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N.C. Court Holds Selective COVID Shutdown May Have Violated State Constitution's "Fruits of Labor" Clause
From N.C. Bar & Tavern Ass'n v. Cooper, decided yesterday by the N.C. Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge April Wood, joined by Judges Donna Stroud and Jefferson Griffin:
Plaintiffs appeal from the trial court's order granting summary judgment for Defendant and dismissing all their claims arising out of Defendant's Executive Order No. 141 issued in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. On 17 March 2020, Defendant issued Executive Order No. 118 closing all bars including those in restaurants. On 20 May 2020, Defendant issued Executive Order No. 141 letting some types of bars reopen with specific safety precautions but requiring private bars, including those owned by Plaintiffs, to remain closed. Defendant relied on "science and data" he claimed created a reasonable basis to distinguish between types of bars, thus letting some reopen while keeping others closed….
Defendant's "science and data" tends to show that bars in general did present a heightened risk of COVID-19 transmission, as people normally gather, drink, and talk in bars of all sorts…. [But] the "science and data" presented by Defendant to justify the distinction between closing some types of bars and not others … does not support Defendant's position, even if we consider all such information to be true. Some of the information did not exist at the time of Executive Order No. 141, so Defendant could not have relied on it. Most of the information is news articles, at best anecdotal reports of various incidents in different places around the world. None of the information addresses any differences in risk of COVID-19 transmission between Plaintiffs' bars and the other types of bars allowed to reopen.
For the reasons explained below, we have determined the trial court erred when it denied Plaintiffs' summary judgment motion and dismissed Plaintiffs' claims under N.C. Const. art. I, § 1, the "fruits of labor clause," and for denial of equal protection under N.C. Const. art. I, § 19….
The fruits of labor clause states: "We hold it to be self-evident that all persons are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, the enjoyment of the fruits of their own labor, and the pursuit of happiness." N.C. Const. art. I, § 1. (emphasis added). "This provision creates a right to conduct a lawful business or to earn a livelihood that is 'fundamental' for purposes of state constitutional analysis." Treants Enterprises, Inc. v. Onslow Cnty. (N.C. 1986).
The fruits of labor clause often has applied in cases involving licensing requirements. For example, in Treants Enterprises, Inc., this Court held that a county ordinance requiring businesses "providing or selling male or female companionship" to obtain a license violated the fruits of labor clause because it "lack[ed] any rational, real, and substantial relation to any valid objective" of the county. In State v. Harris (N.C. 1940), our Supreme Court held licensing requirements in the dry cleaning industry violated the fruits of labor clause because of their "invasion of personal liberty and the freedom to choose and pursue one of the ordinary harmless callings of life[.]" Likewise, in State v. Balance (N.C. 1949), our Supreme Court held statutory licensing requirements for the practice of photography violated the fruits of labor clause as an invalid "exercise of the police power" because it "unreasonably obstruct[ed] the common right of all men to choose and follow one of the ordinary lawful and harmless occupations of life as a means of livelihood, and [bore] no rational, real, or substantial relation to the public health, morals, order, or safety, or the general welfare."
The context of licensing requirements is not the only application of the fruits of labor clause, however. Most recently, our Supreme Court held "Article I, Section 1 also applies when a governmental entity acts in an arbitrary and capricious manner toward one of its employees." Our Supreme Court also has held a town council's fee schedule for vehicle towing services "implicates the fundamental right to earn a livelihood" under the fruits of labor clause. King v. Town of Chapel Hill (2014) (quotation marks omitted). In King, the court held there was "no rational relationship between regulating fees and protecting health, safety, or welfare." The court further stated, "This Court's duty to protect fundamental rights includes preventing arbitrary government actions that interfere with the right to the fruits of one's own labor."
