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The Lesson From Supreme Court Justices Changing Their Minds
For all of the commentary West Virginia Bd. of Ed. v. Barnette has received over the years, perhaps one of the more stunning aspects of that case was two Supreme Court Justices changing their minds.
The following is an excerpt from Chapter 6, "Be Open to Change," of my book Habits of a Peacemaker:
In the introduction, I mentioned the 1943 Barnette case, in which the Supreme Court ruled that school districts could not force Jehovah's Witness children to say the Pledge of Allegiance. I return to that now to illustrate an important principle. The case is remarkable for a number of reasons. It represents the foundation and, arguably, the founding of our modern understanding of freedom of speech and thought. It included what is often considered to be some of the most powerful language regarding the limits of government action in the modern era. In addition to what I shared in the introduction, it includes some of these important gems:
If there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein. If there are any circumstances which permit an exception, they do not now occur to us.
Or this, when talking about our constitutional system and how it limits government from having power in certain areas of our lives:
Government of limited power need not be anemic government. Assurance that rights are secure tends to diminish fear and jealousy of strong government, and by making us feel safe to live under it makes for its better support. Without promise of a limiting Bill of Rights it is doubtful if our Constitution could have mustered enough strength to enable its ratification. To enforce those rights today is not to choose weak government over strong government…. Observance of limitations of the Constitution will not weaken government in the field appropriate for its exercise.
And, finally, this sentence, explaining the purposes of the Bill of Rights:
The very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials and to establish them as legal principles to be applied by the courts. One's right to life, liberty, and property, to free speech, a free press, freedom of worship and assembly, and other fundamental rights may not be submitted to vote; they depend on the outcome of no elections.
It may come as a shock to those not trained in the law, but the above quotations were not well established as part of the American experience until around the time of the Barnette decision, in the middle of the twentieth century. Prior to that, government, and particularly state and local governments, enjoyed tremendous power over people's lives. The primary reason we don't often hear about that is because lawmakers for the first one hundred years of our country's existence were less inclined to pass as many laws as they do today.
The Barnette decision represented an important shift in American constitutional law and one that paved the way for much of the success and growth—with its accompanying discomfort—of the twentieth century.
But it was almost not to be.
The first time the Jehovah's Witnesses asked the court to rule in their favor, the justices decided differently. As already explained, three justices then retired and were replaced. Two more changed their minds. Consider how remarkable that is. It is difficult today to imagine a Supreme Court justice changing his or her mind after only a few years, especially when so much is at stake. These cases arrived at the court during the height of World War II. The impetus for wanting children to recite the Pledge of Allegiance was to instill a love for the United States and the promotion of good citizenship at a time when the nation's very existence seemed to be in question. The cases were controversial, just as many are today. With Nazi Germany in Europe and imperial Japan in the Pacific, the stakes could not have been higher. What the Jehovah's Witnesses were asking was strange to everyone around them.
Yet Justices William Douglas and Hugo Black changed their minds. In doing so, they helped solidify one the most important Supreme Court decisions in modern history. When they did, they said, "It is appropriate that we make a brief statement of reasons for our change of view." They explained that they had been reluctant to apply some of the terms of the federal Constitution to state laws—something courts did not do until the early twentieth century.
Then they offered the important line for our purposes: "Long reflection convinced us that although the principle is sound, its application in the particular case was wrong."
Long Reflection
I am not interested in discussing here why the court ruled the way it did in that particular case, nor in whether we as readers eighty years later agree with the outcome or the court's reasoning to get there. Legal academics have spilled gallons of ink exploring and dissecting those issues. Instead, I want to focus on how these two justices changed their minds. They listened to the best arguments the other side could muster. Then they engaged in long reflection. To do that, they opened their minds to the possibility of change. They considered the reality that they may have been wrong. Unlike politicians, they didn't need to worry about losing their jobs for doing so. And unlike justices today, they didn't need to dread endless hours of cable news and social media condemnation for their decisions. Instead, they considered new and more sophisticated arguments and came to believe that the rule they had wanted to apply was not the right way forward.
I pause here to emphasize the importance of both the word "long" and the word "reflection." It is okay to have a high threshold for how much evidence and logic we need to change our minds—it may require a long period of time to explore and examine a topic before we allow ourselves to be convinced. Otherwise, we risk shifting too much too often. But without being willing to change our mind, to at least consider the evidence and logic others might present to us, we abandon all hope of finding better solutions to the world's problems.
This is what peacemakers do. With intellectual humility comes the recognition that there may be more to learn about any topic and that as we learn, our positions may change. Peacemakers do not fear that. They do not see it as selling out or compromising on core values. Quite the opposite. For Justices Douglas and Black, their core values had not changed at all. What they realized was that the rule they had originally adopted was not the right way to achieve their core values.
