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Second Amendment Roundup: Delaware's "Assault Weapon" Ban Argued in 3rd Circuit
Likelihood of prevailing on a constitutional claim may suffice for a preliminary injunction.
The Third Circuit heard oral argument on March 11 in a challenge to Delaware's ban on so-called "assault weapons" and ammunition magazines that hold over 17 rounds. Three overlapping cases were consolidated for argument on appeal from the denial of a preliminary injunction. Before the Court got into the meat of the Second Amendment dispute, Judge Stephanos Bibas raised a question about the preliminary injunction standard as it applies in Second Amendment cases: do the plaintiffs need to show that every preliminary injunction factor weighs in their favor, or is it enough to show they are likely to succeed on the merits?
The Supreme Court refers to the preliminary injunction as "an extraordinary remedy" that requires plaintiffs to make a "clear showing" on four factors before being granted: (1) likelihood of success on the merits, (2) that they face irreparable harm in the absence of an injunction, (3) that the balance of the equities favor them, and (4) that the public interest would be served by the injunction. The plaintiffs in Delaware focused on the first point—that they were likely to show the laws they challenged violate their Second Amendment rights. Judge Bibas questioned whether that was enough.
It should be. In fact, while there are putatively four factors to be considered in granting a preliminary injunction, in litigation against the government over the constitutionality of a law, in practice they tend to collapse. In such cases, "likelihood of success" is "the first among equals" and is typically dispositive, L.W. by & through Williams v. Skrmetti (6th Cir. 2023), and the third and the fourth factors, the public interest and the balance of the equities are considered as one. Nken v. Holder (U.S. 2009). Furthermore, if plaintiffs show that the law they challenge violates the Constitution, then those final factors necessarily weigh in their favor, because "the enforcement of an unconstitutional law vindicates no public interest." K.A. ex rel. Ayers v. Pocono Mountain School District (3d Cir. 2013).
The same should be true for irreparable harm as well, as the Ninth Circuit recognized in its Second Amendment decision in Baird v. Bonta (2023), where it explained that "in cases involving a constitutional claim, a likelihood of success on the merits usually establishes irreparable harm, and strongly tips the balances of equities and public interest in favor of granting a preliminary injunction."
Irreparable harm was the focus of Judge Bibas's questioning in the Delaware argument. It is black-letter law, as the Supreme Court held in 2020 in Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, that "[t]he loss of First Amendment freedoms, for even minimal periods of time, unquestionably constitutes irreparable injury." There is every reason to think the same is true for the Second Amendment. "Irreparable harm" is an injury that cannot be easily measured in (and therefore compensated by) monetary damages. Some circuits have recognized that any constitutional right deprivation is necessarily "irreparable." Melendres v. Arapaio (9th Cir. 2012). And the Third Circuit has extended it at least to cover Fourth Amendment rights, noting that "[p]ersons who can establish that they are being denied their constitutional rights are entitled to relief, and it can no longer be seriously contended that an action for money damages will serve to adequately remedy unconstitutional searches and seizures." Lewis v. Kugler (1971). As the Supreme Court made clear in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022), the Second Amendment deserves equal treatment with the other protections in the Bill or Rights.
In alignment with this, the Seventh Circuit in Ezell v. City of Chicago (2011) answered Judge Bibas's question well when it noted that "[t]he loss of a First Amendment right is frequently presumed to cause irreparable harm based on the intangible nature of the benefits flowing from the exercise of those rights. . . . The Second Amendment protects similarly intangible and unquantifiable interests. Heller held that the Amendment's central component is the right to possess firearms for protection. Infringements of this right cannot be compensated by damages."
The limited scenarios in which a constitutional injury does not entitle a litigant to injunctive relief—in the Fifth Amendment takings context, for instance, where the proper remedy is money damages—supports the line the Seventh Circuit drew between "tangible" and "intangible" (but nevertheless real) injuries. Where plaintiffs show a likelihood of success in proving such an intangible injury, it follows that their injury is "irreparable" in nature.
At the Delaware argument, one of the attorneys defending the law argued that an injunction should not be the automatic result in a case showing likelihood of success in proving a constitutional violation, pointing to the Purcell principle. The Purcell principle, named after the Supreme Court case Purcell v. Gonzalez (2006), is the rule that courts should ordinarily not enjoin challenged election laws shortly before an election is set to occur, out of concern that such an injunction could result in voter confusion. But the Purcell principle is the exception that proves the rule—it speaks only to a very narrow circumstance where an injunction should not enter immediately (though to be sure, election laws can be enjoined immediately after the election upon a showing of constitutional infirmity) because of unique concerns about the fairness of elections. That the Delaware law's defenders would look to such a dissimilar context shows how little they have to support their position.
