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Mich. S. Ct. Declines to Review Decision Upholding U. Michigan Gun Ban
The case is Wade v. Univ. of Mich.; as is common for such denials of review, the majority didn't offer a detailed opinion, but Justice David Viviano, joined by Justice Brian Zahra, dissented:
In 2001, the University adopted Article X, which bans the possession of firearms on its campus or "any property owned, leased or otherwise controlled" by the University. That prohibition applies to all persons regardless of whether they possess a concealed-carry permit. Plaintiff unsuccessfully applied for a waiver under Article X. The record indicates that plaintiff does not work, reside, or study at the University and has a concealed-carry permit….
[T]he Court of Appeals disregarded the analysis required by the United States Supreme Court for Second Amendment disputes and invented a confusing four-factor test that bears almost no resemblance to the Supreme Court's test. On remand, the Court of Appeals set forth the following factors for resolving Second Amendment challenges:
1) Courts must first consider whether the Second Amendment presumptively protects the conduct at issue. If not, the inquiry ends and the regulation does not violate the Second Amendment.
2) If the conduct at issue is presumptively protected, courts must then consider whether the regulation at issue involves a traditional "sensitive place." If so, then it is settled that a prohibition on arms carrying is consistent with the Second Amendment.
3) If the regulation does not involve a traditional "sensitive place," courts can use historical analogies to determine whether the regulation prohibits the carry of firearms in a new and analogous "sensitive place." If the regulation involves a new "sensitive place," then the regulation does not violate the Second Amendment.
4) If the regulation does not involve a sensitive place, then courts must consider whether the government has demonstrated that the regulation is consistent with this Nation's historical tradition of firearms regulations. This inquiry will often involve reasoning by analogy to consider whether regulations are relevantly similar under the Second Amendment. If the case involves "unprecedented societal concerns or dramatic technological changes," then a "more nuanced approach" may be required.
The first factor accurately reflects the principle that the Second Amendment presumptively protects a citizen's right to keep and bear arms. On the basis of this factor, the Court of Appeals concluded that plaintiff is a "law-abiding, adult citizen" who enjoys Second Amendment protection….
Concerning the second factor, the Court of Appeals concluded that the University is a school and a sensitive place and that Article X is constitutional because regulations forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places are consistent with the Second Amendment. The Court of Appeals also stated that courts may only employ historical analogies when a firearm regulation does not have a direct historical precedent….
In Heller, the Supreme Court stated in dicta that its holding did not call into question "longstanding" laws that forbid "the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings …." In Bruen, the Supreme Court expressly declined to "comprehensively define 'sensitive places,'" although, interestingly, it rejected an approach that would extend the concept across large areas, such as the island of Manhattan. Arguably, the Court of Appeals' conclusion that the entire campus of the University of Michigan—spanning one-tenth of Ann Arbor—does what Bruen rejected and extends sensitive places across large swaths of territory….
In any event, Bruen makes it clear that sensitive places are those locations where firearms have been historically regulated. This conclusion reflects Bruen's general text-and-history approach to Second Amendment rights, under which courts must "examine any historical analogues of the modern regulation to determine how these types of regulations were viewed." … The Court did not exempt sensitive places from this historical approach. Rather, in Bruen, it described sensitive places as those locations where "'longstanding' 'laws forbidding the carrying of firearms'" existed. Put differently, a sensitive place is one in which firearms have historically been forbidden….
Yet the Court of Appeals tried to take a shortcut here. As can be seen from its multifactor test, the Court suggested that any historical analysis is unnecessary if a location is a sensitive place. This completely ignores that sensitive places are those locations with historical regulations. And in applying its newly fabricated test, the Court once again offered little more than an analysis of whether universities are schools, this time relying solely on modern definitions of schools…. As I noted before, my own review of historical gun restrictions on campuses and the secondary literature on the topic has not uncovered any tradition of complete firearm bans, only partial and targeted prohibitions, e.g., regulations on the discharge of firearms on campus.
It seems doubtful that after establishing a text-and-tradition approach to the Second Amendment, the Supreme Court would uphold total bans on firearms in locations that historically never had such prohibitions. Indeed, such a regulation would not be supported by text or tradition, so what reasoning could support it? A rationale grounded in the pragmatic balancing of interests was rejected in Bruen, as discussed above. I therefore struggle to see how the Court of Appeals' framework here, which eschews text and tradition altogether, can be justified under the Supreme Court's precedent.
