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D.C. Circuit Rejects Oil Company Attempt to Remove District's Climate Suit to Federal Court
Yet another federal circuit court of appeals rejects energy company removal claims.
Today, in District of Columbia v. Exxon Mobil Corp., a unanimous panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit rejected an attempt by oil company defendants to have a "greenwashing" lawsuit against them removed to federal court. Rejecting the oil companies' argument that the climate change-related claims should be heard in federal court, the D.C. Circuit instead concluded that the District of Columbia's district-law-based claims against oil companies could remain in district court where they were filed.
The unanimous opinion, written by Judge Neomi Rao, is quite clear and direct. It was joined by Judges Greg Katsas and Florence Pan. Here is how it summarizes the decision:
The District of Columbia sued several energy companies in the Superior Court of the District of Columbia, alleging the companies violated District law by making material misstatements about their products' effects on climate change. The defendants removed the case to the federal district court, which determined it lacked jurisdiction and remanded.
We agree that remand was proper. Under the time honored well-pleaded complaint rule, it is the cause of action chosen by the plaintiff that governs whether a lawsuit may be filed in federal court. Here, the District did not invoke a federal cause of action but relied instead on the District of Columbia's consumer protection statute. The companies raise what amount to federal defenses, but that is not enough to establish federal jurisdiction over the District's claims.
The opinion makes clear that this is not a particularly close question, and aligns with that of every other federal circuit court to consider the question. The panel that heard the claim was about as favorable for the oil companies as they could have hoped for, and their claims still still went nowhere. The ruling further supports the arguments I made in my post last week explaining why these cases are not cert-worthy.
The District's lawsuit alleges that oil companies engaged in "greenwashing" by downplaying the contribution their products make to global climate change, leading consumers to purchase and consume more fossil fuels than they would have otherwise. I find this claim somewhat implausible, but that is irrelevant to the legal question at hand in this case, which is whether the District's claims necessarily raise federal questions and are preempted by federal common law. Yet as Judge Rao's opinion explains, these arguments do not work.
That oil companies would like to claim that the District cannot pursue climate change-related claims in the District's courts because such claims are preempted by the federal common law of interstate nuisance. The problem is that the federal common law governing interstate pollution has been completely displaced by federal environmental statutes, while state common law has not been, even when applied to interstate pollution. Thus, not only could the District's claims not have been pleaded as a federal common law action, there is no complete preemption to justify removal of these claims.
From Judge Rao's opinion for the court:
Although they recognize the Clean Air Act has displaced the federal common law of interstate air pollution, they maintain that this fact is irrelevant to the jurisdictional question of whether removal is proper. They contend that state law suits about interstate emissions are barred by federal common law as a jurisdictional matter, and therefore that the District's complaint must be understood as bringing a federal common law action. The jurisdictional question, they insist, is distinct from the merits determination of whether there is a remedy under federal common law.
The Companies' argument is foreclosed by the doctrinal underpinnings of federal common law and by numerous Supreme Court decisions. We can find no support for the suggestion that federal common law has the Schrödinger quality advanced by the Companies—where one does not know if it is alive or dead until the case is removed to federal court. The Court has repeatedly emphasized that when Congress "speak[s] directly to a question," that legislation displaces federal common law. Mobil Oil Corp. v. Higginbotham, 436 U.S. 618, 625 (1978). . . .
In the Clean Air Act, Congress displaced federal common law through comprehensive regulation, but it did not completely preempt state law, nor did it provide an independent basis for removal, as it has done in many other statutes. See, e.g., 28 U.S.C. §§ 1442, 1452, 1453 (allowing removal of suits against federal officers, claims related to bankruptcy, and class-action suits). It would be inconsistent with Congress's directives and the Supreme Court's decision in American Electric for this court to conclude that federal common law persists solely for the purpose of removing the District's CPPA claims to federal court.
