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New in Harvard JLPP Per Curiam: What We Did and Did Not Argue in United States v. Trump
Seth Barrett TIllman and I write about our experience in Judge Cannon's court, before the decision yesterday.
On June 21, I presented oral argument in Judge Cannon's court on behalf of Professor Seth Barrett Tillman and the Landmark Legal Foundation. After the argument, Seth and I wrote an essay about our argument. To address some misperceptions, we discussed what we did and did not argue.
In case you are living under a rock, yesterday Judge Cannon granted the motion to dismiss the indictment. The court cited several of our arguments. We will have more to say about the court's decision in due course. But for now, we decided to publish our essay without regard for the court's decision.
Our HJLPP essay may shed some light on the court's decision. Here is the introduction:
On June 21, 2024, Judge Aileen Cannon of the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida heard oral argument in United States v. Trump. This prosecution was brought by Special Counsel Jack Smith with regard to former President Trump's possession of certain documents at Mar-A-Lago. Blackman presented oral argument that day based on an amicus brief we had filed, with the Landmark Legal Foundation, in March.
Our goal here is to explain the lines of argument we put forward in our amicus brief, our motion, and at the hearing on Friday, June 21, 2024.[1] We will address three questions. First, does United States v. Nixon require the District Court to dismiss the former President's motion to dismiss the indictment? Second, does the Special Counsel hold a continuous "Officer of the United States" position? And third, has Congress appropriated money to pay the Special Counsel and his staff and contractors?
And here is our discussion about United States v. Nixon. Our argument did not turn on whether a passage in that case was holding or dicta:
During oral argument, we made a different argument. We assumed for the sake of argument that the parties in Nixon had raised the issue: that is, whether the special prosecutor's position was lawful. We further assumed that the Court's decision squarely addressed that issue. We even assumed that in addressing that issue, the decision on this point was the Court's holding, and not dicta. Even with all of these assumptions in place, Nixon is not controlling in United States v. Trump. Why? A prior decision is only controlling, as opposed to persuasive, where the facts are the same. And here, the facts are not the same.[4]
We put forward three reasons in support of our position. First, the Nixon Court repeatedly described the circumstances giving rise to the conflict as unique.[5] The Court described the special prosecutor as having "unique authority and tenure.[6] And finally, the Court plainly stated that the case was decided based on "the unique facts of this case."[7] When the Court tells the parties, the legal community, and the country that the facts are "unique" and when it does so multiple times, the implication is that other cases are, in fact, dissimilar and that the holding should not be extended to different facts at a subsequent date. Nixon was the proverbial ticket good for one ride—or perhaps, one president. Bush v. Gore could be characterized in a similar fashion.[8]
Second, the Nixon Court supported its decision by expressly relying on several statutory provisions, and on regulations put into effect in 1973 by Acting Attorney General Robert Bork.[9] Although the former statutory provisions remain in effect, the latter regulations were superseded by the Ethics in Government Act (1978), which created independent counsels. The 1978 act, because it was not re-authorized by Congress, expired in 1999. Subsequently, new regulations were put into effect in 1999 by Attorney General Reno. The Nixon-Court-era regulations for special prosecutors and the modern, now-in-force Reno regulations for special counsels are not the same. For that reason alone, Nixon is not and cannot be controlling: Nixon relied upon federal regulations which are no longer in effect.[10]
Third, the Nixon Court explained why the 1973 Bork regulations were significant. The Court noted:
The Attorney General will not countermand or interfere with the Special Prosecutor's decisions or actions. The Special Prosecutor will determine whether and to what extent he will inform or consult with the Attorney General about the conduct of his duties and responsibilities. In accordance with assurances given by the President to the Attorney General that the President will not exercise his Constitutional powers to effect the discharge of the Special Prosecutor or to limit the independence that he is hereby given, the Special Prosecutor will not be removed from his duties except for extraordinary improprieties on his part and without the President's first consulting the Majority and the Minority Leaders and Chairmen and ranking Minority Members of the Judiciary Committees of the Senate and House of Representatives and ascertaining that their consensus is in accord with his proposed action.[11]
Under the 1973 Bork regulations, the special prosecutor enjoyed unique and a since unmatched level of independence. The special prosecutor was beyond the ordinary removal power of the President, who, in the ordinary course, can remove high ranking Executive Branch officers of the United States at pleasure. Under the Bork regulations, the special prosecutor could not be removed even for "good cause;" rather, he could only be removed for "extraordinary improprieties." Again, this level of independence is well beyond what appears in the Reno regulations.[12] Finally, the 1973 Bork regulations permitted removal of a special prosecutor only after the President had consulted and sought consensus from eight high ranking members of Congress. Not only do modern special counsels enjoy no such protections against removal, any effort in this manner to insulate special counsels against presidential removal would seem to be plainly forbidden by more recent developments in Supreme Court case law.[13] To put it simply, the Nixon decision, to the extent it validated the office of special prosecutor as lawful, did so based on a regulatory framework that is no longer in force and which could not be put into effect today by statute due to Bowsher v. Synar. Nixon was predicated on a unique and an unmatched level of independence vested in special prosecutors. By contrast, today's special counsel, including Jack Smith, enjoy no such independence against removal. Thus, Nixon is not controlling.
In making the argument above, we only conclude that Nixon is not controlling; it does remain persuasive—as do other more recent Supreme Court Appointments Clause decisions.
[4] See United States v. Johnson, 921 F.3d 991, 1001 (11th Cir. 2019) (William Pryor, J.) (en banc) ("Although Johnson argues that Terry is inconsistent with the original meaning of the Fourth Amendment and that we should apply it narrowly to 'limit[] the damage,' we must apply Supreme Court precedent neither narrowly nor liberally—only faithfully."); Jefferson County v. Acker, 210 F.3d 1317, 1320 (11th Cir. 2000) ("There is, however, a difference between following a precedent and extending a precedent.").
[5] See 418 U.S. at 691 ("unique"), 697 ("uniqueness of the setting").
[6] Id. at 694.
[7] Id. at 697 (emphasis added).
[8] 531 U.S. 98, 109 (2000) ("Our consideration is limited to the present circumstances . . . .").
[9] See Nixon, 481 U.S. at 694–95, 694 n.8 (citing 38 Fed. Reg. 30738–39, as amended by 38 Fed. Reg. 32805).
[10] See Id. at 695 (characterizing the 1973 Bork regulations as having "the force of law"); cf. Allapattah Services, Inc. v. Exxon Corp., 362 F.3d 739, 765 (11th Cir. 2004) (suggesting that a Supreme Court holding is no longer controlling "where specific statutory language that had previously been interpreted by the Court is amended . . . .").
[11] Nixon, 418 U.S. at 694 n.8 (quoting the underlying regulation).
