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Interesting Venue Clause Decision: Where Is a False Statement Crime "Committed"?
From yesterday's U.S. v. Fortenberry (9th Cir.), in a decision by Judge James Donato (N.D. Cal.) joined by Ninth Circuit Judges Gabriel P. Sanchez and Salvador Mendoza, Jr.:
Federal agents interviewed Jeffrey Fortenberry at his home in Lincoln, Nebraska, and his lawyer's office in Washington, D.C., in connection with an investigation into illegal campaign contributions made by a foreign national through conduit donors. At the time, Fortenberry was a member of the House of Representatives elected to multiple terms by voters in Nebraska's 1st congressional district. The federal agents were based in Los Angeles, California, where the illegal contribution activity was said to have occurred. At the end of the investigation, Fortenberry was charged with making false statements during the interviews in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001, but not with a violation of the federal election laws. He was tried and convicted by a federal jury in Los Angeles….
The Constitution plainly requires that a criminal defendant be tried in the place where the criminal conduct occurred. The district court determined, and the government urges on appeal, that a Section 1001 violation occurs not only where a false statement is made but also where it has an effect on a federal investigation. We conclude that an effects-based test for venue of a Section 1001 offense has no support in the Constitution, the text of the statute, or historical practice. Consequently, we reverse Fortenberry's conviction without prejudice to retrial in a proper venue….
"Aware of the unfairness and hardship to which trial in an environment alien to the accused exposes him," the Framers drafted the Venue Clause, which "mandates that the 'Trial of all Crimes … shall be held in the State where the … Crimes shall have been committed.'" This command is reinforced by the Vicinage Clause of the Sixth Amendment, which "guarantees 'the right to … an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.'"
Congress did not expressly designate the venue of a Section 1001 offense, and so the "locus delicti," the location of the crime, "must be determined from the nature of the crime alleged and the location of the act or acts constituting it." "To determine the nature of the crime, we look to the essential conduct elements of the offense."
Section 1001 of Title 18 imposes criminal liability on "whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of the executive, legislative, or judicial branch of the Government of the United States, knowingly and willfully … (1) falsifies, conceals, or covers up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact" or "(2) makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation." "A conviction under § 1001 requires the government to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant: 1) made a statement, 2) that was false, and 3) material, 4) with specific intent, 5) in a matter within the agency's jurisdiction."
The question of venue in this case is answered by determining which of these statutory elements is the essential conduct of a Section 1001 offense, and which is a "circumstance element" that is necessary for a conviction but not a factor in deciding the location of the offense for venue purposes. To illustrate, in a money laundering case, trial was proper where the laundering alleged in the indictment had occurred, but not where the criminal activity generating the illicit currency (i.e., the unlawful distribution of cocaine) had taken place, because the relevant statutes "interdict[ed] only the financial transactions … [and] not the anterior criminal conduct that yielded the funds allegedly laundered." United States v. Cabrales (1998). In other words, "[t]he existence of criminally generated proceeds was a circumstance element of the offense but the proscribed conduct—defendant's money laundering activity—occurred '"after the fact" of an offense begun and completed by others.'"In drawing this distinction between essential conduct elements and circumstance elements here, our reading of Section 1001 is guided, but not limited, by the principle that the verb or verbs used in a criminal statute have "value as an interpretive tool" to "determine the nature of the substantive offense."
The text of the statute plainly identifies the essential conduct of a Section 1001 offense to be the making of a false statement. As the Tenth Circuit has observed, Section 1001(a)(2) "does not contain a venue clause, nor is there any language suggesting any 'essential conduct element' other than making a false statement." It is the act of uttering a false statement that is the criminal behavior essential to liability under Section 1001.
The district court, citing United States v. Salinas (1st Cir. 2004), and United States v. Coplan (2d Cir. 2012), went a step further to hold that materiality was also an essential conduct element. It concluded that venue could properly include any "district in which the effects of the false statement [were] felt." This was because materiality, in the district court's view, necessarily depends on how a listener would perceive the utterance, wherever the listener might be located….