Accordingly, the fruits of labor clause of N.C. Const. art. I, § 1 may apply when a government actor shuts down an entire industry, here the bar industry, if the restrictions imposed by the government actor bear "no rational, real, or substantial relation to the public health, morals, order, or safety, or the general welfare," or in other words, if the restrictions are arbitrary and unreasonable. Plaintiffs here are not challenging the initial closures of all bars in Executive Order No. 118; they are challenging the provisions of Executive Order No. 141 allowing some types of bars to operate but requiring their bars to remain closed. In other words, the restrictions on Plaintiffs in particular must be supported by the "data and science" cited by Defendant as justification to shut down Plaintiffs' bars, while allowing other bars located in restaurants, breweries, or other establishments to resume operations.
There is no dispute that Defendant's public interest as stated in Executive Order No. 141 was: "[F]or the purpose of protecting the health, safety, and welfare of the people of North Carolina … [S]lowing and controlling community spread of COVID-19 … [T]o lower the risk of contracting and transmitting COVID-19[.]" Rather, the dispute arises from continuing restrictions on some types of bars while allowing others to reopen. Our Constitution, and specifically the fruits of labor clause, applies even when a government official acts with the best stated purposes.
"Traditionally our courts … have not hesitated to strike down regulatory legislation as repugnant to the state constitution when it is irrational and arbitrary." Accordingly, we must determine whether Defendant's actions were irrational and arbitrary. Exercises of State police power are constitutionally invalid when they are overbroad, unequally applied, or otherwise not carefully targeted at achieving the stated purpose….
Defendant's Executive Order No. 141 allowed "eating establishments" and "restaurants," as defined in N.C. Gen. Stat. § 18B-1000(2) and (6), to reopen with certain restrictions, such as: limiting the number of customers in the restaurant, limiting the number of people sitting at a table to ten, following signage, screening, and sanitation requirements, and marking six feet of spacing in lines at high-traffic areas. However, bars having "a permit to sell alcoholic beverages for onsite consumption … and that are principally engaged in the business of selling alcoholic beverages for onsite consumption"—in other words, regular bars—had to remain closed. In Section Five of the order, Defendant provided the following reasoning in support of keeping bars closed:
[B]y their very nature, [bars] present greater risks of the spread of COVID-19. These greater risks are due to factors such as people traditionally interacting in that space in a way that would spread COVID-19 … or a business model that involves customers or attendees remaining in a confined indoor space over a sustained period.
The order specifically allowed "retail beverage venues" to sell "beer, wine, and liquor for off-site consumption only" and specifically exempted "production operations at breweries, wineries, and distilleries" from closures.
Plaintiffs, however, specifically allege that they were as "equally capable … of complying with the reduced capacity, distancing, increased sanitation, and other requirements set forth" as other establishments that were permitted to reopen. We therefore must determine whether the forecast of evidence presented to the trial court presented a genuine issue of material fact that would preclude summary judgment, or if that forecast of evidence failed to present a genuine issue of material fact and Plaintiffs should prevail on summary judgment in their favor.
We must consider the "science and data" submitted by Defendant to the trial court as justification for the differentiation in restrictions placed on Plaintiffs' bars as opposed to the other types of bars allowed to resume operation "in the light most favorable" to Defendant to determine if there is a genuine issue of material fact as to whether Defendant acted irrationally and arbitrarily when he allowed restaurants and eating establishments to reopen but kept Plaintiffs' bars closed. In other words, we must attempt to square Defendant's reasoning for precluding Plaintiffs' bars from the opportunity to reopen under the specified guidelines that, for example, restaurants had, with their stated ability to follow the same guidelines as restaurants. Although we view the evidence in the light most favorable to Defendant for purposes of summary judgment, we must also review the scientific evidence that was before the trial court, which acts in its capacity as the gatekeeper of expert testimony, to determine whether it is sufficiently reliable.
The trial court noted that Defendant relies upon his contention that "private bars by their nature present a higher risk than those other businesses to which Plaintiffs' invite comparison." The trial court further stated that it has "not simply deferred to Defendant without inquiry into the underlying evidence upon which Defendant exercised his police power." It concluded that, concerning the purported heightened risk of COVID-19 infections in private bars compared "to other businesses which allowed alcohol consumption and public gathering[,] Defendant has produced scientific studies and learned professional commentary asserting that they do and that there was then a need for greater regulation of private bars than other businesses which, in part, serve alcohol and allow public gathering."