[12] See 28 C.F.R. 600.7(d) (1999) (permitting a special counsel's removal for "good cause").
[13] See, e.g., Bowsher v. Synar, 478 U.S. 714 (1986).
We welcome any feedback or comment. As all can predict, this case is headed to a higher court.
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It seems like the distinctions in Nixon would only make the position of special prosecutor more problematic, from an appointments clause perspective. If that one was fine, doesn’t it follow a fortiori that Smith is fine as well?
Sure, if that sort of special prosecutor was STILL fine. It’s not:
“To put it simply, the Nixon decision, to the extent it validated the office of special prosecutor as lawful, did so based on a regulatory framework that is no longer in force and which could not be put into effect today by statute due to Bowsher v. Synar.”
Under [the reasoning of] that ruling, the Nixon era special prosecutor law was unconstitutional.
I think you are misreading this. The Bork regulations may indeed be unconstitutional under Bowsher (although Morrison v Olsen may say differently). But that is a red herring - the Bork regulations made the appointment more constitutionally problematic. Getting rid of them reduces the constitutional issues.
Well, the OP’s actual argument is that the fact that Smith is a *different* sort of special counsel renders the Nixon precedent non-binding. That Bowsher ensures that a similar special counsel could no longer be appointed just underscores that Smith was a different sort.
That Smith was unconstitutional was justified by separate reasoning, once it was established that Nixon wasn’t controlling.
But, replying to Noscitur, I was just taking exception to the “If that one was fine” point; That one wasn’t fine, under subsequent precedent, so the premise fails.
Establishing that “That one wasn’t fine” doesn’t itself prove that Smith wasn’t fine. It just eliminates one argument that Smith was fine.
"Well, the OP’s actual argument is that the fact that Smith is a *different* sort of special counsel renders the Nixon precedent non-binding. That Bowsher ensures that a similar special counsel could no longer be appointed just underscores that Smith was a different sort."
Bowsher says nothing of the sort. Bowsher said that a legislative branch officer (the Comptroller General) could not assume executive branch functions, and Congress cannot remove executive branch officers other than by impeachment. None of this has any bearing on a prosecutor appointed by the AG and ultimately answerable to the AG.
I think you need to argue with Blackman and Tillman, not me.
Nixon says the special prosecutor was constitutional despite the removal protections that were in place.
Bowsher (arguably) says those removal protections are unconstitutional.
Those removal protections no longer exist.
Therefore, Nixon no longer applies?
I’m not sure that chain of logic really holds.
Well, an invalidated precedent no longer applies, no?
It's not enough to establish that Smith's appointment was unconstitutional, of course, because of the difference between them. Just to set aside the presumption that it was constitutional, and render it an open question.
1. If the Supreme Court says something is permissible, that’s more than just a presumption for lower courts analyzing the situation.
2. To the extent there are relevant differences, they make Smith’s situation less problematic, rather than more. So pointing them out doesn’t advance the argument against Smith’s appointment very far.
By way of comparison, in Counterman v. Colorado, 600 U.S. 66 (2023), the court upheld a statute that criminalized recklessly-made threats against a first amendment challenge. You couldn’t try to “distinguish” this holding if you were challenging a statute that required knowledge or intent: the distinction only weakens your position
Unless the Court says, "X is no longer good law, period," X applies for everything other than the specific principle that was invalidated.
Yeah. To flesh this out, the Nixon appointment was OK despite the fact that the special prosecutor had such a great degree of independence. Here, Smith lacks that independence, even if Biden and Garland pinky swear that they wont interfere. From an Appointments Clause perspective, that should weigh in favor of the propriety of the appointment, not against it.
As long as the president, perhaps at grave political risk, still maintains the technical ability to interfere, or fire the guy, it should be fine.
I think the AG also has to be able to fire him (absent a special statutory provision like the old Independent Counsel statute).
It is the DOJ analog to the question about whether God can create a rock so heavy that he cannot pick it up.
Your cite as evidence that two cases are distinct that the earlier one declared itself unique?
When you crowed to us a couple of weeks ago that you were going to give testimony I predicted you'd return here to give a vainglorious account of your derring dos. And so you have. Never in my blackest nightmares did I think you and your seditious Heritage buddies would win this shithole argument. But you have. I must concede, for now, you insurrectionists are running the nation. God help us all
Yes, suffer as we relentlessly respect your constitutional rights, viciously leave you alone, and grind you under the heel of our scaled back regulations.
And you tried to nullify the votes cast by my friends in Pennsylvania. I reject your brand of freedom
You have tens of thousands of dead friends in PA?
Your silence on the current Dem conspirings regarding decertification of a 2024 Trump win is noted.
Brett, no matter how much you obfuscate, you will never cleanse the stain of the coup
"Out, damned spot!"
Oh, wait, Lady Macbeth was imagining the spot, wasn't she? So are you.
Limbaugh, when in a corner, would always demure, and say he was just a harmless little fuzzball. It worked on the weak-minded
Trump didn't carry out or even attempt a "coup". The word has a meaning, you know: "a sudden, violent, and unlawful seizure of power from a government."
The riot on January 6th was, to a significant though not impressive extent, violent. It was sudden, it was directed against government. You could even claim it aimed at an unlawful seizure of power, though if it did, they were awfully lackadaisical about doing the seizing. So it might, barely, qualify as an attempted "coup", though it would have a lot of recent company.
But Trump didn't conduct the riot. The Proud Boys did, under FBI supervision. So, no "coup" by Trump.
If you wanted to say the Proud Boys attempted a coup, I wouldn't sneer at the idea. They're not Trump, and no evidence was ever produced that he directed them to do it.
That day Trump was attempting some dubious political/legal maneuvers, but they were not a "coup", they were lawfare similar to Gore's effort to undo Bush's victory in Florida, only with less judicial cover. I would certainly say it was wrongful, I'm kind of dubious about unlawful, (Might go for "extra-lawful".) but it certainly was not violent. So it couldn't qualify as a "coup", either.
Nor were the possible coup and his activities coordinated. Rather, the 'possible coup actually ended his activities, rendered the whole effort politically radioactive. Predictably so.
I might buy that it was a Reichstag fire conducted by the FBI to end Trump's election challenge, though I'd need some evidence that it wasn't just a big screwup of the "oops, we forgot to swoop in at the last moment and foil the plot!" sort the FBI has become notorious for.
Mr. Bellmore offers, again, the ravings of a disaffected, bigoted, autistic, superstition-addled, backwater misfit.
Trump intended to send that mob to the Capitol. He seemed to prefer that they be armed. They were un-American, worthless insurrections. His people.