When Congress legislates to displace federal common law, the statute governs the extent to which state law is preempted. Milwaukee II, 451 U.S. at 312–13 (explaining "[t]he enactment of a federal rule in an area of national concern, and the decision whether to displace state law in doing so, is generally made not by the federal judiciary, purposefully insulated from democratic pressures, but by the people through their elected representatives in Congress") (emphasis added). For example, the Supreme Court concluded that the Clean Water Act displaced the federal common law of interstate water pollution. See id. at 317. The Court later considered whether state common law pollution actions were preempted. In doing so, the Court assessed the question of preemption entirely as a matter of statutory interpretation, stating that the relevant question was "whether the [Clean Water] Act pre-empts [state] common law to the extent that [common] law may impose liability." Int'l Paper Co. v. Ouellette, 479 U.S. 481, 491 (1987). The Court repeatedly emphasized Congress's directives in the statute, rather than the preemptive effect of (any residual) federal common law. See id. at 491–500. And while the Court held the particular state-law claim at issue was preempted under the Clean Water Act, it held that other state-law claims were not. Id. at 497.
Ouellette is directly analogous to the question before us, and the Supreme Court has explicitly signaled that courts should apply the Ouellette reasoning to state-law claims involving interstate air pollution. In American Electric, after holding the Clean Air Act displaces the federal common law of interstate air pollution, the Court stated that "the availability vel non of a state lawsuit depends, inter alia, on the preemptive effect of the federal Act." 564 U.S. at 429 (citing Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 489, 491, 497). Whether the District's suit may go forward thus depends on the preemptive effect of the Clean Air Act, not on the preemptive effect of federal common law.
The Companies' argument—that the District's state-law claims implicating interstate air pollution arise under federal common law even following the Clean Air Act—simply cannot be squared with American Electric or Ouellette. Under the pollution would remain barred by federal common law. Yet Ouellette explicitly concluded that some state-law claims could proceed despite the Clean Water Act, confirming that the federal common law of interstate pollution was no longer a jurisdictional bar to state-law pollution claims. Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 497.
The panel also joined the other federal circuit courts to consider this question in rejecting other potential bases for removal, including the federal officer removal statute and the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act.
As I have noted in prior posts, there are reasons to question some of the premises underlying these lawsuits, and there are strong policy arguments from addressing the issues raised in the district's suit at the federal level, and not in state court, but those are policy arguments that should be addressed to Congress, and not to federal courts.
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" . . . making material misstatements about their products' effects on climate change."
Does DC explain exactly how to "quantify" the theoretical effects of weather?
Is it a misstatement to point out that not a single model of these "effects" has been accurate in over half a century?
Here's a crazy idea: you could read the decision and understand the claims being made instead of just vomiting out your knee-jerk partisan reaction to anything related to climate change.
If so you would find that the claims here relate to the companies pretending their products were "green" and misleading consumers, not to any actual harms caused by climate change. Moreover, you'd realize that it doesn't matter whether they could theoretically make an argument about the accuracy of climate models because they didn't actually do so and it's not part of the dispute here.
I hope you're as literal and harsh when you complain about climate catastrophists lies and political lies. Otherwise you'd be a hypocrite.
If your point is that some people on the left also spout out their talking points without trying to figure out if they relate to the topic at hand, I certainly agree with you. I'm not actually sure how that relates to what you actually wrote, though, so I'm struggling to actually figure out your point.
What a bullshit attempt to change the subject to stan for
a crank like longtobefree.
You're sulking!
Any time I can get both of you last two whimpering, that's a good comment.
Ya got schooled ya simp.
"green" is a color and has zero legal meaning other than being a color.
Utterly straightforward.
No notes.
(I shouldn't be surprised at such a routine decision, but given the 5th, I guess I am a little shocked at such small things as, "Following the law.")
The best thing Exxon Mobile, and other similarly situated energy companies should do is quit supplying their obviously defective and dangerous products to the District. That is at least until the District settles the suit with them, and makes it clear their legal and essential business is welcome in the district.
But I don't think Exxon should be too aggressive in their settlement terms, maybe just require their legal fees are paid, since the any settlement will be tax payer funds.
Oil, diesel, gasoline, and natural gas.
This is, of course, fucking nuts.
Holding an American jurisdiction hostage because they're countenancing a lawsuit you don't like?
How out there do you have to be to think that would be a good move?
Hostage? Exxon would be doing what they want. Since when is it immoral to do what the wise government wants?
Exxon is the government? Or just our rightful overlords?
Well, I'm confused. I would think 'don't operate in places where litigation costs will exceed your profits' seems like Business 101.
If some state sues Jack Daniels on the theory that JD is selling an unsafe product because of drunk driving deaths, stopping sales in that state seems reasonable.
