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It's Time to Confront Failures of Justice (Part V)
A sample list of reforms to reduce failures of justice.
This is the final post in a five-part series where we're guest blogging about our new book Confronting Failures of Justice: Getting Away With Murder and Rape, available here. In the previous posts we considered the frequency of failures of justice (instances of unpunished or inadequately punished crime), their costs, and the problem of balancing competing societal interests in criminal justice policy. Identifying problems is important, and our book identifies numerous problematic areas of the justice system where serious criminals either completely escape conviction or escape what society would see as a just punishment.
However, we also offer reform ideas for what a better balance of societal interests might look like in each area of the justice system. While we describe or suggest dozens of possible reforms to reduce failures of justice, consider an excerpt from the book listing ten reforms (not by order of importance) we think policymakers should particularly consider.
[1.] Abolish the Statutes of Limitation for Serious Felonies, and for Other Felonies Restart the Limitation Clock after Any New Felony (chapter 2). As discussed in chapter 2, while statutes of limitation might have had more justification when introduced centuries ago, the reasons for their continued use are lacking, especially when they regularly produce failures of justice for serious offenses.
[2.] Adopt a Fair Import Test in Place of a Strict Construction Test, after Adopting a Modern Criminal Code Format (chapter 2). As with statutes of limitation, the rule of strict construction might have made sense back when it was first adopted, but the advent of modern criminal codes with their careful drafting and defined terms have left it with little continuing justification.
[3.] Adopt a Desert-based Distributive Principle, as per the Model Penal Code (chapter 3). Half a century ago, when the Model Penal Code was first drafted by the American Law Institute, the state of criminal law theory left it unsettled as to whether criminal law ought to be primarily aimed at doing justice—giving offenders the punishment they deserve, proportionate to the seriousness of the offense and the blameworthiness of the offender—or in the business of avoiding future crime through general deterrence or incapacitation of the dangerous, even if doing so meant violating principles of deserved punishment. But as the 2007 amendment of the Model Code illustrates, it has now become clear that abandoning desert as the guiding principle for criminal liability and punishment creates its own enormous costs to effective crime control.
[4.] Establish a National Experts Group to Set Best Investigative Practices and to Help Gain Funding to Meet Them (chapters 4 & 5). Chapters 4 and 5 made clear the frequent failures of justice that come from investigative errors, poor training, and inadequate financing. Given the importance of doing justice in the community's eyes, these problems, which can easily be fixed with greater investment, ought to be high on the reform list. This proposed reform could have an enormous practical effect in reducing failures of justice in a wide range of cases without requiring more complicated legal changes.
[5.] Enlarge Investigative Databases and Capabilities but Establish Limitations on Their Use (chapter 7). There is understandable reluctance to allow governments to be too intrusive in our private lives, but at the same time, there seems to be strong support for the idea that minor intrusions in our collective privacy are worth the enormous benefits to justice and safety that can be obtained by allowing investigators to have greater access to modern technology. Greater access can dramatically alter the level of serious criminality in a society with only minor intrusions on our privacy, as in the collection of a genetic fingerprint from all arrestees to only be used when investigating serious offenses. Additionally, expanding the use of CCTV and automatic license plate readers in public spaces, where the community approves, improves justice at little cost to privacy. A key to adopting modern investigative technology is making sure sufficient limitations and safeguards are put in place to prevent its abuse and assuage public concerns.
[6.] Replace the Exclusionary Rule with Direct Sanctioning of Offending Officers (chapter 8). For many people, the exclusionary rule will stand as one of the most offensive doctrines disregarding the importance of doing justice. Should a serial torturer and murderer like Larry Eyler go free (to kill again) because he was held too long during a Terry stop? Such applications of the exclusionary rule bring into disrepute the entire criminal justice system…. The existence of the rule is even more offensive because it commonly fails in its stated justification of deterring police overreach.