From the footage I saw, the J6 crowd was standing there peacefully with elderly women in the crowd, when some officers opened fire with rubber bullets and tear gas, ripping through people’s cheeks and knocking their teeth out, etc for no apparent reason. And that’s when things predictably started getting out of control. That could be wrong but that’s what it looks like. We also know there were many “undercover” fellas there, and 99% of the crowd wasn’t doing anything aggressive of course, but a small contingent can cause a lot of mayhem.
Regardless, I don't have to answer for unarmed hooligans doing relatively harmless vandalism and malicious mischief at the Capitol any more than the left has to answer for someone trying to put a bullet through Trump's head.
These un-American, lying assholes are your fans, defenders, and target audience, Volokh Conspirators -- and the reason every one of you who works on a mainstream campus should be invited to expand your employment horizons.
The Proud Boys did, under FBI supervision.
You just can't fucking help yourself, can you?
they were lawfare similar to Gore’s effort to undo Bush’s victory in Florida,
What a fool. Gore went through the courts, lost, and conceded. Is that what Trump did? No.
Why would I want to help myself from telling the truth? The FBI alone had at least 4 informants in the Proud Boys, including the group's leader, Tarrio!
There were tens of government informants from various police agencies in on that riot. Some of these groups the government brags about shutting down have so many police in them it's embarrassing.
"What a fool. Gore went through the courts, lost, and conceded. Is that what Trump did? No."
Wrong. Gore lost, THEN went through the courts, and only conceded after the Supreme court shut it all down.
Informants are not agents. You paper over this every time.
Doing lots of work to deny what the right did and what the GOP defends.
See #6.
a·gent (ā′jənt)
n.
1. One that acts or has the power or authority to act.
2. One empowered to act for or represent another: an author's agent; an insurance agent.
3. A means by which something is done or caused; an instrument.
4. A force or substance that causes a change: a chemical agent; an infectious agent.
5. A representative or official of a government or administrative department of a government: an FBI agent.
6. A spy.
I'm puzzled. I keep using the word "informant", and you keep telling me that informants aren't agents. As though I'd said something about agents.
Why do you keep bringing up "agents" when I talk about informants? Is it the same general principle that drives to to start raving about protesters when I complain about rioters?
Your unsupported scenario requires informants be agents in their function. It also pegs them as directing Jan 06 which is also glossed over.
None of this is not established. You treat all relationships with the FBI as if they are all undercover agents.
Cool for political thrillers; unteathered from reality, even with my old and narrow view of federal criminal cases.
"Your unsupported scenario requires informants be agents in their function."
OK, let's say that's so, for the sake of argument. Exactly what about being called an "informant" rather than an "agent" prevents the former from acting as the latter in function? They're both directed what to do by people in the FBI chain of command. They're both renumerated by the FBI.
Is it the lack of dental insurance? Yeah, that's got to be it. (See, that's what actual "sarcasm" looks like.)
Look, Sarcastr0, we know for an absolutely fact that there were continuing, extensive communications between the Proud Boy leadership and the FBI in the lead up to January 6th. We have no evidence AT ALL of such communications between Trump and them.
So why try to pin what they did on Trump, rather than the FBI?
Nothing prevents it, Brett, but you have taken no steps to proving it, going straight to assuming it.
Which makes you just writing bad fiction.
Nor have you offered any support for your claim that the FBI supervised the insurrection.
Gore lost, THEN went through the courts, and only conceded after the Supreme court shut it all down.
He apparently lost the election, quite narrowly, went to court, lost there, and conceded.
Any similarity between what he did and what Trump did exists only in your head.
She may have imagined the spot, but there had been real blood, for which she was largely responsible.
Wait, there was a coup?
It's amazing how small-brained people take an "unofficial tour" of Congress to the heights of a coup.
The more you mouth-breathers keep diminishing the meaning of words the easier it's going to become to commit those acts. But who fucking cares about that? This is the Internet and there is no accountability....
Saying Jan 06 was a big deal makes it easier to pull off a successful coup?
No, the GOP circling the wagons is what does that.
This white, male, right-wing blog seems to have a lot of Russian fans.
Yes, suffer as we relentlessly respect your constitutional rights,...
Those that we don't declare void, anyway.
...viciously leave you alone, ...
Except when it comes to how you raise your kids, what you teach them, what kinds of sex or sexual partners you have, what kinds of speech you want to engage in, what kinds of religious freedoms you're entitled to invoke, what kinds of laws or regulations you want to implement at a state or local level, etc., etc., etc.
...and grind you under the heel of our scaled back regulations.
You misspelled "as we redraft regulations to serve entrenched market participants who have paid for access to the Trump administration, at the expense of consumers and free market competition."
"Those that we don’t declare void, anyway."
That's the interesting difference between Democrats and Republicans: Republicans keep declaring void rights that aren't found in the text of the Constitution, while Democrats keep trying to declare void rights that ARE found in the text of the Constitution.
Why, it's almost like you don't actually care about the Bill of Rights, but just habitually pretend that your policy preferences are "rights" to have an excuse for having tame judges enforce them contrary to the democratically expressed will of the people.
Area man passionate defender of what he thinks the Constitution says.
Yes, suffer as we relentlessly respect your constitutional rights, viciously leave you alone,
Until some city tries to pass an ordinance you don't like.
You don't respect our Constitutional rights. Your gang is working hard to establish some version of Christianity as the national religion.
You are correct. We shouldn’t be here. These are crap rulings. But your concern for rule of law was shreaded by tank treads for the better part of a decade, with initiative after initiative to git ‘im! using the power of government investigation.
I’ve listed the proof a multitude of times. No matter. You maintain disinterested concern for rule of law. Many lawyers conjure into existence cover stories where the real motive is deliberately hidden.
Oh boy, initiative #37 carefully goes through the legal motions, as if it were some random person discovered out of the blue. #38. #39. And so on.
One fails, move on to the next.
And exactly how do you propose we redress vote fraud that occurred right in front of our eyes, including yours? Through the courts? In blog posts? Trump had his 60 chances. Now america will have its 3...or two. Or maybe none.
At least one judge made the lawyers swear in.
"Ok, what you got? Remember, you go to jail for lying."
"Hmmm...not much."
There's a reason this takes the form of snake oil sales pitches. Hot air to manipulate voters.
Yes, the other side does it, too. Both sides are shitty.
60 court cases and only 1 got that far?
That's weird.
How many psychics run to take the James Randi Challenge? Many say sure! Few knocked at the door.
I don't think it requires a judicial proceding to swear and testify under oath. Surely something can be done.
Also, it's patently ludicrous the then-president had his hands tied. He could sit down and give a speech to the nation, explaining in grave detail all the discovered threats to democracy. He could order the FBI to look into it. Surrely some honest agents at every level must exist, not to mention a few self-interested souls looking to break open the case of a career.
None of this ever happened, because it was snake oil all along, intended for popular consumption, talking head consumption.
