not, because hate crime enhancements only apply if there's a crime regardless of the enhancement. Since yelling slurs is not a crime, it necessarily cannot be a hate crime.
"How can a category of crime be defined by what was in the mind of the criminal?"
To the contrary, mens rea is a routine prt of legal theory, and the distinction in many cases between justified homicide, manslaughter, and murder.
Further, look back at the recent discussions about threats vs. "true" threats. A jury's opinion on whether or not a defendant "meant it" can be the distinction between guilty and not guilty.
"Assault is assault – insult is not a crime."
Correct. Why is why hate crime enhancements do not criminalize anything.
There absolutely are greed crimes, or envy crimes, or revenge crimes.
You don't know very far, then. Nothing in the constitution speaks to the issue at all.
Yelling racial slurs is not a hate crime. You don't even understand the discussion. Maybe read up on it before talking.
We judge the motive and intent of criminals all the time. Almost all categories of crimes are defined that way.
Tbf, if the idea was that the federal government is one of enumerated powers only, and the Constitution is silent as to a specific thing, then the necessary inference is that the federal government does not have the power to do the thing on which the Constitution is silent.
Generally speaking, I find Prof. Volokh's position to be rather strange. The judiciary is the only branch of government (in my opinion) that routinely limits its own powers (e.g., through doctrines such as standing and political questions, not to mention the narrow defining of "cases and controversies"). To claim that the judiciary is resolving First Amendment cases in such a way that it takes power from the legislative branch seems to have the relationship exactly backwards.
'The predominant framework of analysis strengthens the Court's hand at the expense of legislative initiative. As the power of the judiciary has waxed, the ability of legislators to pass laws responsive to constituents' demands has waned. The Court's rigid free speech doctrine creates a model of governance that is "incapable of responding to new conditions and challenges."'
To paraphrase Justice Black: very good and eloquent people have written about how our "model of governance" should keep in tune with the times, and that it's the duty of the Court to make those changes. But "[f]or myself, I must, with all deference, reject that philosophy. The Constitution makers knew the need for change, and provided for it. Amendments suggested by the people's elected representatives can be submitted to the people or their selected agents for ratification. That method of change was good for our Fathers, and, being somewhat old-fashioned, I must add it is good enough for me."
It's not his position! He's posting someone else's article!
I totally misread the introduction! Thanks for pointing it out.
Sounds like an interesting paper but not interesting enough to download a pdf from an unsecured host. I realize the American Academy of Arts and Science doesn't have the massive budget and technical skill of secure sites such as the Beverly Hillbillies Official Fan Club, but are they aware of the myriad free file hosts available?
I'm unclear why you're worried about this. Do you think you're going to be subject to a MITM attack which leads to you being fed a counterfeit article?