{
Most courts that have recently addressed these regulations have recognized that they do not support a total prohibition of firearms on university campuses. See United States v Metcalf (D. Mont. 2024) ("The Court is unconvinced by evidence of these early university bans because they were not regulations on carrying weapons in "sensitive places." Rather, they banned certain persons—students—from carrying weapons. The University of Georgia restriction banned students from carrying weapons anywhere. Neither the University of Virginia ban nor the University of North Carolina ban applied to faculty members or to members of the community, so they, too, only banned certain persons from carrying weapons."); United States v Allam (E.D. Tex. 2023) ("In any event, although these enactments occurred close to our Nation's founding, the prohibitions applied to students only, and, thus, the university campus 'was not a place where arms were forbidden to responsible adults,' much less within 1,000 feet of campus…. Moreover, three university regulations that applied only to students cannot be said to be representative of our Nation's tradition of firearms regulation."). The Court of Appeals relied on, among other things, two recent out-of-state federal cases for the proposition that a university is a college campus. United States v Power (D. Md. 2023); United States v Robertson (D. Md. 2023). These courts were less thorough in their analysis, however. Neither case addressed college or university campuses; instead, both examined a nonschool government location. While the court in both cases did analogize the location to universities, the court addressed only three historical regulations, none of which totally prohibited firearms on campus. In a third case cited by the Court of Appeals, the decision upheld a prohibition on carrying concealed weapons, not a total ban; in doing so, the court cited various additional historical examples of limited prohibitions on student possession of firearms and the carrying of firearms in school rooms, not across entire campuses. Antonyuk v Hochul (N.D.N.Y. 2022). Tellingly, too, all these decisions at least attempted to do the historical analysis that the Court of Appeals said was unnecessary here.}
Here's an excerpt from the Court of Appeals' opinion:
In Bruen, the Court stated that it was "settled" that arms carrying could be prohibited consistent with the Second Amendment in locations that are "sensitive places." The Court explained that, although the historical record showed relatively few 18th and 19th century "sensitive places," such as legislative assemblies, polling places, and courthouses, there was no dispute regarding the lawfulness of prohibitions on carrying firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings. The Court's statements indicate that, even though 18th and 19th century "sensitive places" were limited to legislative assemblies, polling places, and courthouses, laws prohibiting firearms in schools and other government buildings are nonetheless consistent with the Second Amendment. Thus, if the University is a school or government building, then Article X does not violate the Second Amendment….
Samuel Johnson's dictionary from 1773 defines "school," in part, as: "A house of discipline and instruction[,]" and "[a] place of literary education; an university." It defines "university" as "[a] school, where all the arts and faculties are taught and studied." Thus, considering either time period, the term "school" included universities.
Notably, the reference to "schools" being sensitive places was first made by Justice Scalia in Heller. In discussing the "longstanding" tradition of laws forbidding firearms in sensitive places such as "schools and government buildings," Justice Scalia did not define the term "school," nor did he cite or rely on any authority. Given that the term "school" is not found in the Second Amendment, but was first used by Justice Scalia, it is not clear that either 1791 or 1868 are the correct time periods to determine the meaning of that term as used in Heller. Nonetheless, the plain meaning of "school" when Justice Scalia used the term in 2008 similarly includes universities….
Other courts have concluded that universities are schools, and thus, "sensitive places." See DiGiacinto v Rector & Visitors of George Mason Univ (Va. 2011) ("The fact that [George Mason University (GMU)] is a school and that its buildings are owned by the government indicates that GMU is a 'sensitive place.' "). See also United States v Power (D. Md. 2023); United States v Robertson (D. Md. 2023) ("[T]he Court determines that a regulation centered on a 'college campus' falls under 'schools' and within the sensitive places doctrine."). In Power and Robertson, the court upheld the National Institute of Health (NIH)'s regulation banning firearms on its campus because the NIH is a sensitive place. Thus, the challenged regulation did not violate the Second Amendment. The court explained that Bruen never said only "elementary schools" or "middle schools," and the terms "schools and government buildings are presented as broadly as possible, allowing the reader to consider all possible subtypes that fall within those two examples." Finally, in Antonyuk v Hochul (N.D.N.Y. 2022), the court upheld a New York restriction on concealed carry at colleges and universities….
Relatedly, plaintiff suggests that while "some specific parts" of the University's campus may be considered "sensitive areas," the entire campus is not a "sensitive area." Plaintiff's suggestion is untenable because it would require that certain "areas" of the University be partitioned off from other areas of the University, and other "sensitive places" like courthouses would likewise have to be partitioned. More importantly, plaintiff provides no support for partitioning "sensitive areas" and no such support can be found in Heller or Bruen, which used the term "schools" and "government buildings" broadly….
We acknowledge that the parties, as well as the amici, present numerous policy arguments both in support of and against Article X. In brief, the University argues that, in addition to public safety concerns, the presence of firearms works against its important goals of protecting First Amendment freedoms and the free flow of information. The Michigan Attorney General argues that: courts should not interfere with state and local decisions; university students believe learning is hampered if firearms are permitted on campus; and the University would be an outlier among colleges and universities if its ordinance were struck down. Brady argues that Article X protects speech and the free exchange of ideas and furthers the University's core educational goals. Giffords similarly argue that guns on campuses chill speech, impede learning, and pose unique safety risks. Further, there is no evidence that the presence of guns would decrease mass shootings.