And yes, both parties regularly beat the drum over fraud and interference. It went a little further this time.
But it is nothing new.
I interviewed James Randi, whom I perceived to be a delightful, entertaining, persuasive, earnest, and civic-minded man.
Grifters seemed to dislike him intensely.
He was Bruce Springsteen's neighbor. In a Republican neighborhood. Those two in that environment must have been interesting.
Separate from the question of the validity of Smith’s appointment, I just don’t see how dismissal of the indictment is required as a remedy. The indictment is the product of the grand jury, not the prosecutor. I think this point is critical. The grand jury was duly appointed and sworn in. Its validity was never challenged. If the grand jury is valid, the indictment ahould be as well. Under our system of justice, grand juries, not prosecutors, have responsibility for indictments.
If Mr.Smith was invalidly appointed, the appropriate remedy would be to disqualify Mr. Smith from representing the United States and have a different, validly appointed prosecutor be responsible for the prosecution.
Since Mr. Smith could still act as the official prosecutor’s assistant, it needn’t actually change very much in how the trial is actually conducted.
it needn’t actually change very much in how the trial is actually conducted.
No, but it would delay the trial again, which is really the point
Judge Cannon is so far beyond her depth I doubt she can see the surface.
Does anyone genuinely doubt she is to be slapped silly again by a reviewing court? Maybe for the final time (at this docket number).
How long would it take to draw up and have the Attorney General sign papers to assign to appoint some confirmed US attorney or Justice Department official as the new special prosecutor, who could then hire Mr. Smith as assistant? A day or two?
Add in the delay by holding the unusual hearing in the first place, then the refiling of the dismissed case giving her more time for another trial date, etc. etc. - assuming Smith doesn't appeal...
Do you really think that the day after all the new docs are drawn up and signed, the trial will continue as though nothing happened?
Because at the time that various actions were taken, They weren’t done in the name of an authorized Officer of the US, and thus not done by the US. The grand juries were not called by the US, but by Smith falsely purporting to representing the US. The indictment was not filed by the US, but by attorneys purporting to represent the US. Etc.
A grand jury is not called by a prosecutor. It is called by a court.
Fed. R. Crim. P. 6:
(a) Summoning a Grand Jury.
(1) In General. When the public interest so requires, the court must order that one or more grand juries be summoned. A grand jury must have 16 to 23 members, and the court must order that enough legally qualified persons be summoned to meet this requirement.
(2) Alternate Jurors. When a grand jury is selected, the court may also select alternate jurors. Alternate jurors must have the same qualifications and be selected in the same manner as any other juror. Alternate jurors replace jurors in the same sequence in which the alternates were selected. An alternate juror who replaces a juror is subject to the same challenges, takes the same oath, and has the same authority as the other jurors.
Tiresome. The Court orders a grand jury in response to a request by the prosecutor.
Really? Which districts are you thinking of when you say that?
The Federal Ones.
(a)In addition to such other grand juries as shall be called from time to time, each district court which is located in a judicial district containing more than four million inhabitants or in which the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, the Associate Attorney General, or any designated Assistant Attorney General, certifies in writing to the chief judge of the district that in his judgment a special grand jury is necessary because of criminal activity in the district
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/3331
As you might have noticed from the reference to a “special” grand jury, this is a special provision that allows certain officials to ask the court to empanel an extra grand jury, in an exception to the way the court normally operates.
And which districts does that grand jury operate in?
Maybe in the United States District Court for the District of Armchairs.
Also the rest of them.
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/3331
"Tiresome. The Court orders a grand jury in response to a request by the prosecutor."
Where do you get that, Armchair? According to § 8.01.00 of the Internal Operating Procedures for the Southern District of Florida, the Duty Judge handles all grand jury matters. https://www.flsd.uscourts.gov/sites/flsd/files/17-10-17-Internal-Operating-Procedures.pdf (p. 23.) No request by the prosecutor is necessary.
Where do you get that.
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/3331
The statute you cite refers to special grand juries which sit over and above regular grand juries. Had you read the first sentence of 18 U.S.C. § 3331(a), you should have noticed that. The grand jury is a constitutional fixture in its own right. The whole theory of its function is that it belongs to no branch of the institutional Government United States v. Williams, 504 U.S. 36, 47 (1992).
In the case of a special grand jury ordered pursuant to § 3331(a), certification of the need therefor does not devolve upon line prosecutors, but instead is reserved for the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, the Associate Attorney General, or any designated Assistant Attorney General. (That requirement applies only to a judicial district containing fewer than four million inhabitants.)
Every federal judicial district empanels at least one regular grand jury, which is called from time to time. A request from a prosecuting attorney is not the sine qua non of the existence thereof. If that were so, the grand jury would be subordinated to the Executive Branch, a state of affairs which the constitutional separation of powers will not abide.
Always fun when the law can be cited in response to a "we gotcha!" from the lawyers.
Armchair, you might try actually parsing statutes before you cite them.
If that were easy, more folks would do it.
I parse things fine. I typically have to correct the lawyers I work with. If you weren't quite smart enough to include Special Grand Juries as a type of Grand Jury with your snark, well...it's funny is when lawyers act superior, then get caught in their own BS.
It’s funnier when they (like you) deliberately misinterpret common turns of phrase.
When I say “The Court orders a grand jury in response to a request by the prosecutor” the implication is that the Court calls the Grand Jury to meet. If there’s no case to discuss, no evidence to be presented, no witnesses to be interviewed (at the request of the prosecutor), then the Grand Jury likely won’t be called. There are rare exceptions where the Grand Jury (including special Grand Juries) can investigate on its own. But 90+ % of the time…the grand jury is meeting in order to discuss items brought before its attention by the prosecutor’s office.
it’s funny is when lawyers act superior, then get caught in their own BS.
And some of them think that their self-awarded superiority gives them a license to be terrible human beings.
A member of Congress introduces a law in response to a request from a constituent, who says the punlic interest requires it. Invalid law? Constitutents have no authority to request the introduction of bills and therefore all subsequent actions are invalid?
What’s the difference? Why is a court convening a grand jury at the request of a citizen any different from Congress passing a bill?
"A grand jury must have 16 to 23 members..."
"...the court may also select alternate jurors..."
Unrelated question: is that a 'normal' amount of jurors? Wouldn't that be way more than you call for a trial or other proceeding?
Yes, that’s more than a trial jury. Hence the name grand jury: it’s bigger.
I never knew that. Thank you! 🙂
Fun fact: the more formal name for what we normally call a conventional 12-person "jury" is "petit jury."
Grand is just French for “big.” And “petit” is French for “small.”
Oyez!
It wasn't dismissed with predjudice, and I expect an appeal, which stands a great chance of succeeding. Really, the only thing I expect to come of this is some delay.