[7.] Use Consolidated Offense Drafting with Particularized Offense Grading to Reduce the Justice-Frustrating Costs of Plea Bargaining (chapter 10). Plea bargaining may be the most common source of justice failures in the current system among caught criminals. Nearly every "bargain" is a case in which the offender is getting less criminal liability than they deserve, with the prosecution trading that deserved punishment for the efficiency and certainty of a guilty plea. While it may be impractical to stop offering plea bargains, there is no reason to have a system that offers any greater reduction in justice than is needed to induce a plea…. Prosecutors can try to work around the problem in a variety of ways, but the most obvious and cleanest solution is simply to draft criminal codes in a way that consolidates all related offenses into a single offense provision (for homicide, theft, assault, sexual assault, fraud, etc.) and provides many offense grades within each consolidated offense, as some modern and proposed codes already do.
[8.] Adopt Comprehensive Sentencing Guidelines, as per the Federal System (chapter 11). A common source of justice failures is the exercise of sentencing discretion by judges who have their own idiosyncratic view of what justice requires. To make things worse, these failures of justice also introduce unacceptable punishment disparities among similar cases.
[9.] Abolish Early Release on Parole, as per the Federal System (chapter 12). The federal Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 demonstrates the value of abolishing early release on parole…. The federal system provides transparency with the public about how offenders are dealt with: the sentence publicly imposed in court really is the sentence served. Compare such honesty with the shell game played currently in many states where the sentence publicly imposed means little or nothing. The actual sentence served will be determined later out of public view by a parole commission. This systemic deception simply contributes to the lack of confidence that so many communities have in their criminal justice system.
[10.] Create a Police-Community Oversight Commission Designed to Build Trust with Both the Community and the Police (chapters 14 & 15). Chapters 14 and 15 documented the existence and resulting problems from poor police-community relations, which stem from a variety of factors. Whatever their cause, such poor relations have an enormous negative effect by producing a regular stream of serious justice failures and increasing crime. The solution to the problem cannot be found simply in "fixing" the police, as some political activists seem to think, but rather in building a police-community relationship that changes community views as well as police practices. Thus, our recommendation is a joint police-community oversight commission that has broad jurisdiction to oversee police-community interactions and to actively promote better policing and public recognition of such.
Reasonable people can and will disagree on some of our reform proposals, just as they may disagree on how society should balance certain interests. But what reasonable people should agree on is that failures of justice are a serious problem and one that society must not ignore. The lack of serious study of the problem is also an indictment against modern legal academia, which is so obsessed with getting criminals out of prison that it forgets how few crimes ever lead to punishment in the first place. As we conclude in the book:
The tragic irony of the American justice system is that so little justice is done by it. Change begins with awareness, however, and this book has attempted to investigate the reasons why justice fails so frequently and suggest ways to make it succeed more often.
This volume is not a work of one-sided activism but acknowledges and confronts the serious tradeoffs faced in creating criminal justice policy. As such, it is our hope that it can be useful to everyone—from academics to policymakers to concerned voters—of whatever political persuasion who wish to make the American justice system a more just system for all. Our ultimate goal is simple: a system that punishes the guilty in proportion to their blameworthiness, protects the innocent from liability and crime, and upholds the moral credibility of the law in the eyes of the community. We hope this work will help further that end.
If that goal resonates with you, we hope you give Confronting Failures of Justice a read, a think, and a share.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
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1. OK but that's a legislative fix so depends on the people and politicians.
2, 3,. Return to the old ways is never a good solution.
4. Always good to study the problem and make recommendations. (not sarc)
5. "Trust us we're the govt," is not a good argument.
6. Something, something Blackstone quote . . . ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer.
7. OK but that's a legislative fix so depends on the people and politicians.
8. A national standard even for the states? I don't think so.
9. Like 1 and 7, that's up to the people and politicians.
10. Already happening in many places and it's good that with public involvement - but the commissions would need some authority.
Perhaps I am supposed to conclude that corruption at the top of the judicial hierarchy went unmentioned because it rests securely above the scope of plausible corrective effort. Tacit support among legal professionals for that ruinous presumption become continuously more obvious, and constantly more disturbing.
Professors Robinson and Seaman...Excellent series of posts. Thank you! This layman learned by reading your series.
"Abolish the Statutes of Limitation for Serious Felonies"
How does one prepare an alibi for charges that are 50+ years old?
Or even 20 year old.
You wouldn't need to, in a properly functioning system. If evidence is irrefutable, unfalsifiable, it is not proper evidence. If you cannot show any way your evidence can be rebutted, it is mere assertion and should not be allowed.
This is what prosecutors are supposed to do, prove their charges. Claiming the defendant was at the scene of the crime without evidence is not proof of anything but a lazy sloppy prosecutor. The defendant should not need to prove a negative. If time has made it impossible for the defendant's alibi to be proven, it has also made it impossible for the prosecution's witness to be accepted.
Look at the rape accusation against Trump. The accuser cannot say what year it was, or even what decade. Trump has no opportunity to check his records to see if he was even in the city that day. The statute of limitations ought to be reduced to about a month. If it had really happened, she could have filed a complaint within a day or a week.
They decided the SoL didn't apply in th their shenanigans to get Trump. That was the whole point of the enabling actions.
Just about every state already has no statute of limtistions for the most serious crimes. (I would be shocked if it’s not every state, actually, I’m just too lazy to check.) So the suggestion really isn’t all that wild.
Yeah.
This is why we need these statutes of limitations.
The problem with getting rid of the exclusionary rule is the police aren't actually trustworthy to enforce rules against illegal searches. Cops get indemnified for 1983 suit judgments, and while I can see some police department disciplining an officer who was overzealous in a minor case, nobody's going to discipline the officer whose illegal search nets the key piece of evidence that puts the bad guy away.
The exclusionary rule is like what Winston Churchill said about democracy-- it's the worst system imaginable except for all the others.
What if the exclusionary rule is abolished along with some immunities of law enforcement? Qualified immunity is an obvious target. The tolerance of courts for lies on search warrants is another – just say if there is any misleading information or substantial omissions the warrant is invalid and whoever knew about the inaccuracies is liable.
The liability of police for illegal searches and seizures could be extended to liability for attorney's fees in any related criminal case. If you pull somebody over for driving while black and it turns into a major felony case, you are liable for six figures in attorney's fees. This will attract private counsel to people now represented by overworked public defenders. While there is an ethical rule against attorney's fees being contingent on the verdict in a criminal case, the issue to be litigated is the legality of the search and not guilt or innocence.
Excellent ideas. Thank you.
Relying on private suits is going to lead to an underenforcement problem. No one is going to sue over an extended traffic stop if nothing else happens at the end of it. (Of course, you might also question whether the prospect that evidence might get excluded if any is discovered actually has a significant deterrent effect either: my memory is that the empirical support for that proposition was not very convincing.)
They'd be a lot more inclined to sue over traffic stops if the cop had to pay, personally, for time lost and court costs, and could be charged properly with kidnapping, or if they could turn around and detain the cop for no reason on his way back from the grocery store, ice cream melting away.
No one is going to sue over an extended traffic stop if nothing else happens at the end of it.
So do what we do for bad but cheap and numerous consumer goods - allow class actions.
Jackpot for the enterprising lawyer and $200 apiece for the victims.
Already successful civil rights plaintiffs get attorney's fees but they can't win due to qualified immunity – nobody has ever been found liable in a published decision for pulling over a man named Kelvin driving a Camaro on MLK Boulevard before midnight, so how could the cop know that was wrong?
How would you define the class you’re proposing?
It's only worse than all the others from the government point of view.
Let victims prosecute for the direct crime involved — the illegal search, the beating, the theft — and make the bad actor pay for it personally, in ways employment and union contracts can't corrupt. Throw him in jail like any other similar criminal. Take the fines from his personal pension fund.
Government prosecutors and judges are not interested in punishing government police. Take them out of the equation.
Oh, I suppose if they had to in order to get rid of the exclusionary rule, the cops would “discipline” their errant officers. “Oh, an illegal search, that’s bad! Contemplate your misbehavior during your three-day leave.”
“[1.] Abolish the Statutes of Limitation for Serious Felonies, and for Other Felonies Restart the Limitation Clock after Any New Felony”
I am very skeptical that true justice can be achieved in decades old cases.
“[6.] Replace the Exclusionary Rule with Direct Sanctioning of Offending Officers”
Sure, as long as sanctioning is available even in cases where charges were never filed or even if an arrest was never made.