One other point of interest from this argument. The Third Circuit panel showed some concern that the plaintiffs were pointing to information that was not technically in the preliminary injunction "record" of evidence submitted to the trial court. Judge Bibas asked the attorney for Delaware whether it was appropriate to look at such evidence because it went toward proving certain "legislative facts." The attorney's responded, "The very fact that they are citing expert declarations that plaintiffs in other cases chose to submit to those courts, but that for whatever reason, these plaintiffs chose not to submit here, is precisely evidence that these are adjudicative facts. . . . [and] that this is for trial courts to deal with on the record that is presented before them." That betrayed a serious misunderstanding of the legislative facts that are crucial to Second Amendment (and a lot of other constitutional) litigation.
Legislative facts, as opposed to adjudicative facts, are not the sort of facts typically "found" through trials; they are not case specific but instead are general facts about the world. For instance, whether a plaintiff in a Second Amendment case desires to acquire an AR-15 rifle is an adjudicative fact; it is a fact specific to the plaintiff. Whether AR-15 rifles are in common use for lawful purposes, on the other hand, is a general fact about the world and therefore a legislative fact. The distinction matters because the rules of evidence only constrain courts with respect to adjudicative facts—as far as legislative facts are concerned, a court can find them based on record evidence, or it can find them based on its own research, or by reviewing law review articles and social science papers cited by the parties in their briefs.
And importantly, when a district court makes a decision based on legislative facts, its "findings" do not receive deference from the appellate courts. This makes sense, given that legislative facts are frequently the sort of facts that are used as the foundation for legal rules. That some legislative facts might be found in expert reports (or found in the sources an expert might otherwise cite) does not matter at all to their classification or to whether other courts can consider them without an expert submission of their own.
Take, as a particularly relevant example, the fact that the handgun is the most preferred firearm in America for self-defense is a legislative fact. Regardless of whether the district court received evidence on that question, and irrespective of what it might have purported to "find" about the topic, the Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) was free to make its own decision, as the court of last resort in deciding constitutional questions, handling a legislative fact of relevance to constitutional reasoning. And that's what makes Delaware's whole argument so strange. Not only was Heller unrestricted by lower court findings on this issue, there actually were no such findings. Heller was working with a blank canvas. In that case, and in Bruen, the district court had disposed of the case without building any record at all. And yet, both Heller and Bruen made all sorts of factual assertions about firearm use, features, and history, all issues of legislative facts presented to it through the parties' briefs, amicus submissions, and through its own research. It did not matter one whit that there had been no findings on those issues and in fact in both cases it declined to remand for development of an evidentiary record.
If the Third Circuit is considering constraining parties to a narrow "record" in resolving constitutional claims, it will have to look somewhere other than the Supreme Court's Second Amendment caselaw to justify such a rule.
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This reads to me like Prof. Holbrook is trying to ipse dixit over several of the preliminary injunction factors.
I mean, MAYBE a violation of the 2nd Amendment for a short time is an irreparable harm just like the 1st Amendment. But Prof. Holbrook provides absolutely ZERO actual analysis of this point. And remember, that 1st Amendment doctrine (usually attributed to Elrod v. Burns) is very much AN EXCEPTION to normal process. I.e., a short term taking, or a short term denial of equal protection, or a short term violation of the right to counsel, is NOT considered irreparable harm absent proof of the element of the injunction test. The reason for it is because 1st Amendment restrictions chill speech. Is "chilling" bearing or keeping an assault weapon the same thing as chilling speech? At least, Prof. Holbrook has to justify that claim.
Similarly, he wants to collapse various prongs of the injunction test, but the whole point of SCOTUS signing on to the 4 point test is that they were sick of that and thought preliminary injunctions were being handed out like candy whenever there was a likelihood of success. I would think that SCOTUS would laugh at the idea that a legal rule that they just announced with a lot of reasoning behind it can just be ignored by a circuit court of appeals so they can enjoin a law they don't like.
Look, I have some sympathy with Second Amendment advocates that these assault weapons bans ban cosmetically scary guns rather than the most dangerous ones, In other words, I think they have some good points on the merits. But we shouldn't think that courts can just rewrite injunction law to make Second Amendment claims easier.
Is Halbrook currently teaching at any college or university?
On what basis would anyone address this paid gun advocate as, “Professor?” Is gun advocacy even an academic field, in the usual sense of that term?
