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Prof. Thomas Merrill on "Does Chevron Mandate Brand X?"
I'm delighted to pass along this item from Prof. Thomas Merrill (Columbia), whom readers might remember as a guest-blogger from a couple of years ago, and who is the author of The Chevron Doctrine: Its Rise, and Fall, and the Future of the Administrative State (2022):
In Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo and Relentless, Inc. v. Department of Commerce, the petitioners are asking the Supreme Court to overrule the Chevron doctrine. Oral argument in the cases included multiple references to a decision called Brand X, short for National Cable & Telecommunications Association v. Brand X Internet Services, decided in 2005. The petitioners could not stop reminding the Court about Brand X.
Brand X held that when a court decides a question of statutory interpretation that would be eligible for Chevron deference if decided by an agency, and the agency subsequently disagrees with the judicial interpretation, the courts are obliged to follow the agency interpretation, not the prior judicial interpretation. Justice Scalia, in dissent, described Brand X as a "breathtaking novelty: judicial decisions subject to reversal by executive officers." He added that this was "probably unconstitutional."
The petitioners in the two pending cases were eager to remind the Court about Brand X in part because of the presumed aversion of the Justices to the idea that an administrative agency can "overrule" a decision of an Article III court—including potentially the Supreme Court.
Undoubtedly, they also thought Brand X was a perfect illustration of the instability in the law that they argue is caused by Chevron. Brand X upheld under Chevron an interpretation of the FCC during the Bush II administration that internet services providers are not subject to common carrier obligations under the federal communications laws. This interpretation, in turn, was later reversed by the Obama FCC, which was then reversed again by the Trump FCC, which itself is now slated to be reversed by the Biden FCC. In short, Brand X led to flip-flopping about the status of internet service providers with every election of a President of a different political party.
Emily Bremer, in a recent post at the Yale Journal on Regulation, has argued that Brand X flows ineluctably from Chevron. This was also the view of the petitioners in Loper Bright and Relentless: if the Court wants to get rid of Brand X, it has to overrule Chevron.
I do not think this is right. Though some of the broader language in Chevron allows agencies to change their statutory interpretations, that issue is apart from the core deference principle for which Chevron stands. For starters, Brand X is just one of six Supreme Court decisions that consider the relationship between judicial precedent and Chevron-style deference to agency interpretations.
As I explain in my 2022 book, The Chevron Doctrine: Its Rise and Fall, and the Future of the Administrative State at 148–158, three of these cases came before the Brand X decision (Maislin Industries, U.S., Inc v. Primary Steel, Inc. (1990),Lechmere, Inc. v. NLRB (1992), and Neal v. United States (1996)), and two came after (United States v. Home Concrete & Supply, LLC (2012) and Epic Systems, Corp v. Lewis (2018)).
The box score? Judicial precedent five, agency interpretation one. If we confine ourselves to Supreme Court precedents that were considered in these cases (as against a subsequent agency interpretation), the score is Supreme Court precedent five, agency interpretation zero.
What is going on here? Judicial precedent has prevailed over agency interpretation not because the Court has reverse-engineered the prior judicial opinions to determine whether they would have been "step one" or "step two" decisions if decided under Chevron. This is particularly clear from the first post-Brand X decision, United States v. Home Concrete & Supply, where the Court upheld a 1958 tax decision it had made, and rejected a recent Treasury regulation to the contrary. The 1958 decision acknowledged that the relevant provision of the tax code was "[]not … unambiguous"—which, under the version of Chevron applied in Brand X, would seem to mean that the agency view should prevail. Nevertheless, the Court ruled the opposite.
One clue about what is happening is that the five decisions rejecting Brand X or its concept all involved prior precedents of the Supreme Court. The one deviant decision, Brand X itself, involved a precedent of the Ninth Circuit.
This suggests that the Court regards adhering to its own precedents as being more important than allowing agencies to exercise delegated authority to interpret statutes they administer. From the Court's perspective, this makes perfect sense. The Court's authority is critically dependent on lower courts and agencies faithfully following Supreme Court precedent. If the Court does not follow its own precedent, maybe no one else will either.
Apparently, the Court in Brand X did not regard it as being equally important that lower courts and agencies faithfully follow Ninth Circuit precedents. If so, this is troubling to an extent—after all, the Ninth Circuit also has an interest in assuring that lower courts and agencies in the Ninth Circuit follow its rulings.