" the only thing I expect to come of this is some delay "
That might be the entirety of Judge Cannon's aim here. Getting slapped around on appeal doesn't seem to faze her.
I never knew that judges were supposed to rule based on fear, not law. Thanks for clarifying that. Everything makes more sense now.
One might hope that learning from intense bench-slaps -- appellate courts schooling a lower court judge on mistakes concerning law -- would be something a smart, impartial lower court judge might do.
Whether it was dismissed with prejudice or not, there would be an appeal. (The fact that it wasn't dismissed with prejudice means that they don't have to appeal; they could just start over. But… they're not going to. They're going to appeal, and ask that it be reassigned to a new, competent judge when the decision is reversed.)
Do you figure they will formally request reassignment?
I have been familiar with three cases in which a judge was removed (federal judges in different states) and originally thought that in at least two of them the displeased litigants had teed the issue for the appellate court but not formally requested removal.
After a few minutes of investigation, however, I sense my memory led me astray after three decades, and that removal was expressly requested in at least two of those cases, probably all three. I do not know how common reassignment is but it made the newspapers each time I have directly observed it.
In any event, Trump is proposing judicial reassignment in at least one case and likely will oppose judicial reassignment in at least one other. The dueling briefs from a single party -- attempting to bounce one judge and cling to the other -- could be entertaining.
The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals has twice reversed Judge Cannon at the investigative stage of this case. In other cases where that court has reversed the same district court multiple times in the same case, the Court of Appeals has ordered that upon remand the matter be reassigned to a different judge. United States v. Plate, 839 F.3d 950, 958 (11th Cir. 2016); United States v. Gupta, 572 F.3d 878, 892 (11th Cir. 2009); United States v. Martin, 455 F.3d 1227, 1242 (11th Cir. 2006); United States v. Remillong, 55 F.3d 572, 577 (11th Cir. 1995); United States v. Torkington, 874 F.2d 1441, 1447 (11th Cir. 1989) (per curiam); United States v. White, 846 F.2d 678, 696 (11th Cir. 1988).
Even if you got your wish an Cannon is replaced, Trump does not got to trial before he wins the election in November and shuts the whole thing down on Jan. 20, 2025.
^---- This.
If you think Democrats are getting their noses rubbed in shit right now, just wait.
If Trump doesn't win, though, he goes to prison and dies there like the shit-rate criminal he is.
He also will be bankrupted, may be barred from business, and could have his family destroyed (children for tax crimes -- the Trump tax prosecutions seem inevitable, with nothing other than the timing yet to be revealed -- and his son-in-law for un-American corruption).
For Trump, this is like the Hunger Games. Win a toss-up contest or go straight to fucking jail to die.
Toss-up?
Five thirty eight currently indicates probability of a Biden win at 53 percent. I consider that a toss-up.
The significance of this isn't that it ends the matter, we all agree on that. It's that it delays it.
Possibly enough that Trump takes office before it gets very far, and orders the whole effort shut down.
Which is both corrupt and an abuse of power.
You people are fine with such things these days, which is why you should be considered enemies of the US.
I think it was already legally established recently that core exercises of Presidential power are, by definition, not illegal. (Lots of things that are legal are corrupt, of course.) And telling the prosecutors at the DOJ to stop wasting their time trying to prosecute their boss, and start pissing OUT of the tent, is pretty core.
The House, of course, would be constitutionally entitled to view this as a high crime or misdemeanor, and the Senate to convict him, if the votes were there.
But nobody else would be legally entitled to sanction him for it.
Trump may die before he is convicted of tax crimes, but that seems to be the only way he could avoid it.
Ordering that your own crimes not be investigated is hardly keeping with the Oath of Office that the laws be faithfully executed.
I don't know why I bother wasting my time with the likes of you, since you'll rationalize anything as being acceptable.
Problem is that Garland and Smith already made it a political exercise, so it's all political, that's why the indictments didn't hurt Trump, the guilty verdict didn't hurt him, and squelching the remaining cases won't hurt him.
Obviously, if that's where you start, where you end up is pretty much pre-determined.
How did they "make a it a political exercise," unless one has already decided that the Orange God is infallible and thus no prosecution of him could possible be legitimate?
I think it was already legally established recently that core exercises of Presidential power are, by definition, not illegal
Nope. The court ruled that an action taken in exercise of core power may be illegal but the president is immune from prosecution.
It's neither corrupt nor an abuse of power.
Trump shutting down the investigation is a legitimate use of executive authority.
You may not agree with that, so I suggest you get to work on a constitutional amendment that makes this action a crime or abuse of power. Until then, it's not.
Extending it beyond that is just making it an emotional argument.
Putting Trump in a prison cell will be a legitimate and delicious exercise of executive authority. Felons belong in a cage. With no bronzer and no hair dye. I can not wait for the photographs. How about you, clingers?
Well if the start over from the beginning doesn't that mean they will randomly assign it again too?
That might be a better outcome for them, because I doubt the 11th will take it away from Cannon, its not like she was way out in left field, at least one Supreme Court Justice, and two former attorney generals agree with her.
Indeed. She's way out in right field.
No, under the current federal system, a grand jury indictment must be ratified by a prosecutor to be valid. See Fed. R. Crim. P. 7(c)(1). There is room for some irregularity if the record is clear that a properly appointed official actually endorses the prosecution. Cf. Kelley v. U.S., 989 F.3d 67 (1st Cir. 2021) with U.S. v. Garcia-Andrade (S.D. Cal. 2013). But there's no indication of that here.
The requirement for a government prosecutor to endorse the charge is an important and substantive one, see U.S. v. Wright, 365 F.2d 135, 137 (7th Cir. 1966); U.S. v. Cox, 342 F.2d 167, 172 (5th Cir. 1965). So if you accept that Smith wasn't validly appointed, I think dismissal is a reasonable remedy.
Set aside this ruling for a minute. Let's suppose it never happened; instead, Trump's lawyers just got around to reviewing the paperwork and realized that Smith had never signed the indictment. Would the remedy be (a) dismissal; or (b) "Mr. Smith, you've got to sign this thing before this case can go any further"?
Presumably the latter, no? So why isn't the remedy here, "Hey, some validly appointed person has to sign this?"
I agree that would be the most plausible alternative. The problems are:
1. Smith didn't argue for that (per Cannon, I haven't independently confirmed that she's right) and
2. The whole point of the special counsel process is to avoid the need for a "normal" DOJ official to specifically endorse the prosecution, so that's doesn't really cure the problem.
Do you know if, by virtue of his appointment as Special Prosecutor, Smith is now a DOJ employee? If he is (and I think this is the case), there seems to be a pretty simple way to harmonize the Special Counsel appointment requirements in 28 CFR 600.3(a) with the statutory delegation language of 28 USC 510: The AG hires Smith (or whoever) from outside the government and appoints him Special Counsel. That way he is an employee at the moment he becomes Special Counsel, but was still selected from outside government. Given the Supreme Court's language in Nixon, and the long history of special counsels dating back to the 19th Century, I think the issue really is this simple.