We are unable to arrive at the same conclusion. Our careful review of the Record does not reveal the existence of any scientific evidence demonstrating Plaintiffs' bars, as opposed to the bars located in other establishments serving alcohol, posed a heightened risk at the time Executive Order No. 141 was issued. Even if we assume the materials submitted by Defendant address higher risks of COVID-19 infections in locations where alcohol is served and people gather, these materials do not include any distinctions between different types of bars.
Defendant points us to Executive Order No. 188 in which he states that "studies have shown that people are significantly more likely to be infected with COVID-19 if they have visited a bar or nightclub for on-site consumption." First, we note that Executive Order No. 188 was issued 6 January 2021, and Executive Order No. 141 was issued 20 May 2020, meaning that this purported scientific rationale for closing private bars but no other types of bars was over seven months delayed. Second, Defendant cannot reasonably rely on his own assertion within an executive order as though it were itself a scientific study. Next, Defendant references a Washington Post article dated 14 September 2020 which states that there is a "statistically significant national relationship between foot traffic to bars one week after they reopened and an increase in cases three weeks later" compared to reopening restaurants which, according to cellphone data, is not as strongly correlated with a rise in cases. A news article, however, is not a scientific study nor is it apparent that it was based on a scientific study.
Defendant presented to the trial court two other news articles. One is a National Public Radio article titled "How Bars Are Fueling COVID-19 Outbreaks," which is an interesting opinion piece but does not link to a scientific study (or, pursuant to our review, even refer to a study). The other is an article titled "Over 100 COVID-19 cases linked to outbreak at Tigerland Bars in Baton Rouge," which reports on a COVID-19 outbreak at a Louisiana bar, but the article says nothing about the heightened risk bars purportedly pose compared to other establishments serving alcohol. "Research" such as these news articles could be conducted by private citizens utilizing Internet search engines. In fact, many of the documents in the Record were gathered from Internet searches as evidenced by the tags and links at the bottom of the printed pages. Excepting one, none of the documents purport to be scientific studies.
Defendant does point to one scientific study that is in the Record, a study dated 28 September 2020 which states the following:
[P]ost-opening surges seemed to be strongly correlated with the opening of bars. Regardless of the timing or sequence of other relaxations, opening bars was followed 11-12 days later by surging infection rates….
Bars: The effect of closing and opening bars became evident in those states that opened their economies in stages[.] Although most states closed bars and restaurants simultaneously during their early shutdowns, some opened them at different times during the re-openings. We found that, regardless of other relaxations, new infections surged beginning 11-12 days after bars were opened, and fell once again about 8 days after bars were re-shuttered. This suggests that closing (and re-opening) settings that might not be conducive to social distancing has more impact on new infection rates than would opening other types of businesses (dog groomers, markets, hardware stores; even restaurants).
Again, this study does not differentiate between various types of bars; it would apply equally to the bars Defendant allowed to resume operations as to Plaintiffs' bars. Moreover, another significant problem with Defendant's reliance on this study is that Executive Order No. 141, which closed private bars but allowed restaurants to reopen, was issued 20 May 2020, and this study was not posted until 28 September 2020. Defendant could not have relied upon this study and, therefore, at the time the executive order was issued, could only speculate that bars might pose a greater risk than restaurants where alcohol is also consumed.