Putting that aside, one can see in the overall pattern of the Court's six decisions a concern about the importance of standing by previous judicial rulings, that is, about stare decisis. The five decisions rejecting the Brand X approach are a testament to the importance of stare decisis to the legal system and, more generally, to the centrality of rule-of-law values and the protection of settled expectations created by significant judicial precedents. Which, not coincidentally, is one reason why the Court should not jettison the Chevron framework itself.
What about the petitioners' second reason for flogging Brand X—that it illustrates the instability that can come about when courts apply the Chevron doctrine? Brand X is unquestionably responsible for unleashing a reign of instability about the legal status of internet service providers. And one must agree with the Court in Brand X that it is preferable to have the FCC decide this issue, rather than the Ninth Circuit.
The instability problem can be managed, if not resolved, by remembering that administrative law includes other well-established doctrines besides Chevron (and for that matter Brand X). One is that agencies are subject to a heightened obligation to provide reasons when they decide to reverse a course of action that they have followed in the past. Thus, if a change in presidential administrations results in a change in policy pursued by an agency, the agency has to offer a persuasive explanation that goes beyond "this is what the President wants."
Another relevant doctrine is that agency interpretations of law should receive more deference from courts when they are consistently maintained over time, and less or no deference if the agency is constantly oscillating between different interpretations. This venerable doctrine, too, is grounded in a concern about protecting reliance interests. Regulated entities should be able to rely on consistently held agency interpretations, and cannot be expected to anticipate the requirements of ever-fluctuating agency interpretations.
Thus, if the FCC adopts a different interpretation of the status of internet service providers every time a President of a different party is elected, a reviewing court should declare that the interpretation is not "reasonable" within the meaning of step two of Chevron. If the court perceives that the agency is just flip-flopping from one view to the opposite, it should announce its own best interpretation of the statute, putting an end to the gyrations.
Application of these two well-established doctrines—requiring an enhanced explanation when an agency reverses an interpretation, and deeming inconsistent or fluctuating agency interpretations to be "unreasonable"—would go a long way toward tempering the problem of instability that the petitioners have associated with Brand X.
With these understandings in place, Brand X, like Chevron, can be allowed to stand as a decision about the deference owed to an agency when it acts within the scope of its delegated authority and there are no settled expectations—including expectations created by controlling judicial decisions—to the contrary.
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If the court perceives that the agency is just flip-flopping from one view to the opposite, it should announce its own best interpretation of the statute, putting an end to the gyrations.
If I understand this proposed solution to the "instability problem" correctly, then administrations seem to have the following options :
1. If they like an existing Chevron inspired decision, but are worried that it would lose if the court made up its own mind, then do nothing and hope for the best.
2. If they don't like an existing Chevron inspired decision, and are confident that it would lose if the court made up it's own mind, then whack out a preferred revised interpretation, organise a Potemkin challenge so as to generate a case, fall into the "instability problem" rule, requiring the court to junk Chevron and make up its own mind. Thereby entrenching the administration's preferred position against future reversal by an enemy administration.
3. If they like an existing Chevron inspired decision, and are confident that it would win in court, then either leave well alone, confident that any reversing reg from a new administration will get shot down in court, or do a 2. - whack out a new amending reg of your own, organise Potemkin challenge, and "lose", thereby entrenching the old rule. The decision between these two will depend on the details - eg how badly you want to prevent even a temporary ascendancy for the enemy's future reversing reg. Ideally if you can come up with an amending reg that is batchit crazy but still on your side to generate the case, that's a no lose proposition.
4. If they don't like an existing Chevron inspired decision, but are worried that it would win if tested in court , then do nothing and hope for a change in the weather.
(In cases 1 and 4, of course, there are still the options of trying to change the underlying law, or packing the court.)
In other words, an administration that thinks the law is actually on its side (whether the existing regulation is what they like or not) has, under the proposed "instability problem" Mulligan, an "entrenchment option" to junk Chevron and get a binding court precedent instead of a reversible agency reg.
The final answer seems to be remarkably similar to what we would get with .... just getting rid of Chevron and letting the court decide in the first place.
