The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Justice Thomas's Dissent in Health and Hospital Corp. of Marion County v. Talevski
A thorough originalist analysis of the "so-called Spending Clause" that casts Thiboutout in doubt.
Today, I'm sure most Supreme Court watchers are cracking Allen v. Milligan or downing Jack Daniel's v. VIP. Fair enough. But the most significant writing to emanate from the Court today was Justice Thomas's dissent in Health and Hospital Corporation of Marion County v. Talevski. The facts are, well, boring: can a citizen sue a county-owned nursing home under 42 U.S.C. §1983 for violating the Federal Nursing Home Reform Act. Section 1983 provides a cause of action when a state actor deprives a person of "any rights . . . secured by the Constitution and laws." FNHRA is spending legislation, in which the federal government offers money to the states with certain conditions. Is FNHRA a "law" for purposes of Section 1983?
Eight members of the Court found that the FNHRA was a "law" for purposes of Section. Justice Gorsuch wrote a brief concurrence that questioned "whether legal rights provided for in spending power legislation like the [FNHRA] are 'secured' as against States." Gorsuch also questioned the relationship between such spending legislation and the Constitution's anti-commandeering doctrine. But Gorsuch found that the Petitioners "failed to develop fully" those arguments.
Justice Thomas, however, wrote a thirty-five page dissent that thoroughly addressed both issues. Here is Thomas's introduction, which sketches the argument:
Section 1983 provides a cause of action to redress only "the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws."But legislation enacted pursuant to Congress' spending power, like FNHRA, does not "secure" rights by "law."
For nearly all of our Nation's history, it was understood that there is a fundamental difference between the exercise of Congress' sovereign legislative powers, on the one hand, and the exercise of its power to spend money and to attach conditions to the receipt of that money, on the other. Only the former sort of legislation, which imposes obligations on regulated parties with the force of law, directly secures by law the rights corresponding to those obligations. By contrast, an exercise of Congress' spending power, whether it comes from the so-called Spending Clause or elsewhere in the Constitution, is no more than a disposition of funds. As such, a conditional exercise of the spending power is nothing more than a contractual offer; any "rights" that may flow from that offer are "secured" only by the offeree's acceptance and implementation, not federal law itself.
Since Maine v. Thiboutot, 448 U. S. 1 (1980), however, this Court has ignored that fundamental distinction, permitting third parties who benefit from spending conditions to enforce them in §1983 suits against state actors. In doing so, it has created a constitutional quandary: If spending conditions that benefit third parties are laws and secure rights in the same manner as ordinary lawmaking underCongress' sovereign legislative powers, then such conditions would contradict the bedrock constitutional prohibition against federal commandeering of the States. We escape this quandary only by recognizing spending conditions, not as rights-securing laws, but as the terms of possible contracts that secure rights only by virtue of an offeree's acceptance—the very conclusion compelled by the traditional understanding of the spending power. The choice between these alternatives is stark and unavoidable: Either spending conditions in statutes like FNHRA are not laws that secure rights cognizable under §1983, or they are unconstitutional direct regulations of States. The Court must, at some point, revisit its understanding of the spending power and its relation to §1983.
The dissent provides a careful analysis of the so-called Spending Clause from the Constitutional Convention, through the debates over the first Bank of the United States with Hamilton and Jefferson, through the vetoes by Presidents Madison and Monroe, through the Progressive Era, through the New Deal, and into the modern era. The opinion in scholarly, thorough, and persuasive. In addition to providing a torrent of primary sources, Justice Thomas cites scholarship by Robert Natelson, Phillip Hamburger, David Engdahl, Gary Lawson, and other prominent originalists. If you want to understand the genesis of the spending power, read Thomas's dissent.
This dissent reminds us, for the umpteenth time, that Justice Thomas is playing in a league of his own. The other Justices try their level best to apply longstanding doctrine to complicated cases. But Justice Thomas, at every opportunity, starts from first principles, and urges us to reconsider everything. And these opinions will ripple out for years to come.
Going forward, I am confident state actors will take note of Justice Thomas's dissent, and challenge whether Section 1983 provides a cause of action for violation of spending legislation. Thomas explains:
The line from Mellon and Butler, to Thiboutot, to this case amounts to a constitutional bait and switch that cannot continue to be glossed over or ignored. In holding that spending conditions are not merely contractual, but can directly impose obligations on the States with the force of federal law, the Court unravels the very rationale for their constitutionality. Either conditions in statutes enacted under the spending power are in the nature of contract terms and do not secure rights by federal law, or they are unconstitutional because they exceed the spending power and illicitly commandeer the States. The consequence of the majority's rejection of the contractual understanding is not that spending conditions are enforceable under §1983. Rather, it is that they are unconstitutional. It is well past time for this Court to re-examine Thiboutot and the nature of Congress' spending power.
Justice Brennan's decision in Maine v. Thiboutot (1980), which "discard[ed] nearly two centuries of settled spending-power doctrine," should not be long for this world.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Any mainstreamers, or even just a non-clinger or two?
The only thing you can be sure about with respect to a lone-wolf dissent from Justice Thomas is that Harlan Crow agrees with it.
I think Justice Thomas’ argument is more serious than that. After all, Maine v. Thiboutot got 3 dissenters in a perood when the court was far more liberal than it is today. It could hardly be called a fringe arguement even then.
Justice Thomas’ basic arguments is that rights secured by law have to be rights actually uniformly applicable, by law, throughout the United States. But in Justice Thomas’ view spending clause individual rights are no such thing. They apply only when states voluntarily agree to accept Uncle Sam’s money. They are accordingly secured, not by law, but solely by the state’s acceptance of a contract, and only in states that choose to accept the contract.