Overall, the articles and data submitted by Defendant entirely fail to address any differences in the risk of spread of COVID-19 between the bars he allowed to reopen and Plaintiffs' bars which remained closed. Defendant has not demonstrated any logic in the complete closure of bars for on-premises service when the same measures that allowed other types of bars, such as hotel and restaurant bars, to open could have been applied to the operation of those businesses. Plaintiffs assert that they were as "equally capable … of complying with the reduced capacity, distancing, increased sanitation, and other requirements set forth for those" other establishments allowed to reopen. Allowing restaurants and some types of bars to reopen with restricted capacity while simultaneously prohibiting Plaintiffs' bars from reopening in like manner was arbitrary and capricious. Defendant has not produced any forecast of evidence demonstrating Plaintiffs' bars would be unable to comply with the same restrictions placed upon other types of bars allowed to reopen.
We conclude, then, Defendant failed to present any "data and science" tending to show a rational basis for allowing some types of bars to resume operations while keeping other bars closed. The continued closure of Plaintiffs' bars while permitting other similar establishments to reopen under certain conditions violated Plaintiffs' right to enjoy the fruits of their own labor from the operation of their respective businesses. Therefore, the unequal treatment of Plaintiffs compared to other similar establishments was illogical and not rationally related to Defendant's stated objective of slowing the spread of COVID-19. Accordingly, we vacate the trial court's denial of summary judgment of Plaintiffs' claim under the fruits of labor clause of N.C. Const. art. I, § 1, and we remand this cause of action to the trial court for reconsideration in light of our above analysis….
For similar reasons, the court concluded that the government violated the state constitution's equal protection clause: Because "Defendant's executive orders affected Plaintiffs' right to earn a living, … and therefore implicated a fundamental right under the North Carolina Constitution," they had to be judged under strict scrutiny, and they failed that scrutiny:
It is illogical and arbitrary to attempt to achieve Defendant's stated health outcomes by applying different reopening standards to similarly situated businesses that could have complied with those standards. In other words, if restaurants serving alcohol could operate at fifty percent capacity and keep groups six feet apart with both food and alcohol at the customers' tables, Defendant has failed to present any forecast of evidence of any reason bars would not be able to do the same with alcohol service. Therefore, Executive Order No. 141 was underinclusive for not allowing bars to participate in the same phased reopening as restaurants that serve alcohol. The unequal treatment of Plaintiffs had the effect of denying their fundamental right to earn a living by the continued operation of their businesses.
Michael J. Tadych and K. Matthew Vaughn (Stevens Martin Vaughn & Tadych, PLLC) and Robert F. Orr represent Plaintiffs.
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It took way too long to get to that answer.
The US legal system holds many mysteries, like why anyone thinks the distinction between equity and law courts makes a whit of difference, but its slowness is probably the biggest. I can barely accept that someone thinks all those citations matter, and they take time to look up and proofread. It shouldn't take two or three verdicts and four years to decide something so basic.
Way too long to get the right answer
A lot of good the shut downs accomplished -
95+percent of the population caught covid, most of the population has caught covid more than once sometimes 3 and 4 times. The only thing the shut downs accomplished was a delay in obtain broad general population immunity.
This may actually have had some value. When this started, the concern was overwhelming intensive care rooms and equipment at hospitals, which took finite time to spin up. This would have produced excess deaths.
At the time, we knew either we’d need a fast vaccine (unheard of fast, that being 1 to 1.5 years, but with a trillion a month going down the tubes, hemorrhaging cash to usher it along was reasonable) or…tough it out with natural immunity, whichever came first, and probably both
A few months later, I noted the political rhetoric shifting from “leveling the curve”, i.e. shutdown to not overwhelm ICUs, saving grandma and all that, to saving you, yes you right there, Mr. Random Person instead of ICU protection.
I stated so at the time, and ascientific hacks around here genuflected to politicians, when that was no more than rhetorical shift, feigning non-existent meaning in those words.
I make no stance on continued lockdown after hospitals got up to speed, but merely note the above rhetoric it was about saving your life, not fragiles or ICU patients.
It really was terrible the way the response wasn't driven by actual scientific knowledge. I think they started out assuming it was an escaped Chinese biowarfare agent, (Not that they dared say so, and start a panic.) and by the time they realized it was just an ordinary respiratory disease a moral panic had set in, and it was just politically impossible to stand down; Anybody who tried to calm things down and act sensibly got accused of trying to kill grandma.