Or maybe flip-flopping is what you want for agency policy decisions that are grounded in political accountability.
It's nice for elections to have an impact on policy. If judges decide policy and fix it for essentially all time, that's anti-democratic.
If Congress wants to set a policy in stone, it can do so. It's arrogant for judges to think that they should make the policy decisions that Congress intentionally didn't make.
Then the judges ought to throw the law out entirely and tell Congress to do better.
There is no excuse for laws which are so malleable as to mean anything the bureaucrats want.
-- Ayn Rand and probably a zillion others.
Aren't we supposed to be a nation of laws, not men?
You’re correctly summarizing why the “major questions doctrine” is just a particular application of the separation of powers non-delegation principle.
Congress cannot simply create the EPA and say “go regulate the environment however you think best, because you’re the experts”. That is the rule of men, not laws.
No, because that's Congress' job.
I'll go further and say hell, no - it's Congress' job. If the issue is not clear enough that there's no flip-flopping, then Congress' delegation was clearly inadequate and the whole issue must go back to Congress for resolution.
Courts have long traditions and protocols for interpreting laws and getting corrected by Congress. This Chevron-invented morass that we call administrative "law" does not.
If the issue is not clear enough that there’s no flip-flopping, then Congress’ delegation was clearly inadequate
Dumb. I don't think you know what "delegation" means.
Perhaps you don't understand the difference between rule of men and law, and that Congress is supposed to make laws, not drop vague hints.
The lawyers and judges do not correctly understand 47 U.S. Code § 153 – Definitions (50) Telecommunications.
With a correct understanding, there is no flip-flopping, and the FCC and Court must conclude that an ISP is a telecommunications (common) carrier.
Brand X was wrongly decided. Scalia was right.
Once there's a definitive interpretation of a statute by a court, that interpretation basically IS the statute, at least until Congress or a court of last resort overturns it. We don't, for instance, ask if baseball has an antitrust exemption every time we interpret the Sherman Act. There's a controlling case that says the exemption exists, and that works exactly the same as if Congress actually put it in the text.
It follows that once you get such a controlling interpretation, an agency can't contradict it. It's emphatically the province of the judiciary to say what the law is. And I don't think Chevron necessitates this- even under Chevron, if SCOTUS later holds the agency interpretation unreasonable and interprets the statute itself, that SCOTUS interpretation becomes controlling. Brand X just got it wrong.
even under Chevron, if SCOTUS later holds the agency interpretation unreasonable and interprets the statute itself, that SCOTUS interpretation becomes controlling.
That doesn't really follow from the logic of Chevron.
The whole idea of Chevron is that it's Congress's affirmative intent for the agency to set the policy. It goes against the intent of the law for the courts to do it.
Sometimes, the courts have to do it if the agency abdicates or otherwise fucks it up. But that shouldn't result in permanently defying the intent of Congress. It's just a temporary workaround. When the agency gets its shit together, it is still the one with the power.
Once SCOTUS says "the statute means X", an agency saying it means "not X" is acting unreasonably.
Under Chevron, SCOTUS is saying, "The statute means the agency has the power."
If SCOTUS thinks the agency doesn't have the power, then it's not a Chevron thing in the first place.
The agency cannot have the power to make laws like that, per the Constitution.
You lose 9-0.
Everybody loses, even you, when courts defer to bureaucrats.
You are confusing statutory interpretation with delegation. Chevron only applies if the statute is ambiguous -- we don't know what Congress intended.
Thanks for posting this comment. I have been reading your articles for years and your recent book on Chevron. Thanks for your contributions to my continuing education.
I write to quibble with the common discourse (yours included) about statutory interpretation as policy making. Describing interpretation as policy making is a distraction. Interpretations are simply interpretations. Those interpretations may or may not include what is commonly called policy making. But by calling statutory interpretations policy making, then does that mean that judicial interpretations are policy making? And, if it is, in our constitutional framework, why is policy making by courts more acceptable than policy making by agencies?
When agencies or courts fill in the interstices of the statute by reasonable interpretations, they are simply implementing the will—really the policies—set by Congress. If they cannot square the interpretation with the will of Congress, neither of them should be interpreting.