Plaintiff, however, argues that guns increase public safety. He further argues that the concerns regarding violence, suicide, and alcohol abuse may relate to students, but not to him, and the free flow of information is not a concern at the places of his proposed conduct. GOA similarly argues that Article X is far too broad, potentially affecting more than 88,000 people and effectively operating as a city-wide ban, which is impermissible.
Clearly, the efficacy of gun bans as a public safety measure is a matter of debate. However, because the University is a school, and thus a sensitive place, it is up to the policy-maker—the University in this case—to determine how to address that public safety concern….
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It's hard to imagine how unsettling and frightening it must be for the plaintiff to have to enter the UM campus without his firearm. It's truly amazing that the 50,000 students 8,000 faculty members somehow manage to get through their days unarmed.
The plaintiff doesn't work, reside, or study at the University? Just wants to stroll the campus packing heat? Kind of an odd hobby, but I guess freedom provides for nutcase activity and/or lawsuits.
I don't know, but I like to think government passes laws in response to problems. Were there deadly incidents, and have they cleared up?
1. The university owns rather a lot of land that's not obviously part of the campus and where students do not regularly go. The university nevertheless asserted authority to ban guns in those places using the "schools" justification.
2. The school owns many properties scattered across the town, making it likely that any resident or worker in the city will cross one or more school properties in the course of a normal commute, routine shopping or, if his job is not in a fixed office, in the course of walking around doing his job. When a university town owns above a certain amount of the local town, a ban "just on school property" becomes a de facto complete ban.
The snippets in the decision do not tell us which scenario applies to the plaintiff but either would suffice - and the majority gave implausibly short shrift to all of it.
Does this ban include "within 1,000 feet of" university property?
So far as I can tell, it does not. Asserting jurisdiction beyond the actual school property would require an act of legislature, not something the Board of Trustees could do unilaterally. But since the property crosses sidewalks and sometimes even streets, the problem persists.
Exactly. I live in Western Pennsylvania. My job often takes me into downtown Pittsburgh. When you get into the Oakland area it is impossible to avoid University property or University controlled property. It can be the University of Pittsburgh, Carnegie Mellon or others. Under this law, I am violating it just by driving past the campus. Then throw in the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center (UPMC) offices that are scattered through out the region.
On a related subject, my employer requested that I take a few classes at a satellite campus of Penn State. During the registration I was handed a "Code of Conduct" that stated the I would be subject to discipline for a violation of the Code 24/7/365 on or off campus. One of the items listed in the Code was that I would not handle, carry or use a firearm. I didn't sign the code.
That’s a bit misleading. Here’s the Code of Conduct section. It applies on university property and at university events. Not at your home, hunting ground, etc. etc.
Weapons and other prohibited items: Possession and/or use of explosive materials, firearms, ammunition, or other items prohibited by SY12, or use of an object or substance as a weapon, is prohibited on University Premises and at University Sponsored Activities unless expressly authorized by law and applicable university policy. Possession, use, and/or handling of such items off-campus in a manner that is unlawful or contributes to any other violation of this Code is also prohibited
I just drove through some Clemson campus on my way to get a carwash. A substantial fraction of the roads around here pass through one university or another's campus.
Perhaps using the library for research? I used the University of Philadelphia library some years ago. A block or two from campus seemed a bit sketchy. (This was some years ago.) Not being a resident of Philly, I did not know how much of my concern was misplaced, so I left my gun secured in my car off-campus.
"Samuel Johnson's dictionary from 1773 defines "school," in part, as: "A house of discipline and instruction[,]" and "[a] place of literary education; an university."
They were serious about "discipline" -- Harvard of this era had rote memorization enforced by corporal punishment.
Now unless the UM believes in corporal punishment as a learning incentive....
….please continue...I'm wondering where you're going with that. If it's historical analogues, it doesn't seem to support the Bruen argument you may be going for.
Some of them required belief in inerrancy of Scripture, too.
I now have a new tool for evaluating establishment of religion clause. What Did Colonial Coolleges Do?
"IF any Scholar shall deny the Holy Scriptures, or any part thereof, to be of divine authority ; or shall assert and endeavour to propagate among the Students any error or heresy, subverting the foundation ofthe Christian religion, and fhall persist therein, after admonition, he shall be dismissed." [The Laws of Yale-College, in New-Haven, in Connecticut (1800), 24]
I think it’s pretty obvious that many colonial (and early Republic) colleges had established religions. But since it was the colleges, not congress, that chose to do it, it didn’t violate the first amendment.
