The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
It's Time to Confront Failures of Justice (Part I)
Academia and policymakers shouldn't ignore the problem of unpunished crime.
This is the first in a five-part series where we're guest blogging about our new book Confronting Failures of Justice: Getting Away With Murder and Rape, available here, which asks the question nobody seems to want to ask in legal academia: why is the justice system so bad at punishing crime? If one listened to modern academics, one might believe America's justice system punishes everyone, everywhere, for everything. But the truth is that our "carceral state," for all its supposed punitiveness, barely punishes serious crime at all. The following is an excerpt from the book's first chapter.
Most killers get away with murder. In 2020, there were around 22,000 murders in America, and police solved just over 10,000—less than 50%. Commonly, almost half of these solved cases result in no homicide conviction. Even more troublingly, homicide has the best victimization-conviction ratio of any offense. Most other crimes are rarely punished. Of more than 980,000 aggravated assaults annually, only around 7.4% end in a conviction. Of more than 460,000 rapes and sexual assaults annually, 97.2% end in no felony conviction. Hundreds of thousands of murderers, assaulters, and rapists remain free. What explains these regular failures of justice?
This book attempts to answer that question by examining the doctrines, practices, and conditions in the criminal justice system that allow serious criminals to escape the punishment they deserve. There are few simple fixes. Our analysis of the many justice-frustrating rules and practices does not conclude that all such doctrines should be eliminated. Most of these rules and practices are not irrational. Almost all are designed to protect some legitimate societal interest. However, there is reason to believe that lawmakers and system actors seriously undervalue the societal costs of failing to do justice and the societal benefits of doing it.
This volume examines the competing costs and benefits of justice-frustrating doctrines, including such topics as limitations on police investigative procedures, investigative errors, restraints on the use of investigative technology, witness intimidation, poor police-community relations, the exclusionary rule, plea bargaining, the use of anti-justice distributive principles in criminal law codification and sentencing, executive clemency, and many more. In each instance, we consider the nature and extent of the justice-frustrating problem, evaluate the competing interests, discuss reforms that could strike a more appropriate balance between the competing interests, and ultimately recommend what we think is the most important and feasible reform to make in each area.
As will become clear, many of these justice-frustrating rules and practices exist not because their creators have miscalculated the balance of interests but rather because they have done no balancing at all and instead have focused on one interest to the exclusion of all others. Our analysis suggests that for most issues there are ways to protect and promote the legitimate interests upheld by the status quo in ways that avoid or reduce the current justice-frustrating effect.
There is a particular need to address the issue of failures of justice (where offenders escape the punishment they clearly deserve) because academic attention has focused almost exclusively on the problem of the justice system doing injustice (instances of undeserved liability or overly harsh punishment). This focus is certainly understandable. Avoiding injustice is critical not only for its own sake but also for improving the criminal law's moral credibility with the community and thereby its crime-control effectiveness. But as the following analyses show, especially in chapter 3, a modern liberal society that seeks to improve the life and circumstances of all its members must take seriously its moral obligation, and the practical crime-control importance, of imposing just punishment, and not simply avoiding unjust punishment.
As should be clear from the excerpt, we understand the importance of avoiding wrongful convictions and over-punishment. But the justice system exists to deliver justice for crimes, not merely avoid over-punishment—the latter could simply be accomplished by abolishing the system entirely. Legal academia's near complete neglect of the problem of unpunished or inadequately punished crime is a massive blind spot. Some of this may be intentional, as many legal academics have an anti-punishment agenda that would not be helped by exposing how rarely crime is punished. But as our book argues (and a later post will discuss), failing to punish serious crime carries enormous societal costs. In the next post we'll look at some more facts about clearance and crime rates, and how the situation isn't solving itself.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Some murder really is justifiable homicide.
One thing I’ll just point out quickly about Professor Seaman’s first posts is his emphasis on balancing interests. Good policy involves a compromise that takes into a count multiple conflicting interests ans hence never optimizes any single one.
I’ll point out here that both out academic and our political systems discourage this type of compromise thinking. Succcess in our system requires standing out. And it is much easier to stand out by advocating a single point of view than by advocating some sort of muddled compromise. Compromise is complicated, while single points of view are much easier to commmunicate and understand.