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Which leads to something I'd love to hear commentary on from the lawyers here: your company is selling something that is generally legal and in demand, but one state objects. Maybe a state with a lot of vegans objects to beef, or California objects to guns, or some Bible Belt state objects to booze, or ?Pennsylvania? objects to Tommy Chong bongs. Fine, you're just careful to not sell in that state. But here, IIUC, D.C. is objecting to pollution - CO2, I think?? - even if emitted in other states.
Isn't that like Alabama going after Jack Daniels because JD sold whiskey in Kentucky, but someone took a bottle across state lines and drove drunk in Alabama?
I can see a counterexample: a downstream state objects to an upstream state dumping toxins in the river right by the border. But I'm not sure how to distinguish that from California objecting to cows in other states.
It just doesn't seem feasible to have 50 states trying to force compliance with their potentially different preferences across state lines.
Absaroka 2 hours ago
Well, I’m confused. I would think ‘don’t operate in places where litigation costs will exceed your profits’ seems like Business 101"
Absaroka - its very simple - the anti - fossil fuel advocates want the benefits, the higher standard of living, the longer life spans, etc that fossil fuels provide.
Only without the wholesale suffering and destruction fossil fuels are bringing.
You think litigation costs will exceed their profits?! Have you heard of Exxon's profits?
This is not a lawsuit about pollution. It is about lying.
"This is not a lawsuit about pollution. It is about lying."
Yes, and??
Kansas sues Philip Morris saying P-M lied about the risks of smoking (analysis True!). P-M stops selling cigarettes in Kansas. You seem to think that this is immoral or something; I don't get that.
I shouldn't be able to make you buy my stuff, and I shouldn't be able to make you sell me your stuff.
I hope all those various tax-payer-funded subsidies vanish too.
They allege they lied about the effect of gasoline emissions which some try to call "carbon pollution".
Plus Exxon makes 9 cents a gallon profit, while the local DC gas tax is 33 cents, more than 3x Exxon's profits, and that doesn't count the federal 18 cents a gallon.
Countenancing?
Exxon is REQUIRED to provide a service to DC?
What case law DEMANDS it?
If a district openly does not want your product, then humor them and don't provide it. Maybe other companies will follow suit.
Praying for the oil oligarchs to flex their muscle and show us all who's boss.
Get back to us when you stop using their products .
Not only will I do that I will get back to you about every step of the way in reducing the global dependency so that everybody can stop using their products and maybe not render the planet significantly less habitable.
Well, I am quite confused. DC is suing Exxon because they are selling a product that is destroying the planet, and supposedly lied about what they knew and when.
DC "knows" Exxon is destroying the planet but just wants a payoff, but they don't want to quit using the planet destroying product that Exxon sells?
I just think Exxon, and other energy companies should make DC walk the walk, if they want to talk the talk.
But maybe alternatively maybe Exxon can just calculate what the 10 year cost would be if DC wins its suit then add it to the costs of the products it sells in DC, that would be tantamount to withdrawing its products from DC.
If DC actually believes what the lawsuit claims, aren't they complicit?
You don't even know what this lawsuit is about, do you? You're just strawmaning towards some kinda corporate run utopia?
Adler is wrong?
"The District's lawsuit alleges that oil companies engaged in "greenwashing" by downplaying the contribution their products make to global climate change, leading consumers to purchase and consume more fossil fuels than they would have otherwise."
Which of course is ridiculous.
Then D.C. can replace all their vehicles with fission-powered engines.
As opposed to the government run utopia this lawsuit is in pursuit of?
It's weird how small--government libertarian types get selectively confused about citizens caught between corporate and government power when it suits them.
Maybe the government could withdraw all subisidies and supports and preferential treatment and shut their doors to oil-company lobbyists if oil companies really felt that way. It'd be a hard shift, but that's what you get for ignoring what's been obviously coming down the tracks since the eighties.
Well theoretically they are the government.
After all "Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard."
May I ask whether the analysis differs given that the District is a federal instrumentality rather than a sovereign state? Can the District have a statute that violates federal common law? Does the Home Rule Act have the same effect as the Colonial Laws Validity Act that was passed so that laws in the Australian colonies did not have to adhere to English common law?