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Eighth Circuit Wrongly Struck Down Missouri's Gun Sanctuary Law - But Also Created a Roadmap for How Such Laws Can Escape Invalidation in the Future
The court indicates the law would be constitutional so long as it does not claim to declare a federal law "invalid."

As co-blogger Jonathan Adler notes, on Monday the US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit, upheld a trial court decision striking down Missouri's Second Amendment Preservation Act (SAPA), the state's "gun sanctuary" law. I think the court got the decision wrong. But, in the process, it also essentially laid out a road map by which SAPA and other similar laws could survive judicial scrutiny with only cosmetic changes.
SAPA, like other gun sanctuary laws, bars state and local officials from helping to enforce various federal gun regulations that the state considers to be unconstitutional violations of the Second Amendment. Like the district court, the Eighth Circuit ruling recognizes that "Missouri may lawfully withhold its assistance from federal law enforcement." A long line of Supreme Court decisions has held that the federal government may not "commandeer" state and local governments into helping enforce federal law. In part on that basis, numerous federal court decisions struck down Trump Administration efforts to force liberal sanctuary cities and states to help enforce federal immigration law. Conservative gun sanctuary laws are an imitation of liberal immigration sanctuaries, albeit advancing a right-wing cause rather than a left-wing one.
Nonetheless, the Eighth Circuit struck down SAPA because the state statute says that the federal laws it targets are "invalid." While the state can refuse to help federal law enforcement, that "does not mean that the State may do so by purporting to
invalidate federal law."
This reasoning strikes me as wrong. All SAPA actually does is deny state assistance to federal efforts to enforce certain gun laws. I went over this point in detail in my analysis of the district court ruling. The law does not impede the federal government's own law enforcement efforts. The fact that the state's motive for denying assistance is a belief that the federal laws in question violate the Second Amendment and are therefore "invalid" should be immaterial.
There are situations where an otherwise permissible state law becomes unconstitutional due to illicit motivations (e.g. - if the law is motivated by racial or ethnic discrimination). But a belief that a given federal law is unconstitutional isn't one of them. That's true even if the state legislature is wrong to think the laws in question violate the Second Amendment. Even if these federal laws are perfectly constitutional, the state still has the constitutional authority to refuse to help enforce them.
Such denial of assistance is distinct from "nullification," with which it is often confused. When states try to "nullify" federal laws, as happened in conflicts over slavery, tariffs, and civil rights, they go beyond merely denying assistance to impending federal law enforcement efforts. SAPA and other gun sanctuary laws do not do that.
Another flaw in the Eighth Circuit decision is that it refuses to sever the part of SAPA it found unconstitutional from the rest of the statute, despite SAPA having an explicit severability clause: "We conclude that the law is not severable because the entire Act is founded on the invalidity of federal law." However, SAPA's statement of the reasons for the law ("invalidity") is severable from the operative portions of the statute (which bar state officials from helping to enforce the laws in question). I think the Eighth Circuit, like the district court, also ignored Missouri's requirement that state laws be interpreted to avoid unconstitutionality, where possible (federal courts must defer to state courts in interpreting state law). Here, that means the declaration of "invalidity" should be interpreted as only extending to state assistance to the feds, not any general invalidity of the laws within Missouri's border.
Despite these flaws, the Eighth Circuit ruling actually provides a road map for how Missouri can easily fix SAPA, and protect it against future legal challenges. It could bar state officials from helping to enforce the exact same federal laws, but do so without asserting that the laws are "invalid." Substantively, this revised SAPA would be exactly the same as the current version. But by avoiding references to "invalidity," the state can satisfy the test set up by the Eighth Circuit. After all, the court concedes (as it must) that Missouri has the right to "withhold its assistance from federal law enforcement." Other gun sanctuary states would be well advised adopt similar strategies, especially if they are within the Eighth Circuit's jurisdiction. The state can even still assert the laws in question violate the Second Amendment, so long as it recognizes that doesn't make them completely invalid until a court decision so holds.