Has to be appointed by Congress. You still haven't fulfilled that requirement. US Attorneys are all approved by Congress, so they could assume the role.
That is not even wrong
Yes, but that's a political problem, not a legal one. I think we can all agree that Smith's status as special counsel has not in any way resulted in insulating the prosecution from claims that Biden is directing it.
True, but by that logic the USAO or DOJ could just reindict the case tomorrow.
Possibly they could, but I suspect they'd wait until next week when sympathy over Trump being shot has declined a smidge.
I hope they wait until they can assemble the personnel necessary to arrest him without notice and take him straight to jail.
Which Russian law school did you attend?
If they reindict the case, it will be assigned to Cannon again.
I think dismissal was correct. There is nothing in the decision that would prevent an appropriate US Attorney from starting over. However, assuming the opinion is correct and Smith was not validly appointed, he is nothing more than a private citizen: his actions are no more valid than you or I forming a grand jury and indicting someone. He could be appointed as an assistant prosecutor, but unless and until that happens, nothing he has done has any validity (again, assuming the opinion is correct).
The prosecutor does not convene a federal grand jury; the district court does. As SCOTUS has opined:
Costello v. United States, 350 U.S. 359, 363 (1956) [footnote omitted].
While presentments have fallen into disuse in federal courts, the participation of the prosecuting attorney is unnecessary to the validity of the charging instrument. See Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43 (1906). "In fact, the whole theory of [the federal grand jury's] function is that it belongs to no branch of the institutional Government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the Government and the people." United States v. Williams, 504 U.S. 36, 47 (1992).
A federal district court doesn't conevene a grand jury sua sponte. I don't see a way for you to get ahead of this; everything is downstream of Jack Smith's illegal appointment.
Yes it does? I mean, they’ll talk with the prosecutors about how much time they need. But in every district I know about it’s very much a judicial function.
"A federal district court doesn’t conevene [sic] a grand jury sua sponte. I don’t see a way for you to get ahead of this; everything is downstream of Jack Smith’s illegal appointment."
Wrong. https://www.flsd.uscourts.gov/sites/flsd/files/17-10-17-Internal-Operating-Procedures.pdf , IOP 8.01.00
If Jack Smith was not validly appointed but was nonetheless in the grand jury room, then the indictment is tainted and needs to be thrown out.
But there would be nothing stopping a new indictment from being handed down in the Southern District of Florida. It could even be sought by Jack Smith if he were to be hired on as an Assistant US Attorney in the Southern District of Florida.
"If Jack Smith was not validly appointed but was nonetheless in the grand jury room, then the indictment is tainted and needs to be thrown out."
Do you have any authority for that proposition, kramartini?
Still waiting, kramartini.
FRCP 6(d)(1). Everyone knows this...
Uh, FRCP 6 deals with computing and extending time in civil actions.
Rule 6(d)(1) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure states:
It does not prescribe dismissal of an indictment as the remedy for an unauthorized person being there. The Supreme Court has expressly held that, as a general matter, a district court may not dismiss an indictment for errors in grand jury proceedings unless such errors prejudiced the defendants. Bank of Nova Scotia v. United States, 487 U.S. 250, 254 (1988).
IOW, harmless error applies. “The prejudicial inquiry must focus on whether any violations had an effect on the grand jury’s decision to indict. If violations did substantially influence this decision, or if there is grave doubt that the decision to indict was free from such substantial influence, the violations cannot be deemed harmless.” Id., at 263.
.
That would be the Legal Cooties Doctrine.
AFAIC between Blackman and Thomas, they provided just enough legal cover for Cannon to dismiss the case without her being an indefensibly obvious Trump shill.
Of course we could reverse that – that despite a lot of creative academic and LawFare blather, Smith’s charges against Trump never rose to anything beyond being a political attack on him. And Smith and his people being hard core TDS shills. Just a matter of perspective.
Trump took boxes of classified material home with him, possibly by mistake, but then refused to return them, disobeyed a subpoena, and lied about having returned all of them. If you or I did that we'd be in our third or fourth year of prison by now.
It is pointless to try to reason with the likes of Bruce Hayden. You can't reason with bigotry, superstition, or belligerent ignorance. Many Trump fans evoke that trifecta.
Gotta break it to you: If you or I had taken boxes of classified materials home with us over a period of many years, stored them in the garage, moved selected ones to our office, shared them with our biographer, we'd be in prison, too. Let's not pretend that Biden, and to be fair, Pence, too, aren't equally guilty.
Important people routinely get a pass on obeying laws like these, Trump's real crime was not realizing he wasn't going to get the same treatment every other important person in DC got. Which, granted, was pretty foolish of him at that point, it's not like he wasn't on notice they were gunning for him.
Even you can concede, though, that if two of us had done that, and one of us had returned the boxes when asked, and the other had not only refused to return them but got his lawyer to lie about it, neither charges not sentences would be the same.
I think you mean before being asked.
There are at least three prospects concerning returning documents in this context:
1) before being asked
2) in response to being asked
3) during a court-ordered search and seizure after refusing to do so when asked
Returning something "before you're asked" is hardly impressive when you personally have the power to control when you're asked.
The legally relevant thing in both Pence and especially Biden's case is that they knowingly had classified documents in their possession that they had no excuse for having. And in Biden's case, shared them with somebody who lacked the relevant classification.
Let's be very clear about that: They both KNEW they had classified documents they had no right to have. Pence would not have had an "oh, shit" moment over something he didn't know he had. Biden had selectively moved some to his office and even shared with his biographer, proving he knew he had them.
In both cases the crime, a strict liability offense, was complete at the time they returned them.
Yes, ordinarily nobody in their positions would have to worry about being prosecuted for such an offense. Still less would somebody in Trump's position.
But you or I would have been prosecuted in a heartbeat, especially if we'd done as Biden did. Just as while "no reasonable prosecutor" would have prosecuted Hillary over her classified information offenses, they'd have prosecuted you or me.
We have a two tier justice system, and Trump got demoted to the lower tier because they didn't like him.
You think Biden had people hold off on asking him and Pence for documents they had incorrectly retained? Seems he biffed it since they still asked him.
You’re going to some deeply made up speculation as you strain to equate Trump’s entitled and illegal behavior to fundamentally different, though still technically illegal behavior.
ordinarily nobody in their positions would have to worry about being prosecuted for such an offense.
The offenses of Biden and Pence were technical with no sign of intent, and different from Trump's which were intentional and then obstructive.
You seem unable to process this in some fundamental cognitive way.