It is certainly true that Congress did not intend to criminalize trivial falsehoods under Section 1001, which the materiality requirement addresses. Materiality is a key element of the statutory definition of the crime that prosecutors must prove, with all the other elements, to obtain a conviction.
But the inquiry that determines venue is different. It turns on the action by the defendant that is essential to the offense, and where that specific action took place. Materiality is not conduct because it does not require anything to actually happen….
[T]he Tenth and Eleventh Circuits have reached the same result we reach here…. The logic of the circuit cases [holding the contrary] is questionable for all the reasons already discussed. The Second Circuit upheld venue in New York for false statements made in Tennessee because "[p]roving the materiality of [the defendant's] false statements in Tennessee necessarily requires evidence that those statements were conveyed to or had an effect on the IRS investigators working in the Southern District of New York." Why that is "necessarily" so is left unsaid, other than a passing remark to the effect that it just makes sense.
[T]he Fourth Circuit analogized Section 1001 to the Hobbs Act and obstruction-of-justice statutes to affirm a Section 1001 conviction in Maryland for false statements made in the District of Columbia. The court stated that, "just as Congress defined the effects of conduct in the Hobbs Act and 18 U.S.C. § 1503, it defined the effects in § 1001 to include the element of materiality," and that "proving materiality necessarily requires evidence of the existence of the federal investigation in Maryland and the potential effects of [the defendant's] statement on that investigation." The court determined that venue was proper because "the District of Maryland had a substantial connection to [the defendant's] conduct and to the charges based on that conduct against him."
This discussion is not persuasive. The analogy of Section 1001(a)(2) to the Hobbs Act or obstruction of justice is doubtful. For example, "in a prosecution under the Hobbs Act, venue is proper in any district where commerce is affected because the terms of the statute itself forbid affecting commerce in particular ways." In a similar vein, the obstruction of justice statute expressly prohibits "endeavors to influence, obstruct, or impede, the due administration of justice," and so venue might be proper in the jurisdiction where the affected judicial proceeding is being held.
To be sure, Section 1001, the Hobbs Act, and the obstruction statute contemplate that the proscribed conduct might have an effect on something else (a matter within the jurisdiction of the executive, legislative, or judicial branches; interstate commerce; the administration of justice). But that is where the similarities end. The Hobbs Act expressly forbids conduct affecting commerce in particular ways, and the obstruction statute conduct affecting court cases. Section 1001, by contrast, proscribes making materially false statements—not actually affecting or interfering with a federal agency's investigation through the making of the statements.
The likelihood of highly problematic venue outcomes is another reason to decline the government's effects test. Consider the facts here. An investigation was staffed by agents in California. In connection with the investigation, the agents traveled to Nebraska and Washington, D.C. to interview Fortenberry, who made false statements in those locations. The only connection between Fortenberry and the Central District of California, where he was tried and convicted, was that the agents worked in a Los Angeles office. What if the investigation had been conducted by federal agents in Los Angeles and Oklahoma? What if the government had transferred the investigation to agents in Massachusetts? What if an investigating agent simply moved from Los Angeles to Hawaii for personal reasons but maintained a lead role in prosecuting the case? What if the government chose to base every single Section 1001 investigation in Washington, D.C., where federal agencies are headquartered? The government's effect test would say that venue is proper in any one of those locations, irrespective of where the false statement was actually made. This would be an odd and troubling result for an offense that does not require an actual effect on the investigators.
This outlandish outcome cannot be squared with the Constitution. The Venue and Vicinage Clauses command that a trial be held where the crime was committed. This is not necessarily a boon to a defendant. Even though the "most convenient trial venue for a defendant would presumably be where he lives, the Venue Clause is keyed to the location of the alleged 'Crimes,'" and "does not allow variation for the convenience of the accused." But the clauses equally "preclude trial" in a locale where the crime did not occur….