The theory used to be, to the extent there ever was any thinking at all behind it, that individuals and parties and schools of thought would advocate their individual points of view and collective institutions would ensure appropriate compromise after discussion, debate, and interactive.
But collective institutions have largely broken down in our society. Individuals schools and parties, in both academia and politcs, are increasingly tending to see a single interest as the only legitimate one and people advocating a competing or conflicting one as enemies to be conquered. Both academia and politics are progressing less like discussion institutions and more like sports events or military battles in which the goal is to defeat the enemy and attain exclusive victory for ones point of view. Indeed, advocates of compromise or of considering and balancing multiple points of view have increasingly come to be seen as morally and intellectually weak, both by general society in its politics and also increasingly by academia. They have become increasingly marginalized.
This way of thinking creates huge problems for our society, of which the one Professor Seaman is focusing on is only an example.
Yes, to all of that.
A scarcely ever considered issue here is that the majority of murder is criminal on criminal, and the associates of the victim are generally criminals as well. And here I'm talking just about people who have criminal records; The real rate is doubtless higher due to victims who were criminals, but who hadn't yet been caught for the first time and so lacked a criminal record.
If you aren't a criminal, and don't associate with criminals, your odds of being murdered are really low, and you're generally safe from other forms of violent crime, too.
It's hardly shocking that criminals don't cooperate with the legal system, and the legal system relies very heavily on the cooperation of victims and witnesses. Where they won't help, conviction rates are bound to be very low.
It would be interesting to compare the clearance rate for crimes where the victims have criminal records, to the rate for crimes where the victims were law abiding.
Also when you say criminal, it’s not just violent gang members killing each other. There’s low level offenders and vulnerable people that just sort of fall off the radar and society doesn’t care about. Prostitutes, drug addicts, vagrants, etc. Look at Anthony Sowell, he could bury 11 bodies in the middle of the city because no one cared about the people he was killing.
This sort of thing is one of the reasons why even non-libertarians should be dubious about victimless crime laws. They tend to have really nasty collateral effects, as well as pushing the police in an unfortunate direction, since they can't really be effectively enforced while properly respecting civil liberties.
Who the victim is shouldn't effect the process or punishment, Brett.
I hope you are not suggesting we have some kind of second 'criminal' class whose life is cheaper to society.
Maybe not, but the victim's record matters, such as shooting a burglar in your bedroom. I hope you're not suggesting all criminals are world class nice people deserving to continue their chosen occupation unperturbed.
No, dipshit. I explicitly said that the issue is that law enforcement requires the cooperation of victims and witnesses, and where the victims and witnesses are criminals, they won't be inclined to cooperate with police.
Explicitly said it, mind you:
"It’s hardly shocking that criminals don’t cooperate with the legal system, and the legal system relies very heavily on the cooperation of victims and witnesses. Where they won’t help, conviction rates are bound to be very low."
Did you simply not read that paragraph?
My point is that low conviction rates are baked into crimes where the victims tend to be criminals.
Yeah. But you *are* Brett, and he *is* Il Douche. So, you couldn't possibly be right about anything, no matter how matter-of-fact and uncontroversial it might be.
You know how you always try to "cheapen life," Brett. Il Douche informs this debate, all debates, with his critical eye.
I think you're confusing is and ought here.
Who the victim is shouldn't affect the process and punishment, but it definitely does in practice. There is data showing that the race of the victims is a significant factor in capital charging decisions/verdicts. Police make more of an effort to solve and investigate crimes involving some types of people more than others. We also see this is media, "missing white woman syndrome" is an observed phenomenon. And, if the victim or the people close to them have had negative interactions with law enforcement, their willingness to cooperate and help and investigation will be diminished.
And whether its right or not, as a practical matter, people in charge of solving and prosecuting crimes or expending resources do think there is a "criminal class" that they don't need to care as much about and whose life is worth less. It's bad that they think that, but they're sort of willing it into existence by their attitude and approach to things. And if we want to end that we need to first recognize what the actual attitudes are.