Krayt - that was the initial reason for the lockdowns, ie overwhelming ER, icu, massive deaths, etc
After 2-3 weeks, it was fairly well known that wasnt going to be the case.
Well, it was the case locally in a few places. Unfortunately, if something happens locally in NYC, it's really hard to convince the media it's not happening everywhere...
NYC never used the floating hospital ships. A lot of the issues there were also from the use of ventilators which was stopped fairly quickly as sepsis and other causes of death ramped up due to their use.
The lockdowns slowed the spread. Best practices are developed via trial and error and there is no way around it. Guess what large state did the least to mitigate spread in 2020? AZ. Guess what state has the worst Covid death rate? AZ. It’s not a coincidence.
"only thing the shut downs accomplished was a delay "
No, they also caused profound economic damage to many individuals, especially owners of small businesses.
Don
I was only speaking to the medical/ pandemic control .
you are correct regarding the economic damages and the loss of education
The first restaurant to ever go out of business was in April 2020. ????
New Orleans had a crazy hot summer this past year and a lot of restaurants went out of business…I thought libertarians understood that some businesses don’t make it??
In case you were wondering, if you take this idea but phrase it without the religious reference and the 18th century flourish, you end up with art. 15 and art. 16 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights:
And much like I'd favour a broader interpretation of the Dormant Commerce Clause in order to stop states from over-regulating (out of state) businesses, I think stuff like this is generally a good idea. Regulating business is a proper exercise of government power, but only if the regulation in question is a proportionate means to achieve a legitimate end.
No one was wondering.
"EU Charter of Fundamental Rights"
Does it say anything about using the police in the EU capital city to break up conferences? I am wondering about that.
Here’s your answer:
Guess who decides that? Why, surprise surprise, it’s the very people that decided who decides that!
It was really just rhetorical, I'm sure it includes some language that kinda sorta supports a EU version of semi-free speech,
Guess who decides that?
Courts. They are great. Rule of law is generally. You should try it, instead of breaking it down at every opportunity.
Does it say anything about using the police in the EU capital city to break up conferences?
Yes, it says that the police can't do that. Which is why the mayor of Brussels told the police to knock it off.
This is perfectly consistent with the original intention of the 14th amendment, which treated the right to pursue a livelihood as one of the Privileges and Immunities that states were to be forbidden from violating. We actually had broad protection of economic rights in this country until, roughly, the FDR administration. Central planning had become a fad internationally about that time, and thanks to FDR having so much influence over the Supreme court, the Court turned hostile to those traditional rights.
Now they're called "Lochnerism", which is a judicial swear word. But without economic rights, what are the rest worth? If you can be reduced to poverty and dependence, how can you even exercise your other rights?
IANAL and have a much simpler approach to this.
I own myself.
I have the right and the duty to control myself.
Whether someone steals the chair I made or forces me to make a chair for them, they have enslaved me for that task. They have stolen my self-ownership.
Property is as much an inherent aspect of self-ownership as are breathing and eating.
Aren't metaphors great?
Fundamental Theorem of Government: Corruption is not an unfortunate side effect of the wielding of power, it is the purpose of it from day one.
You go into government to get in the way, to get paid to get back out of the way. Or skim off the top directing funds in creative ways, passing laws to benefit cronies, the cleverness knows no bounds, and is quite ancient.
So how can you get in the way, if you can't get in the way? That has to go!
a) Nobody was wondering but b) if you were trying to claim credit, that language was drafted for the NC Constitution in 1969. You all didn’t get around to writing the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights until 2000.*
* I can’t find definitively whether the language you quote was in the original version so it may have been added to the EU charter even later than that.
Correction, that language was in the 1868 version of the NC Constitution.
(I was looking the in the wrong section and missed it the first time through. Apologies.)
1868
My point exactly. I thought I'd show what something like this looks like in today's English, without the rhetorical flourishes.