The Venue and Vicinage Clauses may not be disregarded simply because it suits the convenience of federal prosecutors. The government emphasizes that (1) Fortenberry's fundraiser where the conduit contributions were made was held in Los Angeles, and (2) he knew when his counsel set up the meeting in Washington, D.C. that the investigation was being conducted by the U.S. Attorney's Office in the Central District of California. But the location of investigators in the Central District, or the presence there of witnesses to the campaign contribution events, do not speak to the locus delicti of Fortenberry's Section 1001 offenses.
So too of the fact that Fortenberry was aware, at the time of his interview in Washington, D.C., that his statements would be taken back to and analyzed by the U.S. Attorney's Office in the Central District of California. We are not at liberty to create a new temporal element for Section 1001—tied to defendant's awareness at the time the statement at issue was made—that is not evident in the plain text of the statute. Moreover, a complex case may involve investigators spread across several jurisdictions. To take again the Los Angeles and Oklahoma scenario, adding a temporal element would still have permitted Fortenberry to be tried in Oklahoma simply because an investigator based there happened to be sitting in Fortenberry's living room in Nebraska when he spoke to the agents….
Kannon K. Shanmugam argued the case for defendant.
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So, does the defendant get a rebate on the expenses, time, and damage to reputation from his previous trial?
No. This has been episode 43,762 in easy answers to silly questions.
Comment number xxxxx in the series "I don't know what rhetorical means".
Around here, it's hard to tell.
It's really not, you're just stupid/disingenuous.
That's the sort of high-quality commentary we look for around here.
It's you who doesn't understand words. A rhetorical question is raised to advance an argument.
It doesn't mean "a question you aren't supposed to answer." That's what we sometimes tell small children because we don't want to explain the concept of rhetoric. I guess you stopped learning early.
"The Constitution plainly requires that a criminal defendant be tried in the place where the criminal conduct occurred."
Ahh, the old "Zone of Death" (HT B. Kalt Georgetown Law Journal) always wondered why my partners wanted to take me hunting there.
Frank
A federal judges in the District of Wyoming was not receptive to the "Zone of Death" argument.
And the government made sure he pled away his right to appeal.
I wonder how they'd deal with it if they really had to.
I mean, "loophole, schmoophole" might work at the district court level, but I'd imagine if the issue got a more high-profile hearing there would have to be a better explanation.
The Judge's ruling is extremely shaky. Essentially "who can say what 'State' means in the Constitution, there's no case law that really defines it" and also "it would create a place where people couldn't be prosecuted, which we don't want." Neither is persuasive from a textual matter. It's presumed that the Constitution uses the word "State" to mean the same thing in all the cases it uses it. To say otherwise would cause chaos for Constitutional interpretation. The second argument is a biproduct of poor Congressional drafting but hardly an effort in statutory interpretation. I also would find it more persuasive if the crime occurred in the Idaho part of the district. According to the article, there are forty people that live in the Montana part of the district. Just drag all 40 people into court as your jury venire. It might be inconvenient, but it was hardly impossible in that case.
So remember, never, but never speak to the FBI without first consulting a competent attorney.
On a somewhat related topic. (Well not really.)
The US has a wiretap law, which forbids eavesdropping on phone conversations. But if one side agrees, the conversation can be recorded. This is known as the one-party consent rule.
Most states have similar laws, and are one-party consent rule jurisdictions.
A handful of states, including California, are two-part consent states, requiring both sides to consent. Otherwise, recording a call is a crime.
I recently came across a case which discussed an attorney in NY (a one-party consent state) who recorded a call with someone in New Hampshire (a two-party consent case). The decision assumed this was a crime, and blasted the attorney for criminal conduct.
I am dubious about that reasoning. If someone is engaged in an interstate call, using interstate wires, how can one state project its laws to another state? Especially when both federal law and the law of the other state permit the activity of recording the call?
I have not analyzed this in depth, but the assumption of that case feels wrong to me.