If the University is a sensitive place, does that mean they have a secure perimeter guarded by people ready to shoot, to make sure no one enters with a firearm?
Or at least metal detectors and bag searches. If the place is so sensitive, they must be taking some kind of active measures to protect it, right?
Sure they do. The University I attended was in a not so nice section of town. I took mostly evening classes. There were people including Faculty who waited by the door to the parking lot until I came out because it was an open secret that I carried a weapon.
In a certain way, Joshua Wade, the plaintiff in this case, reminds me of Joe Kennedy, the football coach who felt compelled to publicly pray on the 50-yard line after games. In his own special sanctimonious way, perhaps he believed God wouldn't hear him well enough if he prayed in the privacy of his house, his office, his church, or even his car. So he had to make a public display of his piety. Similarly, Wade apparently is so enamored with his firearm that he's not satisfied keeping it in his home for self-defense or using it at a firing range. If he's so terrified or apprehensive that he feels the need to carry a weapon on a college campus, maybe he should just stay home and sleep with it under his pillow.
I am so sure the Secret Service just leave their firearms on the ground whenever they enter a college campus. /sarc
https://www.quora.com/What-type-of-firearms-license-do-United-States-Secret-Service-agents-possess-I-m-curious-since-they-seem-to-able-to-carry-in-any-US-state-and-abroad
Please show me on this doll where the prayer touched you.
It's not the prayer, Aubrey, it's the sanctimonious hypocrisy. "Hey, everyone, look at me -- I'm holier than you are and God likes me better because I'm kneeling here in public proving what a holy person I am!"
Noted. Now please show on this doll where the hypocrisy hurt you.
Maybe you don't have a good idea of what the word hypocrisy means. Here's an example: Donald Trump, who has never read the bible or said a prayer in his life is hawking a bible in order to make a few bucks. A lying, cheating grifter pretending to be a person of God is a hypocrite. Get it now?
Now you’re making this about DJT.
His hypocrisy, or anyone else’s but your own: how does it hurt you?
"the football coach who felt compelled to publicly pray on the 50-yard line after games" contrast. The plaintiff here seeks to be armed concealed. Not kneeling at the 50-yard line, but minding his own business.
Taking pains to not reveal it. What hypocrisy galls you here?
It's kind of sad that the concept of analogies seem to be beyond your power of reasoning. At the risk of stating the obvious: hypocrisy is no different than lying, and lying hurts us all.
In a certain way, you remind me of Karen demanding to talk to the manager because she is having a bad day and the Starbucks barista is just low enough on the pecking order to be worth kicking around.
Joshua Wade's case here is a demand to talk to the manager. He's just not happy if he can't glock-it-up at a school he doesn't attend.
Also, Wade probably feels miffed that a search of his name turns up only the famous serial killer with the same name. Becoming a pseudo plaintiff in a case financed by pollical groups may increase his ranking in the search results above that of the same-named serial killer. That is full-bore Karen type mentality.
As pointed out above, the U of M's policy covers plenty of places nobody would guess were university property without looking up ownership records. U of M owns a LOT of property.
Also, Wade probably feels miffed that a search of his name turns up only the famous serial killer with the same name.
There's also Deadpool. Wait, that's also the same thing.
"miffed"
"unhappy"
"glock it up"
"pseudo plaintiff"
Doug, what other civil rights do you dismiss this way? You want me at the back of the bus, not getting uppity?
Why? As I’ve mentioned you can't go on some public streets with out being on University property or property controlled by a University. I can be in my car, get hit by someone and if the cop or DA is one of these “by any means necessary” types, I’m up on gun charges. Here’s another one. I live next to a school. There’s about 500 yards between my house and the school building, but my property line touches the School’s. Is that 1000 feet from the building or the property line? You clowns can make all of the smart assed comments you want, but, think of this. How many times has Reason had an article about some cop or DA coming up with weird interpretation of a law to charge someone with?
Would not weird.interpretations of law be rejected by the judiciary?
Imagine if prosecutors used weird interpretations of campaign finance laws?
Plenty of articles here demonstration that weird interpretions of the law are upheld by the judiciary on a regular basis. They are sometimes overturned by the appeals court (after great time, expense and effort) but even that's not a guarantee.
So mass murderers never make attacks on college campuses? I feel so much safer.
" . . . shall not be infringed.".
Wade recites those words at every meeting of his local militia. Those same words are also on the napkins in the militia's dining room.
Those words apply to many things in the constitution, and all are under assault by modern folk who fancy they know better. And ff-era folk. And folk of all eras and all lands, all the planet and all human history, dictators and dictator-wannabbees hoping the useful idiots will hold sway, and this embarrassing, brief period of rights can come to an end.
You know his membership, how?