They shut down the gym and the church but kept the liquor store and the weed shop.
Shut down the mom and pop stores but kept the Wal-Marts.
Sounds like the biggest load of nonsense since church on Sunday!
Weed is still illegal in NC, so I doubt and weed shops were “kept”
He didn't limit his comment to NC.
And don't whine this is an article about NC. Neither was Martinned2's comment about the EU, and you didn't rag on him.
My mistake— I thought they were offering something related to the actual post rather than vague generalized grievance. Thanks for setting me straight
It is related to the post. In NC and everywhere else, they should be held accountable for these outrageous acts of tyranny. You're welcome
"I've been selling my soul, workin' all day
Overtime hours for bullshit pay
So I can sit out here and waste my life away
Drag back home and drown my troubles away
It's a damn shame what the world's gotten to
For people like me and people like you
Wish I could just wake up and it not be true
But it is, all it is"
https://www.songfacts.com/lyrics/oliver-anthony/rich-men-north-of-richmond
In Pennsylvania they originally shut down all bars and restaurants. Then they allowed restaurants and places that served food to reopen with restrictions. You couldn't purchase just drinks, you had to order food. One place I know coated hot dogs and buns with polyurethane so that you could have a plate in front of you with a hot dog on it incase LCB i a check. National clubs were allowed to re-open (Elks, Moose, American Legion) but local Social Clubs were not even though we had a full menu.
I found it interesting that Beauticians and Barber Shops were forced to close. The State has strict licensing requirements for them including health and sanitary training. Barbers and beauticians are allowed to provide services to hospital patients, even those with communicable diseases. A statement was made that Governor Wolf didn't want the media to show somebody getting their hair done, while other people were not allowed to go to work.
The most sensible way to accommodate that concern would have been to allow everybody to go to work. All the shutdowns accomplished nothing but crashing the economy.
I mean, literally nothing. Once you controlled for things like obesity and age, there was no correlation at all between the shutdowns and mortality rates. It's just that some of the states that shut down the hardest happened to have younger than average populations, and there's a REALLY strong correlation between age and Covid mortality.
.
Who says a disaffected, autistic, antisocial bigot is not necessarily an expert on epidemiology?
Virus-flouting, backwater wingnuts are among my favorite culture war casualties.
Ah, found it:
Why do COVID Deaths Vary by State?
The bottom line findings:
1) The strongest predictor of death rates after accounting for confounding variables such as obesity was the vaccination rate for people older than 65. R^2=0.48. Vaccines save lives, no question, but only if the lives are at risk to begin with.
2) Once you controlled for population age, obesity, and vaccination rates, “stringency”, a measure of shutdowns and similar actions, had very close to zero correlation with death rates. R^2 of 0.03. This was also the result if you compared stringency to excess deaths. Lockdowns didn’t do diddly squat to save lives. Let me say that again: Lockdowns did NOT save lives!
Oh, and did I mention that lockdowns did not save lives?
3) Stringency DID have a pretty strong correlation with unemployment rates, though. R^2=0.28. Is anyone surprised?
4) Gini index had a pretty strong correlation with mortality rates, too. R^2 of 0.27. Interestingly, though poverty only had a correlation of R^2=0.04. Being poor didn’t hurt your chances of survival unless you lived near wealthy people? I wonder what the mechanism was?
5) Party control of government, once you adjusted for all the confounding variables, had a R^2 of 0.001! That’s impressively close to zero. To be fair, though, you could argue that you shouldn’t control for vaccination, as that could be driven by party control. Omitting vaccination status got the correlation up to 0.036, which is… still too low to actually argue they’re correlated.
Lockdowns may have saved lives early by preventing ICUs from being overwhelmed, but were of little use to the non-fragile general population, longer term, even though the rhetoric had shifted to lockdowns protecting your life directly, independent of ICUs.
They did say their analysis wouldn't have picked up short term benefits. But ICU's facing heavy loads was a very local problem, so any benefit would have been very local, too.