Your argument sounds reasonable to me, but IANAL.
It does make me wonder about Alice in New York shooting Bob across the border in New Jersey. Where was the crime committed? I imagine that's been hashed to death, but google just brings up that case of the US agent shooting someone across the border in Mexico.
Murder is a different crime from false statements. Part of the crime of murder, or any homicide, is causing the death of another human being. So I think venue could be in either state.
It would likely be a state prosecution, not a federal one, so the issues in this opinion would be different. But I think both NY and NJ could prosecute. In fact, one of the Supreme Court cases involving the separate sovereignty rule dealt with a murder that started in Alabama and ended in Georgia. Heath v. Alabama, 474 U.S. 82 (1985). https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/474/82/
Summary of the case:
Petitioner hired two men to kill his wife. In accordance with petitioner's plan, the men kidnaped petitioner's wife from her home in Alabama. Her body was later found on the side of a road in Georgia. Petitioner pleaded guilty to "malice" murder in a Georgia trial court in exchange for a sentence of life imprisonment. Subsequently, he was tried and convicted of murder during a kidnaping, and was sentenced to death in an Alabama trial court, which rejected his claim of double jeopardy. The Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals and the Alabama Supreme Court affirmed the conviction.
Held:
Under the dual sovereignty doctrine, successive prosecutions by two States for the same conduct are not barred by the Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment, and, hence, Alabama was not barred from trying petitioner.
Another example of lawyerly quibbling to rationalize whatever government wants. Any ordinary person would call that double jeopardy.
An "ordinary" person who only thinks about law in the moment and knee-jerks, perhaps. You, perhaps.
Multiple-sovereign prosecutions go back as long as history records. Even in the earliest days of our republic it was taken for granted that the states could separately prosecute crimes, because that's how it has always been done with separate sovereigns.
The Founders never even considered that this would be double jeopardy (indeed, they did not contemplate double jeopardy applying to the states at all). When 14A incorporated it to the states, it did so to each state, not to a collective. Each state is prohibited from placing defendants in double jeopardy, but "states as a whole" are not. That's because sovereignty, see?
Federal-state dual sovereignty prosecutions are a somewhat philosophically shaky (but well-established) practice, but multiple-state prosecutions are just how the law works and always has.
Check out the Monica Lewinsky Linda Tripp recordings. Same issue.
So they bring it in DC with a 100% chance of conviction because he is GOP. If he draws most judges there [especially Trump's judge], he'll get prison.
Pyrrhic victory.
Yes, but now that DoJ has destroyed his political career, it may not bother trying to prove something legitimately in court.
Rep. Fortenberry received a relatively mild sentence -- two years of probation, 320 hours of community service, and a $25,000 fine. If he is retried, convicted and sentenced to a harsher penalty, that sentence would presumptively violate Due Process. As SCOTUS opined in North Carolina v. Pearce, 395 U.S. 711, 726 (1969):
I suspect this case will eventually be resolved with a plea agreement.
Does Pearce apply if it's not the same Judge on retrial? I know that Chaffin v. Stynchcombe held that a harsher sentence on a new jury trial where the jury imposes sentence is permissible because the new jury has no stakes in the original verdict and appeal. I don't know if that applies to new Judges, though.
There was some speculation that charges against Trump in the classified documents case could be filed in D.C. to get a better jury. The Special Counsel decided to be cautious and file in Florida. The same principle would seem to apply. Although one might find statutory support for a trial in D.C., since the withheld documents had an effect there, constitutional support is lacking.
I lost my scorecard so I can't keep track of all of this but wasn't Smith slapped down for using a DC grand jury?
There was some talk about improper use of a grand jury in the Florida case, but as far as I know nothing came of it.
.
Not unless you count the deranged rantings of non-lawyer and child-molesting-apologist MAGA Julie Kelly on twitter as "slapping down." There was nothing wrongful about it.
