The Volokh Conspiracy
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S. Ct. Decides: "True Threats" Exception Requires Showing that Speaker Was "Reckless," i.e.,
"consciously disregarded a substantial risk that his communications would be viewed as threatening violence."
The Supreme Court has long recognized that "true threats" of illegal conduct are excluded from First Amendment protection. But what mental state does the government have to show to prove that something is a true threat?
- Is it enough to show that a reasonable person would have recognized it as threatening (a mental state generally labeled "negligence")?
- Does the government have to show that the speaker recognized it was quite likely to be perceived as threatening, and ignored that risk (generally called "recklessness")?
- Does the government have to show that the speaker knew it was nearly certain to be perceived as threatening (generally called "knowledge")?
- Does the government have to show that the speaker specifically had the aim of making people feel threatened (generally called "purpose")?
Oddly enough, the Court has never resolved this question, though such "mens rea" elements are key parts of many other First Amendment tests:
- recklessness or knowledge, for instance, is required for speech about public officials or public figures to be unprotected libel;
- negligence is required for speech about private figures to be unprotected libel;
- purpose is required for speech advocating imminent and likely conduct to be incitement;
- and so on.
(I oversimplify here slightly.) In 2015, people anticipated that the Court would consider the question in Elonis v. U.S., but the Court interpreted the federal threats statute in a way that made it unnecessary to consider the question.
Today, the Court resolved the question in Counterman v. Colorado (where our own John Elwood represented Counterman). Justice Kagan, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Alito, Kavanaugh, and Jackson, held that a showing of recklessness was necessary and sufficient:
[T]he First Amendment … requires proof that the defendant had some subjective understanding of the threatening nature of his statements …[,] but that a mental state of recklessness is sufficient. The State must show that the defendant consciously disregarded a substantial risk that his communications would be viewed as threatening violence. The State need not prove any more demanding form of subjective intent to threaten another.
Note that this is recklessness in the sense of consciously disregarding a risk, not just gross negligence (which is sometimes colloquially labeled "recklessness"), which can be present even without any consciousness of the risk. The majority's opinion will likely apply to civil liability for threats as well as criminal liability, and also for civil restraining orders against threats (which are entered in a civil lawsuit but which can lead to criminal punishment if they are violated). As a general matter (to oversimplify slightly), the First Amendment rules are much the same in criminal and civil cases based on speech.
Justice Sotomayor concurred in part and concurred in the judgment. She concluded that recklessness was enough in cases of stalking, in the form of "a combination of threatening statements and repeated, unwanted, direct contact." (These were the charges against Counterman in this case). As to prosecutions based simply on individual threatening statements, she reasoned:
[I would leave] for another day the question of the specific mens rea required to prosecute true threats generally. If that question is reached, however, the answer is that true threats encompass a narrow band of intentional threats. Especially in a climate of intense polarization, it is dangerous to allow criminal prosecutions for heated words based solely on an amorphous recklessness standard.
By "intent," it appears that she means a showing of purpose or knowledge should suffice for liability, but not a showing of recklessness. Justice Gorsuch joined the parts of Justice Sotomayor's opinion related to stalking, to leaving the recklessness-or-something-more question for later, and to rejecting a mere negligence standard; he doesn't join her endorsement of requiring purpose or knowledge.
Justice Barrett, joined by Justice Thomas, would have opted for what is basically a negligence standard (again, oversimplifying slightly).
The opinions also say more about other free speech doctrines, in the process of offering analogies and distinctions; I hope to put up separate blog posts about those items in the next several days.
Disclosure: Profs. Evelyn Douek (Stanford) and Genevieve Lakier (Chicago) and I filed an amicus brief that urged the court to treat the case as being about stalking (here at least hundreds of unwanted direct messages to the victim) rather than being about threats generally. Our position was therefore similar to the one Justices Sotomayor and Gorsuch took on this question, and indeed the concurring opinion cites the brief.
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This is obviously a question that needed some definite answer more than it needed any particular answer, and this answer seems as good as any. I just don't see that the contending Justices are really doing anything more than picking one more or less arbitrarily. If the statute had contained some, indeed any, clearly-defined mens rea requirement, would there really be a Constitutional basis for picking a different one? If so, why?
So where does that come down on posting the home address of a person alongside instructions on how to build a pipe bomb? Does it matter if they're actually two separate posts that are only coincidentally temporally adjacent?
Ask the jury.
Does the jury change it's mind based on whether or not it's a SCOTUS judge's house? Do the police that are decided whether or not to act on the threat?
Nice job on getting cited!
I like the idea of a law that for each time someone sends more than X messages - say, X = 10, after a previous handle was blocked and the snder was told by the recipient not to contact them, the recipient can send round one person to beat the crap out of the sender.
In a civilized society, we're responsible for our words and actions. I can debate, criticize, castigate, demonstrate, and agitate all within the bounds of the First Amendment. Once I threaten, however, I've stepped out of bounds. With due respect to Justice Sotomayor, there's a discernable difference between "heated words" and a threat - regardless of mens rea.
Threats are expressions of intent to inflict some harm to someone or someone's something. Any threat, once communicated, is an expression of intent to inflict harm - which in and of itself is reckless.
What I find troublesome is that a standard which simply disallowed publication of threats, determined textually, would be easier to understand and enforce than one which relies on parsing a lawyerly technical definition of recklessness which does not even come close to matching the common-usage definition.
Why do that? The only possible answer is, "To avoid chilling constitutionally protected speech." What chilling is contemplated? Only the publication of textually definable threats. If the argument thus becomes that some threats against specific identifiable persons are constitutionally protected speech, will we not need an almost impossible educational program to bring would-be threateners up to speed, or instead, judicial willingness to let them go over the line without consequence?
This decision strikes me as both unworkable and unwise.
I'm not satisfied with any of the theories on offer in the opinions, but I'm not sure it will matter much in practice. I suspect that whenever we have some text that any damn fool would see as a true threat a jury will find whatever mens rea the judge tells it that it needs to find.
I propose, in all seriousness, that the recent “pride” marchers chanting “We’re coming for your children!” is a true threat. Would that get anywhere?
I wholly agree this case was really not the Best Case for the US Supreme Ct. to write an Opinion about, however anything that expands free speech rights in an age where literally anything can be construed as harassing even when not "directly" communicated to the alleged Victim is giving Prosecutors a blank check for overzealous prosecutions. Now the question is how will the States apply this US Supreme Ct. ruling, particularly how and when will California legislature adopt this reasoning for their Stalking Statue Penal Code 646.9.
Consider two possibilities:
1. Guy in a bar talking to the bartender, "He makes me so mad I wish someone would kill him."
2. Guy publishes world-wide, "He makes me so mad I wish someone would kill him."
Is either of those more reckless than the other?
It strikes me again that too much legal thinking on threats is predicated on a notion that the internet is just commonplace person-to-person speech—maybe because legal thinkers suppose that's how ordinary folks think of the internet—when in fact the internet is often used as a publishing medium. Time and again I hear lawyers insist there is no legal difference between speech freedom and press freedom, as a first step toward treating all expressive conduct as speech freedom, even when that is expressive conduct being published world-wide. Thinking that way is unwise.