How many justices joined The Thomas dissent? Did even one of his fellow right-wingers agree with him?
Well, thinking from first principles myself, I might say that it's a bit of an upward slog to argue that a Reconstruction-era law directed to the state governments of the South didn't implicitly balance federal largesse with the acceptance of federal social principles.
Mr. D.
"But Justice Thomas, at every opportunity, starts from first principles, and urges us to reconsider everything."
Like the human garbage who wrote the above quote, Thomas starts from the ends and tries to justify his means.
That's a bingo!
This dissent reminds us, for the umpteenth time, that Justice Thomas is playing in a league of his own. The other Justices try their level best to apply longstanding doctrine to complicated cases. But Justice Thomas, at every opportunity, starts from first principles, and urges us to reconsider everything. And these opinions will ripple out for years to come.
The Court is an institution in our republic. Blackman has an extraordinarily unflattering take on Thomas’ jurisprudence, implying he doesn’t function in that capacity.
Refusing to give any credence to anyone but yourself is like playing in a league of your own because you can’t stop making up your idiosyncratic takes on the rules and so can’t function anywhere but by yourself.
First, Thomas dissents haven’t rippled much. And they won’t -dude’s pretty out there. But I hope it’s not because he thinks he’s better than everyone else on the Court, before or since.
The first sentence of Justice Thomas' obituary will mention his Supreme Court service, his ethical failures, and the reforms deriving from those failures.
The second paragraph will describe his contrarian nature, his defeat in the culture war, and perhaps his role in precipitating enlargement of the Court.
A more accurate way to put it is that Justice Thomas is off playing a game of his own. The rest of the justices are trying to do law, but Thomas is wandering around elsewhere pontificating about irrelevant stuff.
the most significant writing to emanate from the Court today was Justice Thomas's dissent in Health and Hospital Corporation of Marion County v. Talevski.
That's one way to describe Justice Thomas doing one of his solo-dissents where he goes off inventing doctrines that stand no chance of being adopted by the majority of the Court ever. Not a correct way, mind. But a way.
Particularly strange that this post ends with a prediction that "Maine v. Thiboutot ... should not be long for this world."
My read of the opinions is that Gorsuch is the only possible second vote for overturning it. Barrett's opinion (joined by Roberts) explicitly reaffirms Maine v. Thiboutot as "good law", and the 7-justice majority opinion implicitly does.
Thomas playing the long game...
In 1994, Prof. Engdahl suggested that now that Justices Brennan and Marshall, etc., were off the court, a “head count … should be enough to induce doubt that Thiboutot’s novel construction of section 1983 can long survive.” https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3258&context=dlj (at 107). 29 years later, Prof. Blackman is “confident [that] state actors will take note of Justice Thomas’s dissent, and challenge whether Section 1983 provides a cause of action for violation of spending legislation.” But Talevski has just reaffirmed Thiboutot. State actors who now argue a la Prof. Blackman that a court should overrule Thiboutot are setting themselves up for Rule 11 sanctions. Fortunately for the poster, Rule 11 doesn’t apply to posts like this one.
I’m always happy to see that Justice Thomas has written a dissent.
His long, disaffected dissents rejected even by the Court’s other right-wingers are the best ones. And, apparently, Josh Blackman’s favorites.
Is anyone familiar with the timing of law school faculty moves? When are we to learn whether this is the year of Josh Blackman’s move to a faculty that is in, say, the top 120!
It would be strange to scour the building and take out all those tons of documents to the shredders, as Thomas wants to do, yet leave behind that little scrap that says "Loving v. Virginia".
Are we sure he doesn't want the cover of an overruling of Loving?
Regardless of whether you agree or not, a single Justice dissent in an 8-1 decision is definitely not the most significant writing. There is only one Morrison v Olson.
I will know that we have a conservative court when Thomas is writing opinions like this for the majority. We still have a liberal court.
You have confused conservative for radical.
No precedent is not a conservative thing. Rather the opposite really.
Reactionary is presumably the word he was looking for...
I have to agree with Thomas here. Nobody has rights secured by a funding law, unless it's maybe a state itself - once the state meets the conditions, it has a right secured by law. The individuals don't - they have a right secured only by their state's willingness to accept the conditions. FERPA works this way, too. A school district can't "violate" FERPA, it can only decide whether it does or does not want federal funds under certain conditions.
But the state has agreed to grant rights.
Thomas says, "a conditional exercise of the spending power is nothing more than a contractual offer; any "rights" that may flow from that offer are "secured" only by the offeree's acceptance and implementation, not federal law itself.."
This is bizarre. The state has agreed to protect individual rights explicitly created by federal law. Thomas' BS history proves nothing.
Thomas is insane.
Laws passed under the spending clause are laws, not contracts.
But 'Appropriations made by Law' applies to no one but the Federal government. It dictates how much, when, and for what purpose the government can draw money from the Treasury.
Why would you think that a law limiting the Federal government's ability to get their hands on cash somehow impacts anything past that point?
It might behoove Justice Thomas to consider what other people think just a wee bit more. Accepting large gifts from wealthy business people may well be entirely proper ball in his own league. But in the league most other people live in, it tends to look like something resembling foul play. He might want to keep this in mind. Living entirely in his own world unconcerned about what others think, because he can, could get him into trouble if he does too much of it. He may someday discover that he can’t. If he ignores the outside world’s soft limits too much, it might impose hard ones.
Seems to me that:
Thomas's dissents have a way of becoming majorities in a few years. Those who bitterly cling to notions of him losing a culture war to his betters will find that annoying. Bruen hasn't finished reverberating. Gonzales v Raich will get its day too. Oh, and affirmative action.
Also, those same bitter clingers appear to regard him as, er, uppity, and only a few breaths later, accuse folks like me of racism.