It is not permitted to use a grand jury as a continuing discovery device after an indictment, but it is entirely permitted to use a grand jury to investigate other crimes (either by the same person or another person) after an indictment. Smith was doing the latter, this was fully disclosed, and was entirely legitimate.
I am not being contentious, but is that what he was doing and why did the matter come up before Judge Cannon?
It came up because Smith wanted Cannon to hold a hearing to determine whether one of the attorneys for one of Trump's co-defendants had a conflict of interest that would prevent him from representing said co-defendant. (This is a normal procedure, because the prosecution doesn't want a guilty verdict overturned later because the attorney had an unwaived or unwaivable conflict.) And the potential conflict had arisen because that attorney had also represented a witness against Trump and the co-defendant, who had testified at the DC grand jury.
Judge Loose Cannon raised the question on her own initiative, reportedly after a former Trump lawyer appearing on Fox News planted the seed. https://www.rawstory.com/trump-cannon-dots-connected/
"There was some speculation that charges against Trump in the classified documents case could be filed in D.C. to get a better jury. The Special Counsel decided to be cautious and file in Florida."
Jack Smith seems to be doing a good job of charging strategically so as to avoid issues extraneous to factual guilt or non-guilt. Charging the documents case in Florida is one such move. Indicting four inchoate offenses in D.C. without alleging that Donald Trump is himself principally responsible for the actions of the mob on January 6 is another.
This is another example of a bogus DoJ prosecution. It ended the career of a congressman. They claimed that he took an illegal contribution, but never charged him with that. They ruined his career for covering what might not have been a crime.
"Which office do I go to to get my reputation back?"
Reagan Secretary of Labor Ray Donovan .
Nothing new here when the target is a Republican.
See also Ted Stevens.
He's guilty! What reputation exactly?
The venue clause is in the constitution and he has the right to its protection, but we don't have to pretend he's not a crook. (Donovan, in contrast, was acquitted.)
If someone is declared guilty by a jury that is illegally put in charge of deciding the case, is the individual really guilty?
A person who commits an offense, without excuse or justification, is "really guilty." Whether or not a jury, lawfully or otherwise, ever says so.
(We're, after all, talking about his reputation here, not whether he can be imprisoned. A person who "gets off on a technicality" should have the same reputation as one who is convicted; one is not a better person because, say, the police failed to get a warrant before finding the dead bodies in one's basement.)
You claim that Fortenberry didn't have an excuse or justification?
But at the defense, his defense was that he had a faulty memory. Completely understandable, concerning a phone call that occurred 9 months beforehand, especially under the "beyond a reasonable doubt" standard.
Perhaps not understandable to an LA Jury if you put a GOP politician up there under any charges. But that's why prosecutors brought the case in LA.
Still, interesting you consider someone "really guilty" even without a jury's verdict.
A faulty memory is not an excuse or justification, it's just a denial. Excuse/justification are legal terms of art. For example: duress, or self-defense, or things of that nature: one admits one committed the crime but one says that one had a good reason. (In contrast, a faulty memory is saying that one didn't commit the crime at all, since one didn't knowingly lie. Which could be a defense, but it just poses a factual question for the jury. And "I forgot that my friend told me the money he raised for me was illegal" was, not surprisingly, not convincing to them. Especially since he did it twice; even if his "I was caught off guard by the FBI showing up at my home" claim were credible, he then arranged to meet with them with his lawyer and did it again.
Silly me, getting so confused, when you insist on using the legal terminology for "excuse" or "justification", but the decidedly non-legal terminology for "guilty" within the same sentence.
And not surprisingly, if you forget a conversation that you had on a phone 9 months ago....you still don't remember it when it's vaguely alluded to later. again. So, no, not surprising at all. Especially if you're using the beyond a reasonable doubt standard.
But we'll ask you as a lawyer. Can you remember a phone conversation that you had 9 months ago, "beyond a reasonable doubt"? With no notes taken on the conversation, just that one line from 9 months ago?
.