Absent an especially prestigious endowed chair, that honorific is one which at more-prestigious universities even full-time, extensively published, full professors shrink from claiming. To be called by it except in context of formal rankings makes the more-punctilious of them uncomfortable; they correct students who do it.
It has always had cultural significance, however, as a field mark of a snake oil salesman.
"On what basis would anyone address this paid gun advocate as, “Professor?”"
Um, on the basis that he has a Phd? From Wikipedia:
"Halbrook attended Florida State University, receiving a B.S. Business in 1969 and a PhD in philosophy in 1972. He then attended Georgetown University, receiving his J.D. in 1978. He began as an instructor of philosophy at Florida State University, 1970–1972. After completing his PhD he worked as an assistant professor of philosophy at the Tuskegee Institute (1972–1974), Howard University (1974–1979), and George Mason University (1980–1981). While in law school at Georgetown he acted as a Law Fellow of Georgetown's Barristers' Council from 1975–1977."
You're dissing a senior fellow at the Independent institute who has argued 3 cases before the Supreme court, and won all three.
The better basis would be that he was a professor for around 9 years; lots of people have PhDs but are not professors.
And even a few vice-versa.
Bellmore, the record you cite does not show Halbrook has ever been a professor, even as a matter of mere formality.
Typically, although endowed with PhDs, neither assistant professors, nor associate professors, are entitled to that rank, and are assumed to be buffoons if they attempt to claim it. I am not aware of any instance where Halbrook has done so; I am not blaming him for it, just cautioning a commenter not to over-dignify Halbrook.
Even full professors typically do not go by the honorific, "Professor." At least not in the more civilized reaches of academia. That is a title not claimed, nor even earned, but awarded by acclamation to those few with academic achievements so imposing that the recipient can wear the title modestly. They get the "Professor," title only because colleagues—all of whom would wince even to be called, "Doctor," despite their PhDs—feel inwardly compelled to honor the greatest achievements attained in their fields.
Of course, none of that biographical blather you cite comes close to turning Halbrook into that kind of an academic achiever. More the opposite. He looks like he wisely got out of academia after a few years of undistinguished floundering, and then did better practicing legal advocacy.
"Of course, none of that biographical blather you cite comes close to turning Halbrook into that kind of an academic achiever."
Lathrop - While hallbrook maybe a weak "historical reseacher", he does substantially better than many supposed "professional historians" who pretend that the proposal in the US Senate to limit 2A to the common defence which was defeated, merits no consideration or that proposal never existed.
The initial proposed passage relating to arms was:
The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well armed and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to render military service in person.[135]
with the subsequent and final revision that had no opposition in the house or senate
The Amendment would take what would become its final form in the Senate, where the religious-objector clause was finally removed and several other phrases were modified.25 For instance, the phrase referencing the militia as “composed of the body of the People” was struck, and the descriptor of the militia as “the best security of a free State” was modified to “necessary to the security of a free State.” 26 Several other changes were proposed and rejected, including adding limitations on a standing army “in time of peace” and adding next to the words “bear arms” the phrase “for the common defence.” 27 The final language of the Second Amendment was agreed to and transmitted to the states in late September of 1789.[28]
The phrase to limit 2A for the common defence was defeated in the Senate.
In summary, the anti-gun rights argument that the militia clause limits the right to keep and bear arms to times serving in the militia can not be reconciled with the defeat of a provision to limit 2a for the purpose of the common defence. That argument is simply inane
"Several other changes were proposed and rejected, including adding limitations on a standing army “in time of peace” "
That's supposed to be covered by the limitation of army appropriations to just 2 years at a time, I think.
Brett
The debate on the militia clause has always been whether
1) 2a limits the RKBA to times serving in the militia (stevens dissent in heller
2) one of the reasons (but not the only reason) for the individual right (Scalia's opinion in heller) or
3) there are two rights, A- the right of the people to form militia's and b) the individual right to keep and bear arms.
the history of the proposed amendment process through the house and senate almost certainly establishes that 2A is an individual right not limited to the common defence (ie when serving in a militia). further that the most logical inference is that the purpose of the militia clause was to protect the right of the people to form militias for the common defence.
That position is further supported by the late 1700's passage of the various versions of the militia acts which provided that all able bodied males between ages 18 & 45 were members of the militia. later versions of the militia acts further provided that the militia was divided into two classes, the formal militia's and all others.
Brett - I will add that we are in full agreement that 2a protects an individual right and there are no limitations in 2a that would restrict that right to any variation in connection with the militia or militia service.