The legally relevant thing in both Pence and especially Biden’s case is that they knowingly had classified documents in their possession that they had no excuse for having. And in Biden’s case, shared them with somebody who lacked the relevant classification.
First, we know Trump did that as well. Second, why do you continue to ignore that Trump refused to return the docs and lied about it and got his lawyer to lie about it? You remind me of a biblical literalist I knew on an old forum who, when asked by me “according to Gen 2, when was man created?”, continued to respond, “according to Gen 1, on the 6th day.”
Neither Biden nor Pence had any such power.
I see we're in the "making shit up" phase of Brett's mental processes. Pence absolutely could've said, "Oh shit, my guys shoved everything into boxes at the last minute too; I'd better check." And Biden — well, we've been over that one multiple times.
It is not, in fact, a strict liability offense. Where do you come up with this stuff? Are you just using legal-sounding terms you don't understand?
And yet, you can find exactly nobody who was prosecuted — not stripped of a security clearance, or fired, but prosecuted — for the mere negligent mishandling of classified documents. Because you're full of it.
" Let’s not pretend that Biden, and to be fair, Pence, too, aren’t equally guilty. "
They are not equally guilty, although I concede a disaffected, autistic, antisocial, uninformed clown might perceive it that way.
Yeah, this reminds me of the time a computer employee intentionally violated a Congressional subpoena to completely and thoroughly destroy all evidence on Hillary Clinton's email server. Never before in my 55-years on this planet have I ever witnesses a more open and blatant "fuck you" to the rest of us. For his crimes the tech was given blanket immunity to testify in the case that never was. I am confident this agreement was inked before he intentionally destroyed that evidence.
See what happens when a nurse mistakenly violates HIPAA. Look at what happens when folks leave papers on their desks overnight in financial institutions. Ever lose your career because you forgot to lock your desk (even though the room, floor, and building are all locked, guarded, and patrolled).
There are ample examples of people in Washington or affiliated with folks in Washington skating for free. Everyone else here would be facing 25+ years in fed prison.
Glaring double standard, and I have no idea why we put up with it.
This guy seems to be a recycled clinger (new screen name).
Maybe a Conspirator sock puppet.
Did he? Have you ever bothered to actually read the subpoena?
Her repeatedly unusual conduct in this case points obviously toward shilling. Some of it can be ascribed to incompetence and inexperience, which are obvious, too. But no longer all of it.
SRG2 : “AFAIC between Blackman and Thomas, they provided just enough legal cover for Cannon….”
Which raises another point: We’ve been told repeatedly that Big Money right-wingers never got anything for the millions they lavished on Thomas. But is that still true? The Justice shoehorned this issue into the immunity ruling as a purely political act. It was specifically meant for Cannon’s use alone; its aim to give bare minimum cover for her to dismiss the charges against Trump.
So this doesn’t fit the typical meme of “crazy old Clarence doggedly pursuing idiosyncratic aims down this deadend or that”. This was a political instrument - no less a designed tool than if it had cogs & gears. Who doubts Thomas is due another three or four million paid out as a “gratuity”? He definitely sang for his supper in this case.
On a side note : U.S. Sen. Bob Menendez was temporarily convicted of corruption charges today. I say “temporarily” because the case will probably reach the Supreme Court. There, Clarence and Gang will surely find some reason to set him free. On corruption alone, they’re completely bipartisan….
"We’ve been told repeatedly that Big Money right-wingers never got anything for the millions they lavished on Thomas."
I think the actual claim is that they got nothing from Thomas that he wouldn't have given them anyway.
I absolutely want Sticky Fingers Menendez to stay in the NJ Senate race. Run Bob Run!
You seem to be a huge fan of corrupt criminals. I ascribe this to your defective character.
What, may I ask, the fuck are you talking about? The appointments issue was raised by an amicus during the Supreme Court briefing, and then before Cannon by both Trump and amici long before the Supreme Court decision came out.
Exactly. SCOTUS could have ruled on the issue sua sponte, but demurred, perhaps waiting for a case that had been properly developed in the lower courts.
Not sure I follow. As you say, by the time Thomas signed his concurrence, he knew Cannon would be adjudicating the issue. Doesn't that timeline support grb's allegation? (I'm not saying I agree with grb. I have no idea what Thomas' purpose was. I'm just not following your criticism.)
The argument had already been presented to Cannon before the opinion came out. To suggest that she (or anyone else) the idea from Thomas’s concurrence is, well, pretty stupid.
I didn't read grb as saying Cannon got the idea from Thomas, but that Thomas, knowing Cannon was going to decide the issue, planted his position on it in his opinion for her to use as support.
HJLPP -- is that the separatist right-wing publication misappropriating Harvard's reputation?
Judge Cannon and Josh Blackman seem to be meant for each other. Cosplaying bush-leaguers, wearing ostensible major league uniforms purchased on eBay or maybe etsy.
Deleted (posted in error)
"HJLPP — is that the separatist right-wing publication misappropriating Harvard’s reputation?"
Which "reputation" of Harvard are you talking about? Surely not the invidiously racist one?
I refer to Harvard's stellar reputation as one of the world's strongest research and teaching institutions.
As I see it, there are only three ways to get around Nixon:
1. This was all dicta – the avenue used by Judge Cannon but disavowed by Mr. Tillman.
2. The facts of the case are so distinguishable that Nixon does not control. Mr. Tillman appears to go in this direction, but that is a difficult road because, as Noscitur and others have noted, the regulations and appointment in Nixon are actually more constitutionally problematic. It is difficult to see how an opinion that says you can give a special prosecutor almost absolute discretion does not mean that a special prosecutor with more limited discretion is not also permissible. It’s like saying, yes you can arrest someone for carrying five ounces of weed, but wait, that doesn’t mean you can arrest someone for carrying five pounds.
3. Nixon has been overruled by implication. I think this may be the actual avenue that Mr. Tillman is going down, although for whatever reason he does not want to make that argument head-on (maybe because it’s a losing argument). The reason this argument feels much more like an overruled by implication argument is the assertion that the regulations “could not be put into effect today by statute due to Bowsher v. Synar.” The argument is not that Bowsher makes unconstitutional the statutes relied on by Smith (the same statutes at issue in Nixon) – that argument would lose. The argument appears to be that a case that would invalidate the regulations at issue in Nixon for reasons entirely absent from this case somehow overrules Nixon by implication or otherwise makes Nixon no longer good law. I’m trying to put this in the best light possible, but I have to admit – I just don’t get it.
In sum, I think the dicta analysis is the only valid avenue around Nixon. I know there are good counter-arguments, but at least that issue can be reasonably debated. I just don’t see how you can distinguish Nixon on the facts or cogently argue that Nixon has been overruled by Bowsher, even if you try to conflate these two issues as Mr. Tillman seems to be doing.