Statistically speaking, there IS a criminal class, you don't need to will it into existence. You can, setting aside BS like traffic laws intended to be frequently violated in order to generate revenue, divide the population into two groups: The large majority who hardly offend at all, and a very small minority who commit most of the crimes. For instance, here's a study from Sweden:
The 1 % of the population accountable for 63 % of all violent crime convictions
"Method:
The nationwide multi-generation register was used with many other linked nationwide registers to select participants. All individuals born in 1958–1980 (2,393,765 individuals) were included. Persistent violent offenders (those with a lifetime history of three or more violent crime convictions) were compared with individuals having one or two such convictions, and to matched non-offenders. Independent variables were gender, age of first conviction for a violent crime, nonviolent crime convictions, and diagnoses for major mental disorders, personality disorders, and substance use disorders.
Results:
A total of 93,642 individuals (3.9 %) had at least one violent conviction. The distribution of convictions was highly skewed; 24,342 persistent violent offenders (1.0 % of the total population) accounted for 63.2 % of all convictions. Persistence in violence was associated with male sex (OR 2.5), personality disorder (OR 2.3), violent crime conviction before age 19 (OR 2.0), drug-related offenses (OR 1.9), nonviolent criminality (OR 1.9), substance use disorder (OR 1.9), and major mental disorder (OR 1.3)."
ALL people convicted of at least 1 violent crime made up only 3.9% of the population. 2 convictions, 1.7%. 3 convictions, 3 or more convictions, only 1%, accounting for 63% of convictions.
A tenth of a percent of the population were responsible for 20% of the convictions!
It's the same with property crimes; Almost all crime is the product of a tiny fraction of the population.
I don't have the figures handy, but last I looked, they were, if anything, even starker when you look at crimes committed, rather than convictions. The concept of "super predators" is disfavored these days (for a combination of good and foolish reasons), but it is unfortunately accurate.
Also, I highly recommend the book Ghettoside for insight into how in many instances "everybody knows" within hours who committed a crime, particularly a murder, yet for a number of reasons, a conviction is all but impossible.
I'd also note that this isn't some recent discovery. It's been known for centuries now, it isn't exactly a slight tendency that needs to be teased out with advanced statistical analysis. It's really in your face.
One of my pet peeves is the way the system looks after itself as first priority. This is natural; survival is every organism's top priority. But when you combine it with a bureaucratic monopoly like government, it puts citizens at the bottom.
In particular, the exclusionary rule is bonkers. Cops find 10 kilos of heroin but can't use it as evidence because the search was illegal, so the guy goes free. (This is setting aside the morality of victimless crimes.)
Why exclude the evidence? Why not punish both the dealer (for the contraband) and the cop (for breaking and entering, lying on the warrant, or whatever made the search illegal)?
Because the cop is on the good guys' team, even if his crime makes him less than a good guy. Because the prosecutors, judges, crime lab techs, bureaucrats, politicians, and everyone else on the government teams knows that if they bust bad cops, the other cops, good and bad, won't cover for them in future crunches. Because government is a monopoly, and survival is top priority.
My fix is simple enough. Take the current government, but strip it of all prosecution powers, and add a few more steps.
* Only victims can prosecute. There will be no more victimless crimes, such as going to prison for finding an eagle feather, or the more traditional insider trading, prostitution, and drugs.
* Losers pay, so people will think twice and thrice before prosecuting frivolous cases. "He called me stupid! I want $10,000!" You'll owe everything he spent because of your hurt feelings — court costs, time off work — and that $10,000.
* People who refuse to participate in a case lose; if it's frivolous, then it's easy to win and make a profit off the loser.
* People cannot file any charges for less than their unpaid verdict debt, which allows everyone to steal lesser amounts from them. If they have to hire (private) police to help, that adds to the verdict debt. This is public enforcement.
Of course it will never happen. Too many people like having a monopolistic government to sic on others. Too many people are moral prudes who know better than everybody else what's good for them. And the system protects itself.
The exclusionary rule was basically the Supreme court's response to the reality that prosecutors would simply refuse to prosecute cops who conducted illegal searches.
The courts didn't have the authority, given separation of powers, to force such prosecutions. They DID have the power to refuse to allow the evidence resulting from them to be used.
If there was no prosecution AND the evidence got used? Then the constitutional limits on searches would effectively be meaningless. So the Court did what WAS in its power.
I agree that the better solution would be to permit private prosecutions, but that would probably require some kind of constitutional amendment.
Far too many government "solutions" are of this sort, piling fresh bandages on top of the old filthy ones, because actually removing the filthy ones first would show the wound to the world, and that just won't do. Better to keep that embarrassing wound covered up and add a fresh new bandage.
The last thing any bureaucrat wants to do is solve a problem and put himself out of a job.
Again, in this case the problem was that the people trying to solve the problem simply didn't have the authority to solve it the right way. While the people who did happened to be the problem, themselves. So it was a second best solution or none at all.
If you want a real example of your complaint, try "substantive due process", an oxymoron the Court created because they didn't want to just flatly overturn the Reconstruction era rulings such as Slaugherhouse. In that case, the Court absolutely had the authority to just rip the bandage off and properly interpret the 14th amendment, instead of inventing stupid work-arounds to preserve a bad ruling.
I should have made it clearer I understand the reason for adding bandages instead of changing them. And Slaughterhouse is another pet peeve of mine; all the debates over the 14th Amendment made it really clear (near as I can tell from what I've read about it) that everyone, pro and con, in newspaper editorials and letters to the editor, in Congress and every public debate, agreed on what the 14th would do. They only disagreed on whether that was desirable or not. Then along comes a political Supreme Court and can't throw out an Amendment, so they ignored all those debates and said it meant something else. And there's too much face to save even now, 150 years later, to admit it was wrong.
Another pet peeve (I've got many!) is how so much face-saving is piled up under freedom of speech because recognizing economic liberty would run into FDR's New Deal. So we end up with stripping and topless dancing accepted as expressive, instead of simply telling the government to butt out.
Right, I think that was actually the thing that contributed the most to the Court's refusal to just overturn Slaughterhouse: Not face saving, (After all, all the guilty justices were long since dead.) but the fact that Slaughterhouse was about economic liberty, and so represented the dreaded "Lochnerism".
Well, suck it up, economic liberties are real liberties, and the 14th amendment was meant to protect them.
But they can't, because the regulatory state exists in direct contradiction to economic liberties, and has grown too large to strike down now.
I had never thought of Slaughterhouse from the economic liberty point of view, more from the fact that the Civil War was over and they didn't want to let its effects continue, the same way Reconstruction and freed slaves were wearing out their welcome. I bet you're right.
Yeah, go look at the actual case itself.
It was an economic liberty case, the losing plaintiffs were an association of white butchers complaining that a local meat slaughtering monopoly violated their economic liberty. The case had nothing to do with race at all.
I knew that, just didn't connect it to economic liberty in the Lochner sense, or realize it had been so deplorable that early. Probably should have, since one of the arguments for slavery was how socialism was necessary for the proper development of society.
"an oxymoron the Court created"
I agree with your post generally, but "substantive due process" isn't an oxymoron. It's long been understood that certain things are substantively outside the power of the legislature (see the discussion by Chase in Calder v Bull, for example).
And if an act of the legislature is substantively outside of its authority, and invalid acts of the legislature aren't laws but nullities, then there is no process "of law" sufficient to enforce them.
The issue I'm addressing in shoe horning all the Privileges and Immunities into the due process clause, after the Court gutted the P&I clause, rather than just admitting the court had been wrong about P&I a century earlier.
It's rather constitutionally distorting, because per the 14th amendment, only citizens get P&I, while every warm body gets due process.
Yup. As I said, I agree with that part of your post.
Well, I agree that the due process clause can genuinely be said to have some 'substantive' implications, broadly speaking. But they'll all relate to process in interacting with the government. Not whether the government or you can do something, but instead how you go about it.
So, for example, the Sixth amendment carries some 'substantive' rights, to compulsory process for obtaining witnesses, to have defense counsel. But only in the context of the process of a trial, not as a general matter, which distinguishes it from your P&I, which YOU chose when to exercise.