If you think this is the kind of legal hair-splitting that makes people hate lawyers, I don't really disagree. But I'm not the one who created this somewhat silly distinction. The Eighth Circuit did.
In sum, this decision should not meaningfully impede state gun sanctuary laws, so long as state legislatures avoid references to the "invalidity" of the federal laws they want to stop state officials from helping to enforce.
Despite the legal and structural similarities between gun sanctuary laws and immigration sanctuaries, most who claim the former are illegal support the latter, and vice versa. I'm one of the relatively few people who support both. In my view, both types of sanctuaries protect valuable forms of liberty against federal overreach, and help empower people to vote with their feet. But, regardless of the policy merits, both are protected by constitutional restrictions on federal commandeering of state and local governments.
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Does the law get reinstated if the Federal law gets struck down as invalid?
When states try to "nullify" federal laws, as happened in conflicts over slavery, tariffs, and civil rights, they go beyond merely denying assistance to impending federal law enforcement efforts.
Definitions seem equivocal:
Dictionary.com: "the failure or refusal of a U.S. state to aid in enforcement of federal laws within its limits, especially on Constitutional grounds."
Miriam-Webster: ": the action of a state impeding or attempting to prevent the operation and enforcement within its territory of a law of the U.S."
Wiki: "a legal theory that a state has the right to nullify, or invalidate, any federal laws which they deem unconstitutional with respect to the United States Constitution."
The part of the law I found strange was making actionable hiring former federal agents who enforced federal gun laws when they were federal agents.
That's not protected by the anti-commandeering doctrine. On the other hand, it's probably permissible because it doesn't conflict with federal law. But, it sure is petty.
Agreed on the severability point. The statute is partially bloviating which no one, including the Federal government, has any standing to complain about, and partially well within the state’s rights to determine what its employees shall and shall not do.
I edited this comment to take out a point about the statute saying this, which I took from the other thread:
Any official, agent, or employee of the United States government who enforces or attempts to enforce any of the infringements on the right to keep and bear arms included in subsection 3 of this section is guilty of a class A misdemeanor.
As far as I can tell, this is not a quote from the statute, and there is nothing in the statute that has this effect. The closest it comes is probably this:
Federal agents are clearly "persons". But there is no enforcement mechanism for this provision.
Otherwise, the statute is careful to issue commands only to state subdivisions, agencies, etc., none of whom will now be able to hire former ATF agents. Which seems stupid, but not unconstitutional.
"Federal agents are clearly “persons”. "
Maybe not so clearly.
It’s certainly a quote from every copy of the statute I can find online.
Did you miss “(L. 2021 H.B. 85 & 310)”? The text you’re citing originated with earlier acts.
At least that's the way I'm reading this.
I tried to find it in the Missouri consolidated statutes. Do you have a link to something that is clearly the adopted statute, not the bill? (Noting Josh's comment below.)
I don’t think that part of the bill made it into the final law. It was replaced by what I commented on above (proscribing hiring former federal agents who enforced federal gun laws).
Thank you, Prof. Somin, for a post that does not refer to either immigration or voter ignorance. (I complain enough about those that I feel bound to recognize an exception.)
Well, didn't refer to immigration very much. But it's in there.
But he did:
It is a useful observation, adding value to the post.
I don't think the first part of this paragraph supports the second part, as IIya apparently seems to:
I can see an appeals court ruling a state that cannot legislate a federal law to be invalid, similarly ruling the state cannot legislate a federal law to be unconstitutional. Why wouldn't they?
I understand Ilya's point that the forbidden act should be limited to interfering with enforcement of the federal law, not just calling it invalid. But I don't see the difference between calling it invalid and calling it unconstitutional, since neither actually interferes with enforcement.
Indeed. The law seems to have been struck down on the basis of lese-majesty.
They could just reenact it without any comments about WHY they're prohibiting any cooperation with enforcement of specific federal laws.