I can remember every conversation I've ever had where someone suggested I might have been involved in a felony.
David,
You may have been involved in a felony regarding illegal campaign donations with regards to RFK Jr.
We'll see if you remember this in 9 months.
It was a set-up all the way. They made the call so they could ask him about it in the interview. Since he correctly assumed the call was bogus, he didn't include it in his answer about illegal contributions.
He was not even charged with a real crime. Maybe he forgot to explain some innocuous event. That's all.
Well, actually, he lied to obstruct an investigation into criminal activity.
This is one of the many issues where it is more important that we have some definite answer than any particular answer. He will surely be re-tried where we now know he should have been.
Yes, lawfare at it's best. Bankrupt the defendant or use the threat of retrial to coerce him via a plea bargain.
So they shouldn't re-try him even though a jury (admittedly in the wrong venue) found him guilty?
I don't know the answer to that. Is the alleged crime worth a retrial?
It was worth trying in the first place. The prosecution won. The appeal concerned a matter unrelated to the merits of the case. Why wouldn't it be worth re-trying?
He resigned, DOJ's primary objective is satisfied.
Bob from Ohio is a big "law and order" proponent . . . unless the defendant is a Republican, racist, insurrectionist, misogynist, conservative, superstitious gay-basher, Islamophobe, immigrant-hating hillbilly, Federalist Society member, gun nut, or anti-abortion absolutist.
The statist's answer, since the government won it must have been good.
Hardly, but if they won the first time, why wouldn't they try again?
Good! Government can play games with the effect test to move to a jurisdiction more likely to convict rather than the one the defendant chose by choosing to be at that location. We have enough problems with forum shopping in civil cases, we don't need that in criminal cases.
The "effects" argument, based on the requirement of materiality, seems like a joke to me. Both Constitutional provisions expressly require venue in a place where the crime was "committed." If you make a false statement in Nebraska, the crime was "committed" in Nebraska. The fact that at trial the government has to prove materiality, and such proof might involve evidence from elsewhere, does not change where the crime was "committed."
Two circuits (1st and 2nd) seems to accept this silly argument. The 9th has now rejected it, as have the 10th and 11th Circuits. So this case may head to SCOTUS. Where I hope the justices laugh at the government's position.
Well, I suppose that would cover the case where a suspect lied in a phone call to an agent in another state.
Does the infraction accrue as the lie exits his mouth, or only after travelling through wires across states, and enters the agent's ear?
Interesting question, but that's not the facts of the case. He lied to agents in Nebraska. The lie was complete then. That they took the info. and shared it with other agents on the case who were in LA, or in Guam, makes no difference.
The part of the statute he was convicted under makes it a crime to "makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation."
Statements or representations are made to people, not to oneself. If I talk to myself in the mirror, that is not a "statement or representation." So if he were talking to an agent over the phone with the agent in LA, then it would seem to be covered.
Of course, the other question is, whether the supposed lie was material to the investigation.
Since the FBI already knew about the call, and the entire details (since they set up the call and recorded the entire thing), one can argue the supposed lie wasn't material to the investigation. It wasn't going to change the FBI's decisions.
One cannot in fact make that argument, unless perhaps one wants to get sanctioned. That argument has been squarely rejected by every single court to consider it. It's not what material means in the statute.
But in fact, that argument was directly made by Fortenberry's lawyers, and they were not sanctioned for such arguments.
https://nebraskaexaminer.com/briefs/fortenberry-files-notice-of-appeal-and-claims-false-statements-statutes-too-easily-abused/
Remind us, are you also an Armchair Lawyer?
Courts are very reluctant to sanction criminal defense lawyers for making frivolous arguments. But it is frivolous, since — I reiterate — the argument has been rejected by every court to consider it.
Fortenberry's appellate brief does not actually make the argument that it wasn't material because they already knew it was false. Fortenberry's argument was that the jury instruction was too broad because it theoretically might have allowed the jury to conclude that every lie to a federal official was automatically material because the official might investigate that lie.