Historically speaking, the idea that the 2bd amendment didn't guarantee an individual right originated in the early 20th century, when the federal government first started getting interested in gun control. Prior to that, the unincorporated 2nd amendment was no obstacle to state gun control laws.
There was a bit of a fad among legal scholars, who didn't like the 2nd, to pretend that, for a few decades. Thank goodness the Court never endorsed that lunacy.
That might all be true but Stephen Halbrook is a liar and, let's face it, very few people today care about the truth.
That seems to be the new go-to argument here - that the opposing speaker is a liar. Argumentum ad Hominem.
One of the many lies Halbrook told was that Open Carry was banned in New York. The State of New York did not ban the Open Carry of long guns nor did it ban the Open Carry of handguns for those who had a license.
Here is a video of Halbrook saying that New York bans Open Carry and mandates that permit holders carry concealed. I suppose that you could defend him by saying that he is incompetent but I don't think he is. He is a lawyer and lawyers lie. And concealed carriers don't care about the truth so they don't question his lies.
https://www.youtube.com/live/-E-_DY7V2wI?feature=shared&t=5521
That's funny, because every source I consult about this question agrees that open carry (Of handguns) is illegal in NY.
Which is to say, carrying a loaded handgun, or an unloaded one where you have access to the ammo, requires a carry license, and the carry license only authorizes concealed carry.
So I suppose you could carry an unloaded handgun, and only get charged with brandishing...
As for long guns, you can only carry them openly if you're hunting, at a target range, or they're unloaded.
So, basically, you're complaining that he's only agreeing with everybody but you?
Brett Bellmore - After NYSRPA v. Bruen was published, New York Governor Hochul issued a decree that licenses to carry a handgun were limited to concealed carry. If the law prohibited the Open Carry of a handgun then why did she issue the decree? The same license is required for hunters, target shooters, corrections officers, and armored car guards. Whether or not they are still openly carrying handguns I cannot say but there is a lawsuit in New York challenging the licensing requirement as it applies to openly carrying a handgun which the state argued, as it did in its merits brief in NYSRPA v. Bruen, that it is not a crime to openly carry a handgun so long as one has a permit which also allows one to carry concealed. The state argued in both that the worst that could happen to a person who openly carried a handgun that exceeded the limitations placed by the licensing official on the license was that his license to carry in public would be revoked. After the governor issued her decree, the government reluctantly conceded that the plaintiffs could be punished were they to openly carry a licensed handgun but could not point to any law that prohibits the Open Carry of a licensed handgun.
Before NYSRPA v. Bruen, New York Penal Law did not classify ordinary rifles and shotguns as "firearms" and and no state law prohibited the Open Carry of handguns or long guns (loaded or unloaded) so the restrictions on carrying firearms (outside of New York City which has its own laws) did not apply to long guns and, Governor Hochul's edict notwithstanding, the last time I checked New York State law did not prohibit the carrying of loaded long guns in public for the purpose of self-defense. That may have changed, if it has then feel free to post the link to the current law. But the link to the video I posted was from before NYSRPA v. Bruen was decided and before any change in current law, if any. If the law today has been rewritten to prohibit Open Carry that does not mean that Halbrook wasn't lying when the video was recorded.
As for "every source you consult". Perhaps your sources are as ignorant as you, or liars.
CRTC - If you want to talk about liars, you have to include Justice Stevens in the pot who like many of the "professional historians" some how either overlook (intentional discarding of historical evidence) or seriously underweighted, the defeat of the proposal to limit 2A to the common defence in the senate debate of 2a prior to passage and being sent to the states for ratification.
Tom for equal rights - Justice Stevens wrote that he did not believe that the Second Amendment protected the right of individuals to keep and bear arms notwithstanding his indication in McDonald that he recognized a 14th Amendment substantive due process right for some people to carry a loaded firearm in the home. That did not make him a liar, it made him mistaken. Unlike Holbrook, who is a liar.
I agree it's an extraordinary remedy, but when these gun laws are imposed solely to delay, where the Democrats intend on slightly changing the laws after an adverse ruling and starting the two year process all over again, then an extraordinary remedy is warranted.
No Charles - It made him a liar - he purported to have used historical analysis, yet cherrypicked historical facts, misrepresented those historical facts and omitted the facts the undercut his claim that 2a was limited to service in the militia, specifically omitting the well known defeat of proposal to limit 2a to the common defence during the senate debate on passage of the 2a , prior to the submission of the bill of rights to the states. (ie service in the militia)
Or... one could simply say "shall not be infringed," and settle the matter.