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I don’t think they engaged in any “long reflection”. Black and Douglas were not particularly thoughtful men. Rather they were shamed by the public outcry against the earlier decision.
It is remarkable how small minded we are today. The version of the Pledge at issue had been softened because parents thought it “sounded too much like Hitler’s”. But now we have one of our two major political parties more or less goose stepping to their leader. And after what happened to Dukakis in 1988, nobody is going to defend the right to burn a flag. Yet in the middle of a world at war Americans were offended that children were being made to pledge allegiance.
The public pressure campaigns to persuade Supreme Court justices how to decide cases, especially the threat to ostracize them from the Washington cocktail circuit, has a long and storied tradition.
The law works in mysterious ways. People are only bothered by it when it goes against them.
I don’t think anyone wanted to share cocktails with Douglas. If female, they might find themselves groped. If male, having to listen to tasteless dirty jokes and lies about his WW I service.
"Black and Douglas were not particularly thoughtful men."
Okay, I have to push back on this. Justice Hugo Black was a lot of things. I mean, A LOT OF THINGS. If you look at all the things he did, he had a remarkable life... before joining the Supreme Court. And, I think, a life that is very difficult to sum up given the multiple contradictions (he had a tough time with his SCOTUS nomination because of the KKK affiliation in the '20s, but he was able to get it because of the support of the NAACP; as a Senator, he helped defeat anti-lynching legislation, as a justice, he was one of the foremost proponents of civil rights and desegregation; and so on).
But in terms of jurisprudence, he had a remarkable effect- while you may or may not like concepts like textualism, history, absolutism, and judicial restraint, Black was influential on other judges that spanned the ideological spectrum from Scalia to Warren.
And really, how many Justices can you say were key influences on both SCALIA and WARREN?
Black was an admirable character, but his jurisprudence has been called "simple-minded". Which doesn't mean it wasn't influential. "'No' to me means 'no'" was his universal response to any restriction on speech (at least until he got old and crabby). His dissent in International Shoe was also brief and simple-minded.
Also admirable was his personal evolution. "I used to dress in white and scare black people; now I dress in black and scare white people."
I don’t agree with the characterization of his jurisprudence as “simple-minded.”
Instead, I think that what we saw was someone who had strong principles and applied them thoughtfully in a diverse range of cases. But he was also a great lesson for any person who thinks that absolutism or textualism or orig… history provides correct answers all the time. You can see his struggles, especially later, trying to reconcile absolutist and textualist approaches to issues that aren’t easily resolvable- hence the whole problem of going down the primrose path of having to decide things were either “speech” or “not speech” in order to make rulings that had any kind of application to the facts.
Look, we can pull individual cases where Justices were incorrect or wrote short opinions, but I’ll put it this way-
How many Justices can you name – let alone discuss the jurisprudence of – that weren’t on the Court after 1971?
There is a reason you know about Black, and it’s not because he was simpleminded in his approach to the Constitution. Rather, I think he was an exemplar of a philosophy that is, unfortunately, popular today (well, except for the ‘restraint’ part) and also shows exactly why that approach has very real limits.
I always appreciated the simplicity of Justice Black's views on 1-A...."Congress shall make no law means Congress shall make NO law..." (I remember reading that in a decision he wrote, don't recall which). That approach looks better and better with the passage of time.
In the obscenity cases he refused to even look at the materials at issue. Whereas Thurgood Marshall sometimes got a kick out of them and laughed.
Prior to Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15 (1973), whether a work was or was not obscene was a question of law. As juries still are, the courts were then required to consider the work taken as a whole.
I recall reading in Bob Woodward and Scott Armstrong's The Brethren that SCOTUS had a weekly movie day when the justices (other than Black and Douglas) would watch pornographic films together. Catcalls included, "There it is -- I know it when I see it." When Justice Harlan's eyesight was failing, he reportedly brought along a clerk to describe the onscreen content.
The approach is why, especially early on, Black was a major champion of civil liberties.
But the simple approach, as we saw over time, ended up causing a lot of jurisprudential gymnastics.
Because once you go absolutist like that, you can be both refreshingly off-the-wall (Black believed that defamation, as a cause of action, was unconstitutional) but also end up in strange places- he ended up having to just say a lot of things we "not speech" on ... grounds. For example, he didn't believe any kind of conduct, however expressive, could be speech (flag burning, Cohen's jacket, protesting on government property). Also, he would just occasionally say that you can always be protected for speech, and government couldn't regulate it, but people aren't allowed to do it anytime they wanted.