“[7.] Use Consolidated Offense Drafting with Particularized Offense Grading to Reduce the Justice-Frustrating Costs of Plea Bargaining”
You only address one side of this, but the justice frustrating costs of plea bargaining goes both ways.
You claim that “Nearly every “bargain” is a case in which the offender is getting less criminal liability than they deserve” but the reality is that plea bargaining is frequently used by prosecutors to secure convictions in weak cases that they are not confident that they could win at trial.
https://innocenceproject.org/when-the-innocent-plead-guilty/
Your prescriptions read like you are taking the view that if a crime was committed then someone must be punished even if we end up punishing the wrong person. That is not justice.
Regarding the statutes of limitations ... stale evidence applies to prosecutors too, or should. Unfortunately, the deck is stacked in their favor:
* They are palsy walsy with the police, who are at their beck and call. Not so much for the defense.
* They can make deals with jail house snitches. Not so much for the defense.
* They can add and drop charges, with almost no repercussions.
Why?
Here are the first two random results that came up in the news. What about them makes you question the justice of the results?
https://sanangelolive.com/news/crime/2024-09-25/man-sentenced-1982-cold-case-murder-odessa-mall-employee
https://www.pilotonline.com/2024/09/26/man-convicted-of-rape-burglary-after-dna-linked-to-32-year-old-cold-case/
I’m not sure how you’re getting that. Three of the proposals are about how to define what a crime is, two are about what sentences convicted criminals should receive, one is about police-community relations, and three are about increasing the reliability of evidence available in criminal cases (albeit in two cases in ways that impose other social costs). The statute of limitations is the only one that has any real prospect of increasing the risk that a person could be wrongfully convicted (by creating a situation where exculpatory evidence may have dissipated)—but as I noted, this is pretty close to the way things work already.
In the first case, they got murder confessions in 1983 and 2020, from different men! Maybe there is something wrong with how they extract confessions.
Yes, I think it’s plausible that there was “something wrong” with police interrogation techniques in rural Texas 40 years ago.
1. Statutes of limitation. Just get rid of them altogether. Evidence goes stale or holds up independent of calendars.
4. Best investigative practices standards. The fact that this even needs to be considered shows that the judicial system is more concerned with ritual than justice. Better yet, let juries ask questions and participate as equals, instead of treating them like gullible children in the courtroom who magically transform to wise omniscient unquestionable elders in the jury room.
5. Enlarge investigative databases with limits. Limits, ha ha, as if that's going to do any good. Lawyers and politicians live in this weird fairy land, where simply writing laws is all it takes and everything will be perfect forever after. Until victims themselves can sue the living daylights out of government officials personally for violating their rights, this is all meaningless bafflegarb.
6. The exclusionary rule. Yes, get rid of its hypocrisy, but replacing it with "direct sanctioning" ignores the reason the damned thing was invented in the first place — government judges and prosecutors will not enforce actions against government police. This is another useless suggestion until victims can sue for violations on their own, and hold the violators personally responsible. It would be even better if victims could file their own criminal charges against bad actors, but we all know that's never going to happen.
7. Plea bargaining. Another fairy tale solution to a typical Stupid Government Trick. A real fix is force all charges to at least be reviewed by a jury. Reduce the sentence for every acquitted and dropped charge, and if it comes out negative, the defendant walks and get paid what the charges would have imposed, from the prosecutor's budget.
8. Comprehensive sentencing guidelines. A joke. Politicians can't resist meddling, always raising the ante, and judges will scream it removes their discretion and violates their independence. One commenter on here said laws are intentionally vague and fuzzy to provide lawyers and judges with the maneuvering they need to provide the proper decision which strict and well-defined laws would hamstring (my paraphrasing, but I've got the link somewhere).
10. Oversight board. Again, without being held personally responsible by victims, this is a toothless feel-good non-solution, whose emphasis is on gulling the public, not stopping the malfeasance.
Here's the deal I'd propose for Item 6.
We abolish the exclusionary rule AFTER the following have been demonstrated. All numbers cumulative and nationwide, smaller pro-rated numbers apply by state.
1. 5,000 >completed< man-years of physical incarceration of ex-police officers, solely for 4th Amendment violations. Solely means not concurrent with some other sentence.