This makes sense to me.
I had Tillman as the author for some reason – my mistake – it was Josh Blackman’s piece.
Yes, like the fact that the 11th Circuit has said, "dicta from the Supreme Court is not something to be lightly cast aside." Peterson v. BMI Refractories, 124 F. 3d 1386, 1392 fn 4 (11th C. 1997). I think handwaving counts as lightly casting aside.
The language at issue from United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 694 (1974), "[Congress] has also vested in [the Attorney General] the power to appoint subordinate officers to assist him in the discharge of his duties. 28 U.S.C. §§ 509, 510, 515, 533", is not dictum. As the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals has opined:
In re Grand Jury Investigation, 916 F.3d 1047, 1053 (D.C. Cir. 2019).
Professor Blackman (and Tillman)...Well done. Congratulations to the both of you. I am looking forward to future arguments you'll be making, perhaps to SCOTUS.
You do realize that even Judge Cannon didn't except their argument, right?
I would bet my house that this clinger wouldn't realize that even after having it explained to him thrice.
Are you even arguing the biggest cases in the country, Nas? They are in the arena. That is an accomplishment few will ever attain. I can admire that.
We are but spectators.
I have exactly the same ability as Profs. Blackman and Tillman to submit unsolicited arguments that the court ignores, yes.
Spoken like.....a disaffected spectator. ;P
No chance you are a lawyer, XY. Not even a South Texas graduate.
You're a spectator too.
I realize that Judge Cannon's ruling is the cause celebre right now but what is going on with the Jan. 6 case?
The January 6 related prosecution of Donald Trump will return to Judge Chutkan's docket on or about August 2. I expect that she will rule on some matters that were stayed pending the interlocutory appeal, and she will schedule proceedings to determine what acts are or are not immune from prosecution in the wake of the SCOTUS ruling.
The most surprising thing is that Blackman found someone to take him seriously!!
Though not really, the only reason that even Cannon entertained his arguments was to help out Trump, if she'd been presiding over Hunter Biden she'd of had no doubts about the office of Special Council.
Which raises another question, did Judge Cannon screw up? Clearly her plan was to acquit Trump and get herself a promotion when he got re-elected. But I wonder if she overstepped this time, the appeals court is doubtlessly going to overturn the decision, but if they also take her off the case then it goes to the next judge and Trump is again in loads of trouble.
Again, Judge Cannon's order does not rely on the arguments being raised by Profs. Blackman and Tillman.
To be fair, the Hunter Biden special counsel is also a presidentially-appointed and senate-confirmed U.S. Attorney, so there is a basis for a principled distinction.
Maybe the simple version of this story is that an Attorney General seeking to appoint a Special Counsel needs to pick one of the current US Attorneys.
Looks like “get Trump” is going to come down to Judge Merchan or Judge Chutkan.
Georgia appeals court will hear removal of Miss Fanny on Dec.5.
Oh Noes!
As an aside.
The entire concept of a special prosecutor/counsel was primarily meant for when the government had a conflict...ie when the government was investigating and prosecuting itself or its own members, or close relations of its own members. Someone that the government might feel compelled to interfere in the investigation for.
In this particular case, the Special Prosecutor/Counsel was investigating a private citizen who wasn't in government? Seems a normal USA would be fine to investigate such a person. In fact, it may be more proper.
Could future Presidents order Special Counsels to investigate who ever they wanted, or whatever they wanted? And avoid using USAs entirely? Why or why not?
In this particular case, a regular DOJ attorney was investigating Trump until he announced he was running for president, at which point there was a conflict of interest, and the special counsel was appointed.
Regardless, Trump still wasn't in the administration. He couldn't interfere with the prosecution, given he was a private citizen.
Bob Menendez wasn't prosecuted by a special prosecutor...
Are there "any" examples of a non- US Government employee/relation of employee being investigated by a special counsel/prosecutor?
As you point out it's not just a government an employee, but also a relation of an employee (ie, Hunter Biden). So the standard is the conflict of interest, ie, whether there's an administration official with a big stake in the outcome and enough influence that they can affect the outcome.
That's why Hunter Biden gets a special council, because the President obviously cares about him, and why Bob Menendez doesn't (he's a political embarrassment, but not worth messing with the prosecution).
It's also why Donald Trump gets a special council, because once Trump is competing for Biden's job Biden obviously has a vested interest in wanting Trump convicted.
It's not really about a conflict of interest, but about the government's ability to impede investigations it doesn't like.
There are a number of checks and balances within the US system of prosecution designed to protect against overly aggressive prosecution. However, with a senior government employee being investigated (or their family member), the senior employee can work those checks and balances to impede or stop an investigation. A USA always has other items on their plate, they need to get agreement from other pieces of the government or other USAs to go after certain charges, etc.
The special counsel acts something of a red-tape cutter. They are allowed to go through many of those checks without a problem. The investigation is their only job, which they will pursue with 100% of their effort, because that's their entire job.
Now, if you're investigating a party that has the capability to impede an investigation, that's a good thing.
But, if you're a party that the senior government official WANTS investigated, that's a bad thing. Because all of the normal checks and balances that prevent overly aggressive prosecution are eliminated.
Very short form: Trump won on a technicality.
Reading Cannon's opinion, once Nixon distinguishable she goes to an originalist separation of powers argument that will resonate very well with at least 3 or 4 members of the current court.
Its not like the Burger court jurisprudence has aged well.
It's pretty simple:
1. Smith is performing the functions of an Officer of the United States (whether a principle or inferior officer.
2. Congress needs to clearly delegate the power to appoint inferior officers to the heads of departments.
3. Congress has not clearly delegated the power to appoint inferior officers, except in some very specific cases that don't apply, to the AG.
She makes a good case.
The counter case is that's what Congress meant even if they didn't explicitly say so.
Except, of course, Nixon v. Fitzgerald, which the majority not only accepted but extended in their desperate attempt to protect Trump from prosecution.
Darn Constitution - full of technicalities.
I guess the next step for Trump's Attorneys might be to challenge Smith's appointment in the DC case and have Chutkan shoot them down, then appeal it to the DC circuit where they are also certain to lose, then of course a cert petition.
Probably would be a better strategy for ultimate success to see if the 11th, unlikely as it seems, sustains Cannon, or if they reverse her, then file the cert petition then, but that would allow Chutkan to keep progressing.
Neither of the two Trump federal cases were expected to get to the trial stage before the election--and that was before the Supreme Court's immunity ruling.
There's no real reason to create further delay at this point, because Trump will simply cause the cases to be withdrawn if he wins, and the prosecution will simply continue if he loses. But, when he's essentially got unlimited legal resources to spend (not his own money, obviously) I suppose he figures he may as well keep his lawyers fully employed.