Most killers get away with murder.
The OP authors have bitten off more than anyone should have to chew. They are trying to talk about criminal accountability immediately after a Supreme Court decree that a President performing official duties is immune not only from accountability, but even from investigation about what criminal conduct he/she did.
When you have the Supreme Court undermining the rule of law, right at the top, what's next? Immune security bureaucrats seems obvious. Immune state governors? Immune elected sheriffs? Immune elected judges? County commissioners? Come to think of it, gun advocates want, "Stand your ground," to confer immunity, and sometimes it already does.
"What explains these regular failures of justice?"
Democrats.
But seriously, folks; you cannot have a justice system without societal agreement on a moral code.
When a large percentage of the population considers theft is redistribution, infanticide is a choice, ingesting certain plants as evil, and so forth, how can there be "justice"?
Especially when the government is a monopoly whose bureaucrats and politicians are only too happy to help citizens enforce inconsistent laws and morals on each other. What better way to grow their bureaucracy, and increase their power and prestige?
"Democrats" is not a silly answer. Leftist prosecutors, who refuse to prosecute any crimes by their favored groups but instead insist on persecuting people like Kyle Rittenhouse and George Zimmerman for defending themselves, EARN our government the reputation of a banana republic and are worse than no government at all.
If this book doesn't cover the need to purge that kind of treasonous prosecutors from the system and provide all real victims with the right to prosecute their opponents themselves, then it is worthless.
Most Democrats don't hold those views.
That's like saying all Republicans think only white Christians are really Americans.
There have to be some real life "Dexters" out there (no, not me, H8ers, Dexter was a "Blood Splatter Analyst"(is there really such a thing?) even as a Sawbones, I hate the sight of blood (well mostly my own) that, (and being Lefthanded) was what forced me to shift from Inflicting Surgery to Keeping People Alive While Surgery is Inflicted on Them. Had a Fulton Co Homicide Detective tell me 1/2 the murders he investigated the "Victim" was probably a bigger criminal than whoever killed him
Frank
I started out to say the world could use more Dexters, but I meant kids with basement labs.
On this topic, USA Today has a long article on testing of old rape kits. The conviction rate is about 1%, with Detroit and Cleveland being the outliers towards a higher conviction rate.
https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/investigations/2024/09/19/doj-rape-kit-testing-program-results/74589312007/
A rape kit is good at proving identity of a sexual partner. Often that is uncontested. A lot of cases are "he said, she said" where a drunk or otherwise impaired woman goes home with a man known to her and the next day says she was raped. Police and prosecutors don't like that kind of case. They weren't going to take it to court anyway. DNA evidence does not change their mind.
.
Well, to start with we have a legal system, not a justice system.
One might also ask, "Bad compared to what?"
Why this tacit assumption that solving most crimes ought to be easy?
The nice thing is that, since most crime IS committed by repeat offenders, even with a low clearance rate you can catch most of the criminals at least once.
Then you just need to incapacitate them once they've been identified, and you prevent all the future crimes they'd have committed.
Two thoughts.
One, if this book doesn't do some serious demographic analysis on *who* doesn't get justice, then it's quite probably ignoring the root cause of the issues.
Or, to put it in other words... sure, the *overal* rate of unsolved murders might be over 50%, but I'm very confident that the rate of unsolved murders of poor inner city black men and rich suburban white women are very different, and if your analysis of "why are so many murders unsolved" doesn't address that, then it's probably not worth the paper it's printed on.
And my second thought...
"This volume examines the competing costs and benefits of justice-frustrating doctrines, including such topics as [...] witness intimidation [...]"
... are you seriously going to argue that in the pursuit of justice, we should allow *more* police intimidation of witnesses?
Dude, if the Bloods go to war with the Crips, it's not the cops' fault neither files police reports or volunteers to testify.
"are you seriously going to argue that in the pursuit of justice, we should allow *more* police intimidation of witnesses?"
The 6th amendment: "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall ... have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, ..."
Are you unclear about the connection between intimidation and compulsory process?