2. 10,000 officers fired for 4th Amendment violations.
3. Federal law banning officers fired under (2) from law enforcement employment for life.
4. Formation of a separate FBI division only allowed to arrest LEOs for BoR violations, with promotion and raises dependent on effectiveness. Conditions of employment prohibit fraternizing with regular LEOs.
5. Federal ban on negotiating disciplinary procedures with police unions.
What happens if those guys violate the fourth amendment?
Another special division just to police them. Turtles all the way down!
So their initial point was that a lot of serious crimes go unpunished. Okay fair enough.
But, the exclusionary rule is definitely not the reason for it. Not even close. They’re talking about it like evidence suppression is just letting murderers and rapists get away all the time, instead the occasional low level drug crime or simple weapons possession. I mean if you present a murder case only relying on evidence obtained by violating the fourth or fifth amendment…it’s probably a bad case to begin with. And if we’re just going to get around these rights because evidence of wrongdoing must come in, why not also ditch the rules of evidence or the confrontation clause? They also can result in the exclusion of relevant inculpatory evidence. Or get rid of the right to counsel. Surely having a defense attorney to make these arguments impedes justice too.
To the authors’ credit, they do have an example of a defendant who got the evidence of his murder charges suppressed, who then murdered someone else (for which he was sentenced to death). I agree that this is not a very common scenario (as the fact that they had to go back 40 years to find it illustrates).
It would have been nice if the authors had actually included an explanation in the post, but one major difference is that the rules of evidence, confrontation clause, and right to counsel are supposed to make trials more reliable, so removing them might make getting convictions easier, but it wouldn’t increase the likelihood of reaching the correct verdict. The exclusionary rule, by contrast, isn’t designed to increase the accuracy of the result, and generally operates on highly reliable evidence, thus making it harder for the system to reach the correct result in a given case.
Excellent suggestions, but the book won't get the readership it deserves because of its ludicrous academic pricing: $115 for the hardback, $45 for the paperback.
Most of these proposals have nothing to do with preventing people from getting away with serious crimes. Better investigations and prosecutions—not higher penalties or removing parole or eliminating plea bargaining—are the solutions to the issues you raise.
Rather, your proposed solutions would just result in longer periods of incarceration, a failing strategy that we have been pursuing as a nation for decades. This has not solved our crime problem.
Also, your critique of plea bargaining has it backwards. For the most part, what is happening is not that defendants negotiate pleas to more lenient sentences than they deserve. Although this does happen a fair amount. Rather, what happens most of the time is the prosecution charges defendant with a more serious crime with more serious penalty than defendant deserves and then leverages this to coerce a plea, rather than have to try the case. The system is set up that way, to benefit prosecutors and take away defendants’ rights to trial.
Why stop at abolishing statutes of limitations and the rule of lenity? How about abolishing proof beyond a reasonable doubt? I’m sure this tired doctrine served its purpose at one time but now its reasons for continuing are lacking.
And what about that quaint medieval custom of trials? Its time has long passed. All it does is give guilty people the chance to go free. With modern law enforcement techniques we know that only guilty people get charged, right? Besides, due process is a fraud created by the Patriarchy to let rapists go free. Catherine McKinnon said so therefore it must be true!
But if we don’t eliminate trials, it is long past time to do away with the hearsay rule. Why can’t we put someone in prison based on my testimony about what my neighbor told me his second cousin read on Facebook?
(To be serious for a moment: as someone who reads statutes for a living, the notion that modern criminal codes are so well written that the rule of lenity is no longer needed is plain nonsense).
i was dubious from the outset due to the claim of seeking "justice." Who is so arrogant as to believe that they know what justice is? But now, having read these proposals, the naivete is stunning.
Represent a few defendants. Try a few cases. Get out of the Ivory Tower and into the trenches, and see how your understanding of the system holds up.
I fully agree that a sustainable system requires that defendants, victims and the public can live with the trade-offs required, but you have to first appreciate what is required before indulging in fantastical expectations of a miserable cobbled together like a Rube Goldberg machine that never quite kicks the bucket at the end, but does substantial "unintended" harm in its quest for "justice."