Which, okay? Again, the problem with this approach is that you end up with bizarre distinction that are less useable than just regular ol' FA jurisprudence.
Reading Black in a middle school law and society class is how I got interested in the law. The man writes an inspiring opinion.
Inspiring is not the same as long-lasting or clear. In law school his opinions are rarely the load-bearing ones. He just...didn't come up that much.
Turns out Brennan was what I thought Black was all along.
I tend to agree on the speech v conduct question; they are not the same. Appreciate the points about the legal gymnastics needed to be 'consistent' with the ideal.
As a thought experiment, what would happen if we took Black's absolutist approach to 1A?
Well, on the plus side... NO MORE SCHOOL TSHIRT CASES! (He dissented in Tinker). And there would probably be a massive revolution in terms of the law ... the same principle that meant that defamation actions aren't constitutional, or obscenity laws, would have unpredictable consequences. Criminal law issues involving speech? What about child po... yeah, production of it isn't protected, but dissemination? What about trade secret laws? Courts enforcing an NDA? I could keep going on, but there are a lot of things that would change.
On the minus side? Anything that isn't pure speech is fair game. I don't think you have fully understood the "expressive conduct," issue, but at a certain point, it gets weird. So, tell a cop he is a pig? FA. Flip the bird? Sorry, not speech.
Shout the f word? Speech. Wear the f word on a shirt? Not speech. And so on.
Oooooooooh....it gets complicated quickly.
And Commenter_XY is a type that would test the line between expression and conduct, LOL. 🙂
If a message on a shirt isn't "speech", it's still "press", which should give it the same protections anyway.
That was my thought.
Three things on that-
1. That wasn't the distinction that Black made.
2. That isn't a textualist distinction. It's not "press" as in journalism, and press is never just synonymous with printed material on anything.
3. That wasn't the historical distinction, either. If you take EV's research seriously, it's about printing presses.
(I've always wanted someone to kill a person in a printing press, and claim a FA defense. Haven't found a volunteer yet.)
Justice Black’s opinion in Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice Co., 336 U.S. 490 (1949), is highly relevant to the current prosecution of Donald Trump for conspiracy in regard to the fake elector scam and importuning Mike Pence to unilaterally reject legitimate electoral slates. Black there wrote for the Court:
Id., at 498. Black elaborated: “It is true that the agreements and course of conduct here were as in most instances brought about through speaking or writing. But it has never been deemed an abridgement of freedom of speech or press to make a course of conduct illegal merely because the conduct was in part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means of language, either spoken, written, or printed.” Id., at 502. Accord: United States v. Hansen, 599 U.S. 762, ___, 143 S. Ct. 1932, 1947 (2023).
So this, again, raises the fundamental issue with the distinctions that he makes.
By this logic, civil defamation is unconstitutional ... but criminal defamation should not be (given it has a long historical precedent at the founding, is a valid criminal statute, and is a crime that is evidence and carried out by speech).
At a basic level, this is why his approach was great early on in protecting rights, but eventually collapsed in on itself.
I think the difference is that by 1944, it was clear that we would win WWII. That was NOT clear a few years earlier.
I was curious about the public outcry part - why would the general population object to the pledge during a war? It seems that the outcry was against the, shall we say, excessive patriotism vented on the JW's after the 1940 Gobitis decision:
"On June 9, a mob of 2,500 burned the Kingdom Hall in Kennebunkport, Maine.[20] On June 16, Litchfield, Illinois police jailed all of that town's sixty Witnesses, ostensibly protecting them from their neighbors. On June 18, townspeople in Rawlins, Wyoming brutally beat five Witnesses; on June 22, the people of Parco, Wyoming tarred and feathered another.
The American Civil Liberties Union reported to the Justice Department that nearly 1,500 Witnesses were physically attacked in more than 300 communities nationwide. One Southern sheriff told a reporter why Witnesses were being run out of town: "They're traitors; the Supreme Court says so. Ain't you heard?""
A reaction to that over-reaction seems more likely to me than a general 'well, the war is going well, we can relax things'.
As further evidence of that, we've been listening to 'Facing the Mountain' by Brown, which interleaves the history of the 442nd RCT with the story of the internment. In 1944, they were building USO facilities for use by Nisei soldiers visiting their interned families, and we were still imprisoning young Nisei men for refusing to swear loyalty oaths on the grounds that they objected for special oaths not required of other Americans. That doesn't sound like common sense breaking out all of a sudden because the war was turning the corner.
Nor did either Black or Douglas suffer from "intellectual humility."