That is all wrong. Once again, big blue states just happened to be the states in the initial wave from spread prior to any mitigation measures. Once you account for that it’s clear from the data that low information Trump populations had the highest death rates. Wealthy older Republicans got vaccinated and were careful in 2020 and so those few populations have some of the lowest Covid death rates…think Hilton Head and Franklin, TN and Naples, FL.
Sweden had the least stringent lockdowns in Europe. It also had the lowest COVID death rate.
Really, hardly any actual intervention had an impact except for vaccinating the elderly and people with comorbidities such as diabetes. (You could have skipped vaccinating anybody else, apparently, and not seen a difference.) In fact, in as much as obesity was positively associated with mortality, they'd have been better off subsidizing the gyms instead of shutting them down, and encouraging everyone to go outside and get as much exercise as possible, instead of cowering indoors.
That’s not correct—the median age of death actually fell during the Delta death surge in the southeast. So the notion you could pinpoint the perfect age cutoff is absurd. Plus you ignoring younger people that were hospitalized and didn’t die which could have been prevented by getting the safe and effective vaccine.
Boy, that must have been embarrassing during the slavery era.
No, they had a very simple excuse for that: Africans were not human. Witness the Dred Scott nonsense.
They did not in fact think Africans were not human. Inferior, not worthy of respect, sure. But they never denied that Africans were human. See, for example, the 3/5ths clause. Nobody thought there was any possibility of cows or chickens being counted in apportionment. But African slaves, sure, because slaves were human. And — Dred Scott notwithstanding — non-slave Africans were treated as citizens.
Neither this blog's operators nor its fans appreciate any criticism of superstition or conservative-approved bigotry.
A person with black skin didn’t have rights…they could be legally kidnapped and sold into slavery. The only way a person with black skin could have rights would be to have a very powerful white friend. Even into the 1960s governors like Reagan were stripping of blacks of their 2A rights…Justice Thomas wrote an eloquent opinion calling out racists like Reagan. Of course now we have Reagan on audio tape calling Africans “monkeys”…fucking racist piece of shit.
I believe the clause was added in the North Carolina Constitution of 1868, and wasn't present in the 1776 Constitution.
Were Confederate states required to write new Constitutions to gain reentry to the union?
Yes, per the Reconstruction Act of 1867. New state constitutions had to provide universal (male) suffrage and, each state had to ratify the 14th Amdt. prior to readmission.
Wait, so if they were *not* part of the union (i.e. pending re-admission), how could they ratify the 14th amendment? I understand the union imposing requirements on state constitutions for (re-)admission. But how could a non-member of the union ratify anything that controls the union?
Or was this a timing thing? "If you promise to ratify the 14th amendment, we'll let you back in. If you don't do so right away, you are out again!"
Don't overthink it. The Union was just playing Calvinball. The Southern states were "in" for any purpose they needed to be "in" for, and "out" for any purpose they needed to be out for, without any particular effort at consistency.
The people and the territory were always in. The state governments were out until they were re-organized in an acceptable manner, which included ratifying the 14th.
There is and was no constitutional provision for state governments to be "out", unless you accept the argument that secession was a 10th amendment reserved power by the very fact that it IS unmentioned, in which case the states were legally entitled to secede.
It was just Calvinball. As illustrated, for instance, by the creation of West Virginia in direct defiance of an explicit constitutional prohibition.
The Southern states were in the Union, but governed by the Federal government/army until they sorted out an acceptable system of self-government.
Ah, so you agree that Congress actually lacked a quorum to conduct business during the Civil war? Particularly, the Reconstruction amendments could not be legally originated?
Prior to the Civil war, Congress treated the quorum as applying to the number of seats authorized; When the Civil war began and the Union refused to seat Southern members, they fell short of having a quorum, and the rump Congress changed their rules to say it was a majority of those seated, instead.
Very conveniently circumventing the clause.
Yeah, I knew that. (Well, I didn't know the exact date, but I knew it was obviously added post-civil war.) I just wanted to snark a bit.