On the instability issue, I like your raising reasoned decisionmaking which must include consideration of instability as a basis that agencies would not exercise their Brand X (or Chevron) authority to rule contrary to prior judicial precedent. Courts have the same practical constraint on changing interpretations through stare decisis. Such constraints will not and should not prevent course correction by interpretation in all cases, whether for courts or for agencies.
Further, I don’t think the actual practice is to introduce instability. In my area (federal tax), by far the bulk of regulations are quite stable over time. But, as Abraham Lincoln said, “As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. “ For example, the DOJ/ATF expansion via interpretation to include bump stocks as machineguns is more properly described as interpretation based on new conditions not present when the statute was enacted. Agencies and even courts should be empowered to use the existing text to address new analogous circumstances within the scope of the policy determined by Congress.
Our Declaration of Independence says, “all men are created equal.” While that may be aspirational in some sense, still we know that the meaning of those words has become richer and more expansive over time. The words have not changed; the meaning of the words have changed. Can you imagine anyone arguing that we should continue slavery because those words did not mean it at the time they were uttered?
If we are slaves to the original public meaning of text, whether constitutional, legislative, or aspirational, we surrender a lot of what has made us human and Americans.
The FCC and Article III Courts depend on evidence that is provided by parties to a litigation. Sometimes there is a period of instability until a party provides persuasively correct comprehensible analysis. Consider the following definition from the US Code.
47 U.S. Code § 153 – Definitions (50) Telecommunications The term “telecommunications” means the transmission, between or among points specified by the user, of information of the user’s choosing, without change in the form or content of the information as sent and received.
No one seems to dispute that the circuit-switched voice telephone network provides telecommunications service even though form or content of the information may change several times as one user’s information is transported from his source handset to another user’s destination handset. The analog voice signal (information) at the source handset may differ from the analog voice signal (information) at the destination handset because some of the information of the source user may be lost. So how does the FCC or Appeals Court of the DC Circuit or the Supreme Court arrive at a correct authoritative interpretation of 47 U.S. Code § 153 – Definitions (50) Telecommunications? Sometimes litigation of several cases is required.
“For example, the DOJ/ATF expansion via interpretation to include bump stocks as machineguns is more properly described as interpretation based on new conditions not present when the statute was enacted.”
How is that? 26 USC 5845(b) specifically defines the term “machine gun” as “any weapon which shoots, is designed to shoot, or can be readily restored to shoot, automatically more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger.” The term also includes parts that would convert a semiautomatic rifle into a machine gun.
You’ll note that this definition has nothing to do with rate of fire, the dangerousness of the weapon or its use in mass shootings.
Up to the Las Vegas shooting, ATF had considered bump stocks not to be machine guns because they enable the user to pull the trigger more rapidly (i.e., the trigger functions multiple times) as opposed to enabling the gun to “shoot . . . automatically more than one shot . . . by a single function of the trigger.” The only new condition was that a bump stock was used in a mass shooting and the President thought it politically expedient to ban them.
Whether bump stocks should or should not be banned is a policy decision that requires a further act of Congress.
This is the fundamental problem with Chevron and Brand X. They allow agencies to override the policy decisions made by Congress.
The answer to the question you ask really boils down to who decides? The elected representatives or unelected bureaucrats.
In the case of the FCC and common carrier status, I’m not really sure what the big deal is as a matter of law. Because agency interpretation/regulation isn’t the same as what the courts do via stare decisis.
Sure, it’s bad for “business”, getting whipsawed like that. But if that classification is up to agency “discretion”, there’s nothing wrong with that. Of course, if it’s actually the case that the Telecommunications Act doesn’t grant the FCC such discretion, that act is “clear” (ha!) about what qualifies, then this is a problem of law that should be resolved by the courts (or Congress, 2X ha!) and not the agency.
I get that both sides have been dodging and weaving to avoid such a definitive judgment (wanting to pretend they are correctly interpreting law and not merely acting with discretion), and given the time for regulations to promulgate and be rescinded has made mounting a court case difficult. I’m just wondering how anyone is still alive, since I’ve been assured that millions would die with the elimination of net neutrality.
Many have been and remain concerned that discriminatory telecommunications service could be used to control information that is available to the public.
Thank God judicial interpretations aren't dependent on the partisan ebb and flow of presidential elections (says the current Court as it considers overruling the decision of a previous Court).