The two justices were ideologically inclined to vote for the dissenters here. One of them later noted they were convinced to vote both because of their respect for Chief Justice Hughes & the lack of time to contemplate the strong dissent written by someone who had experience hearing WWI exemption cases.
The ugly reaction to the ruling & new justices + a new Chief Justice made it easy for them to change their mind. I don’t think this is a good example except to show that people should not be dead set against changing their minds because of fear of admitting they were wrong. Which is important in a fashion, true.
But, I do not think it was "stunning." Justice Douglas, by the way, later granted he was wrong to vote with the majority in Everson, the school bus funding case. There too he was moving to his natural position, which over time became ever more liberal.
Justice Douglas, an ardent New Dealer, harbored aspirations of becoming Franklin Roosevelt's running mate. https://www.yakimaherald.com/news/local/happened/it-happened-here-william-o-douglas-was-considered-for-the-vice-presidency-in-1944/article_2d5383e6-000d-5bdf-8ace-84b6bcb75abe.html Some have speculated that Douglas changed from his position in Gobitis to his position in Barnette after realizing that that would not happen.
Anthony Kennedy’s philosopher justice king has a long and storied pedigree. Especially the lack of any intellectual humility.
I don’t like Kennedy’s Justicing style much at all, but for all his muddy doctrine and methodology, he never struck me as any less humble than your median Justice.
Did the words in 1A change during all this introspection? Living constitutionalism is a scourge.
I’m fine with people seizing their freedom, by force if necessary. Changing attitudes of The People redefining what their personal, inherent rights are is part of this.
So, no, it isn’t a scourge, no matter how many gods hate gays, nor no matter how many crypto Russian foils and astroturfers declare it so to stir dissent in America.
Note the reverse is not true. To grant the government more power in the monetary or economic or business realm, the joy of kickbackees worldwide, should not be done because a judge decides things have changed, but rather you should earn it through the deliberately laborious and supermajority process.
How are these positions consistent? First, I do not play the lawyer’s facetious game of it’s all law. I explain the reasons behind those laws, and their difference vis-s-vis freedom above.
Second, never forget democracy is an abstraction of might makes right. A controlled one, to be sure, but nevertheless. This country is great because it is free, not because it is a democracy. Vox populi vox dei is a tool of dictators, not freedom. Democracy is the handmaiden of freedom, not the other way around, and your rights are inherent to you, and, poetry aside, are not actually a gift from anyone, not a king, or the powerful, or the rich, or even The People themselves.
To start, assuming so, presumes that the correct state to analyze humanity is a baseline of bended knee.
MR. JUSTICE FRANKFURTER, dissenting.
Wisdom too often never comes, and so one ought not to reject it merely because it comes late. Since I now realize that I should have joined the dissenters in the Merchants Bank case, 320 U.S. 256, I shall not compound error by pushing that decision still farther. I would affirm the judgment, substantially for the reasons given below.
https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/104614/henslee-v-union-planters-nat-bank-trust-co/
Other examples of a Justice changing his mind and thereby overruling a previous decision in which he was in the majority are Justice Blackmun in Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Authority, 469 U.S. 528 (1985) (overruling National League of Cities v. Usery, 426 U.S. 833 (1976)) and Justice Breyer in Alleyne v. United States, 570 U.S. 99 (2013) (overruling Harris v. United States, 536 U. S. 545 (2002)). In both cases, the Justice wrote an opinion (majority or concurring) explaining his change of heart.
Don't Justices change their minds occasionally during the opinion writing phase? Is that so big of a deal?
Yes, they do, but it is behind the scenes.
This ability to freely debate and think things through is one reason why they don't want the drafts and other discussions leaked.
Once the opinion is out and public, it is more noteworthy when they openly change their mind. For instance, once the Dobbs draft was leaked, there was more pressure for the majority to hold firm.
Two big leaks. ACA case and Dobbs.
One we know more about. From a clerk. That led to a lot of conservatives writing pieces to pressure the court. And yet, crickets on that. Even though some of the recipients of the leak ... let's say hang around here. For that one, it was worse because people were acting on the leak without revealing there was a leak.
And then Dobbs. Leaked to hold a majority, and an investigation that went nowhere.
I have thoughts, but they aren't good thoughts, so I'll just shut my pie hole.
It should normally be expected that drafts could be leaked without the leaker being identified. There are too many copies floating about, and sending something to a journalist without being traced isn't THAT difficult.
Another conspiracy, eh, Brett?
I remember when I watched the last season of Succession, and there was the scene where Roman was just saying FALSE FLAG every time he didn't agree with something.
I laughed, and then I thought ... huh, reminds me of the VC.