(That's true, as far as it goes: every lie is not material. For example, if the FBI met with Fortenberry to ask about campaign contributions and he falsely said, "I had waffles for breakfast," that would not be material just because the FBI agent decided to look into his food choices. But that has nothing to do with the jury instruction as given, which was the standard jury instruction on materiality.)
I should say that in addition to being legally frivolous, it's also factually so. The fact that they already knew he was lying in no way suggests it couldn't change the FBI's decisions.
They knew the illegal contributions had been made. What they didn't know was whether Fortenberry was just the fortunate beneficiary of these crimes or a willing participant in them. Determining what someone knew at a time in the past is often very difficult. (Sometimes they get lucky and there's an email trail that proves knowledge. But often not.) So they had their informant call Fortenberry up and tell him about the crime, and then they interviewed him about it. Not to learn what had been said in the call — as you say, they knew that already — but instead to learn how Fortenberry would react to it. If he told the truth about the call, the investigation could go one way. If he lied about the call, the investigation could go in a different direction entirely.
Try him again. Less leniency in sentencing might be appropriate if he is convicted again.
It appears this man's studies for a master's degree (theology, Franciscan) didn't impart much of a lesson concerning lying; right and wrong; or citizenship.
Yes, retaliation against a defendant for appealing and winning is a great idea.
Kirkland Law.
No retaliation.
If he was tried in the wrong venue he should be retried.
The penalty imposed after the first conviction seems inexplicably lenient.
Justice Alito wrote an opinion last year making it clear that dismissals for improper venue can be retried without any Double Jeopardy concerns (the Court even opined beyond situations where a person was charged in the wrong jurisdiction to hold that even failure to prove jurisdiction in a case where it was the correct jurisdiction would not bar retrial in that same jurisdiction). Given that, a retrial isn't really retaliation so much as fixing the error.
The retrial isn't retaliation. But Kirkland trollingly suggested that imposing a harsher sentence should be considered, and that would be.
Gotcha. That's at least plausible under North Carolina v. Pearce, although I'm curious if there's case law about whether the presumption of vindictiveness applies if it's a different Judge in a different jurisdiction.
BTW, this is an example of a decision where the final judgment rule results in great inefficiency. The whole trial in LA was a waste.
Given that there was (and is) a serious Circuit split on the issue, I would think the district judge should have certified the question for immediate appeal.
Lawfare...the DOJ will keep trying. Surprising that they lost in the 9th Circuit, but sometimes even liberal judges have enough of the DOJ's antics.
If this keeps up, the DOJ will lose all credibility for anyone who is not fully onboard with the Ruling Party and their belief in critical legal theory (and its ofshoots).
Would that the DOJ investigate the big blue foreign donations like Arabella Advisors and its progeny. But no; the DOJ will never give that group a serious look.
How is it that the US government is able to criminally prosecutes those whose "crimes" occurs outside the US?
The venue clause states:
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
So if committed abroad, Congress has the power to specify the place.
Note that Article I grants Congress the power "To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations;"
So it clearly was contemplated that some crimes would be committed outside the US and punished in federal courts.
What would be the proper venue if an FBI agent interviewed a target outside the USA, not in an Embassy or other US govt owned building, and told a lie? Would the venue be the country where the lie was uttered?
Per 18 U.S.C. § 3238:
There would be no "proper venue" as there would be no crime against the United States in such a case. An FBI agent on vacation in the streets of Paris, for example, has no legal authority. He can't arrest someone, even if he knows that person is wanted in the U.S. (Absent some sort of international agreement, of course). There is a strong presumption that the laws of the United States do not apply extraterritorially - that is, in places where the U.S. has no sovereign authority - unless Congress has specifically stated so, or if the implication is unmistakable. The federal law that makes it a crime to kill the President, for example, explicitly says it applies extraterritorially.
Article III says that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.” Congress’s current direction is 18 U.S.C. § 3238: