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Do the 5th and 14th Amendments Impose Equivalent Due Process Limits on Court Jurisdiction?
U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Neomi Rao suggests the full court needs to consider this question en banc.
The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment imposes limits on the scope of personal jurisdiction that may be asserted by state courts. As the Fifth Amendment also contains a Due Process Clause, and imposes due process obligations on the federal government, does that mean that federal courts are subject to equivalent limits on personal jurisdiction? Perhaps, but perhaps not.
In a fascinating concurrence in Lewis v. Mutond, issued yesterday, Judge Neomi Rao of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit notes there are reasons to doubt whether the Fourteenth and Fifth Amendment Due Process Clauses impose equivalent limitations (particularly, as here, in cases involving foreign defendants). Of note, she cites the scholarship of co-conspirator Stephen Sachs extensively.
While the question was not squarely presented in this case, Judge Rao suggests that the D.C. Circuit needs to consider this question anew when it is properly put before her court.
Judge Rao' concurrence is below the fold.
Under circuit precedent, we have no personal jurisdiction over Darryl Lewis's claims because he has not plausibly alleged the required minimum contacts with the United States as a whole. I concur in the panel opinion but write separately to note that there are reasons to reconsider whether the personal jurisdiction limits required by the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment are identical to those of the Fourteenth.
Shortly after this circuit held the same personal jurisdiction standards apply under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, Livnat v. Palestinian Authority, 851 F.3d 45, 54 (D.C. Cir. 2017), the Supreme Court declared it was an "open" question whether the Fifth Amendment imposes the same due process limits as the Fourteenth, Bristol-Myers Squibb Co. v. Superior Ct. of Cal., 582 U.S. 255, 137 S. Ct. 1773, 1783–84, 198 L.Ed.2d 395 (2017). While the parties do not raise this issue, in an appropriate case we should reassess what limits the Fifth Amendment places on the federal courts' exercise of personal jurisdiction over foreign defendants.
* * *
Lewis sued two Congolese officials in federal district court, alleging they imprisoned and tortured him. Lewis's cause of action arose under the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991, Pub. L. No. 102-256, 106 Stat. 73 (1992) (codified at note to 28 U.S.C. § 1350). To establish personal jurisdiction, he invoked Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 4(k)(2). That Rule allows a plaintiff to "establish[ ] personal jurisdiction over a defendant" who "is not subject to jurisdiction in any state's courts of general jurisdiction" simply by "serving a summons" on him. FED. R. CIV. P. 4(k)(2); see also Atchley v. AstraZeneca UK Ltd., 22 F.4th 204, 231–32 (D.C. Cir. 2022) (explaining Rule 4(k) "is essentially a federal long-arm statute"). No party contests that Lewis has a cause of action under federal law or that Lewis properly served the Congolese defendants in compliance with Rule 4(k). The only question is whether asserting personal jurisdiction would be "consistent with the United States Constitution." FED. R. CIV. P. 4(k)(2)(B). In federal court, that query focuses on the limits imposed by the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause.
In Livnat, we determined the "usual" Fourteenth Amendment specific jurisdiction requirements also apply to the Fifth Amendment inquiry. 851 F.3d at 56. We must therefore consider whether the defendant has the requisite "minimum contacts" with "the United States as a whole." Id. at 55; cf. International Shoe Co. v. Washington, 326 U.S. 310, 66 S.Ct. 154, 90 L.Ed. 95 (1945). The Livnat court gave three reasons for equating the due process protections of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments. First, it cited the "uniform" view of our sister circuits and suggested Supreme Court precedent also dictated this result. Livnat, 851 F.3d at 54–55. Second, the court could identify no reason to distinguish the two Due Process Clauses. The plaintiffs argued that jurisdiction in the federal courts did not implicate the federalism concerns that arise when evaluating jurisdiction in state courts; however, the court rejected this argument because "personal jurisdiction is not just about federalism." Id. at 55. Finally, the court suggested applying the same personal jurisdiction standards in both contexts would be "easier to administer." Id. at 55–56.
All three of Livnat's premises have been called into question in the intervening years. First, just a few months after Livnat, the Supreme Court expressly left "open the question whether the Fifth Amendment imposes the same restrictions on the exercise of personal jurisdiction by a federal court" as the Fourteenth Amendment imposes on state courts. Bristol-Myers, 137 S. Ct. at 1784. The Supreme Court has not yet resolved this open question, although other circuits have followed Livnat's reasoning. See, e.g., Douglass v. Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha, 46 F.4th 226, 234–41 (5th Cir. 2022) (en banc).
Second, recent originalist scholarship suggests there are reasons to distinguish the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment standards. See Stephen E. Sachs, The Unlimited Jurisdiction of the Federal Courts, 106 VA. L. REV. 1703 (2020). There is little (or no) evidence that courts and commentators in the Founding Era understood the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause to impose a minimum contacts requirement. On the contrary, the widespread assumption was that Congress could extend federal personal jurisdiction by statute. See Douglass, 46 F.4th at 260–62 (Elrod, J., dissenting) (surveying early cases and concluding that "none lends support" to applying the minimum contacts test to determine due process limits under the Fifth Amendment).
To provide just a few examples, Justice Story explained that, if Congress had spoken clearly, it could have allowed "a subject of England, or France, or Russia … [to] be summoned from the other end of the globe to obey our process, and submit to the judgment of our courts." Picquet v. Swan, 19 F. Cas. 609, 613 (C.C.D. Mass. 1828) (No. 11,134); see also Sachs, Jurisdiction, 106 VA. L. REV. at 1714–17 (discussing Picquet). The court refused to exercise jurisdiction over the defendant (an American expatriate), not because of any constitutional limitation, but because Congress had not provided the necessary authorization. Picquet, 19 F. Cas. at 613–15. Ten years later, the Supreme Court described Story's reasoning as "having great force" and adopted the same approach. Toland v. Sprague, 37 U.S. (12 Pet.) 300, 328, 9 L.Ed. 1093 (1838). The prevailing understanding was that when it came to suits against foreign defendants in federal courts, the reach and limits of personal jurisdiction were governed by Congress.
Livnat applied the minimum contacts test to assess personal jurisdiction in the federal courts by importing Fourteenth Amendment due process limits into the Fifth Amendment. See Sachs, Jurisdiction, 106 VA. L. REV. at 1705 ("[C]urrent doctrine … takes the Fourteenth Amendment as given, and remakes the Fifth Amendment in its image."). Sources of original meaning suggest this may well be a parachronism.
That leaves Livnat's third justification: ease of administration. But the fact that a given approach may be easy to administer does not make it legally correct. Such pragmatic considerations cannot override the proper interpretation of the Constitution.
* * *
There is substantial evidence that the Fifth Amendment does not impose the same due process limits on personal jurisdiction in the federal courts as the Fourteenth Amendment does in the state courts. A reevaluation of the Fifth Amendment's due process protections is best undertaken by the en banc court in an appropriate case with the benefit of full briefing. Because the court today correctly applies our precedent, I concur.
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It's like the judge is writing an argument against originalism.
If the very same phrase ("due process of law"), copied from one amendment onto another, means different things in the two amendments because of originalism then maybe there's a problem with the concept of originalism itself.
I actually agree. This seems like it started with someone desperate for an academic theory to write blog posts about, or law review articles.
The language isn’t quite identical. From the 5th Amendment:
No person…be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law
14th Amendment:
…nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law..
Now, nothing the text of the 5th Amendment limits due process protections to actions of the federal government. It seems to have been a matter of either intent or later precedent that did so. I’d have to read more about that. The 14th Amendment thus seems to be correcting that misinterpretation by explicitly extending due process to actions by states.
I think that constitutional law would be much more consistent and logical if we were to just dispense with the whole idea of incorporation and recognize that limiting the Bill of Rights to actions of the federal government was a mistake, and that the 14th Amendment corrects that mistake. That is, all individual rights held by people under the jurisdiction of the United States apply against all levels of government. There should be no distinctions like those being contemplated in this judicial opinion.
In my view, federalism is about dividing the powers of government between the national government and state governments.* Individual rights should be extended equally regardless of federal vs. state considerations. (Unless a state wants to extend greater rights to people within its borders than those protected by the U.S. Constitution. Basically, that is a state further limiting its own power beyond what the U.S. Constitution requires.) No doubt, constitutional scholars and political scientists would have different or at least more detailed and nuanced opinions than mine. I am just an ordinary American citizen reading the governing documents of my country as best I can, rather than being an expert.
*As for the normative reasons to value federalism, I see it as providing yet another check against the power of the central government, and also as matter of giving people that live closer to a problem greater say in how to deal with that problem. The exact balance between federal and state governments is always going to be up for debate, even aside from constitutional questions.
Also, it shouldn't be that surprising that judges might give different meanings to (nearly) nearly identical phrases. We saw in Heller a phrase comprising the first half of an amendment given essentially no meaning at all.
No. The phrase was carefully read and was correctly construed as not imposing any condition on the right described in the second part of the sentence. “University professors being sagacious and learned men, no state legislature may prescribe or proscribe the content of university lectures.” The prohibition on interference by the state legislature is unconditional. Should we discover that some university professors are female and that some are of very doubtful sagacity that does not affect their right not to be interfered with. The preamble merely states the presumption which motivated the enunciation of the unconditional right.
Where else in the Constitution outside of the preamble is such a "prefatory clause" stated with it having no practical effect? I can't think of anything offhand. It looks to me like Scalia was doing the same thing that Robert Bork did during his confirmation hearing when he compared the 9th Amendment to an "ink blot". He appeared to be saying that since he didn't know what he was supposed to do with it, it doesn't have any effect. When in reality, it was more likely that he didn't want to do anything with it, since it might lead to rights he didn't want people to have.
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
This doesn't even work as proper grammatical sentence, as far as I can see. "Well regulated" is an adjective modifying the noun, "Militia", correct? "...being necessary for the security of a free state..." is also kind of further describing the Militia. But the Militia isn't doing anything nor is it the object of some other verb elsewhere. It is just hanging out there like a turd in the wind. You feel me? (Sorry, couldn't help the Venom reference.)
So, we are supposed to assume that because the grammatical structure of the 2nd Amendment is pretty poor, with the "Militia" not doing anything, we are supposed to essentially ignore it and give it no force or meaning in how the right to keep and bear arms is applied? The men that drafted and debated the wording of the 2nd Amendment weren't kids that struggle with grammar in 8th grade. We should assume that they intended everything that they wrote and ratified into the Constitution means something.
Where else in the Constitution outside of the preamble is such a “prefatory clause” stated…
So what ? If it’s sitting there in 2A it doesn’t matter if nothing similar is to be found elsewhere. It is what it is.
with it having no practical effect?
The fact that it does not condition the right to “keep and bear arms” does not necessarily mean that it is of no practical effect. To the extent that “keep”, “bear” and “Arms” may be vague or ambiguous, the first half of the sentence may help provide context to aid in their interpretation.
This doesn’t even work as proper grammatical sentence….But the Militia isn’t doing anything nor is it the object of some other verb elsewhere.
No.
“Marmalade being necessary for civiised life, the manufacture and distribution of glass jars shall not be taxed.”
Marmalade is neither the subject nor object of the second clause, it merely provides the reason why it is necessary to protect the glass jar industry from taxation.
There are uncountable sentences of similar grammatical form :
“The forecast being for rain, you should take your umbrella.”
2A is perfectly grammatical, and if it were about marmalade and glass jars rather than Militias and Arms you would have no difficulty appreciating that it was perfectly grammatical. Nor would you have any difficulty in understanding that the glass jar industry may not be taxed, whether the glass jars are being used for storing marmalade or motor oil.
Your discomfort arises not from the grammar itself but from the meaning revealed by the grammar, which you find disagreeable.
Well, I mostly agree with you, aside from the fact that the 1st amendment literally starts with "Congress shall make no law..."
Well, I mostly agree with you, aside from the fact that the 1st amendment literally starts with “Congress shall make no law…”
Yes, some of the amendments in the Bill of Rights explicitly only limit the federal government, and I can only imagine that being intentional on the part of those drafting them. But then again, immediately prior to reiterating due process rights and stating them as restricting states as well as the federal government, the 14th Amendment says this:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States…
This doesn’t say what is meant by “privileges” or “immunities”, words used in Article IV as well, so that leaves us having to figure that out. Originalists, obviously, would look to history. I see lots of problems with originalism, so I don’t think we need to be bound by whatever writings and documented practices that survive today would suggest those words to mean or how to apply that clause. I think a straightforward meaning of the clause is that states can’t violate rights held by the people as citizens of the United States.
Now, since it does use the word “citizens” rather than “persons”, it would seem to indicate rights held only by those that are citizens, and not all people under the jurisdiction of the United States. So, rights like those under the 1st Amendment that clearly apply to all people in the United States, citizen or not, would seem to not be part of the Privileges or Immunities Clause. I think that may be why we ended up with “substantive due process” as a way to incorporate the 1st Amendment against the states.
But text and constitutional construction aside, as a normative matter, it never made sense to claim that the United States was based on liberty and freedom, but for the Constitution to only limit the federal government from violating the liberty or freedom of its people. Do you really have freedom of speech if a state government could punish you for speaking out against it, even if the federal government could not? Obviously not. Making many rights of the people only secure against the federal government at the Founding was not a matter of reason, sound legal framing, or political philosophy. It could only have been a matter of enough states insisting upon only Congress being limited in passing certain laws because they just didn’t want a federal government telling them when they could or couldn’t restrict the liberty of people in their borders.
I beg to differ. The United States does not, as a rule, attempt to write laws binding on French citizens in France. If French law fails to protect the freedom of speech, that does not mean that US policy or philosophy is inconsistent or incoherent, it simply means that the US does not claim the authority to impose its law on the French.
Likewise if the federal constitution forbids Congress from making laws infringing the freedom of speech but does not prevent the states from doing so, that simply reflects the fact that the United States is a federal polity which reserves a fair amount of freedom of action to the states.
France is a different country entirely. The U.S. government has no authority to determine any law in France whatsoever. The United States government has authority over a great many things in all of the states, and the Constitution is valid and the "law of the land" in every state. The Constitution is not the "law of the land" in France or any other country outside the U.S.
Likewise if the federal constitution forbids Congress from making laws infringing the freedom of speech but does not prevent the states from doing so, that simply reflects the fact that the United States is a federal polity which reserves a fair amount of freedom of action to the states.
That still doesn't fit with anything that is reasonable. The Constitution gives the federal government no power to set up and run a system of public schools across the whole country. Thus, that is power reserved for the states (or the people) since it is also not forbidden for them to do that. But that doesn't mean that each state can set up separate public schools for different groups of its residents, now, does it? That is because the states are explicitly forbidden from violating individual rights to the equal protection of the law.
Are you really suggesting that the Constitution would not prevent a state from limiting printed newspapers distributed within its borders to only approved publications? I mean, only Congress is prevented from violating freedom of the press in the 1st Amendment. And if that was the case, then how are people actually being guaranteed their constitutional rights within that state?
Like I say below, this all seems to come back to a desire to see the United States as a confederation of otherwise sovereign states rather than a single nation.
You are assuming your conclusion.
then how are people actually being guaranteed their constitutional rights within that state?
The right was (originally) the right not to have their freedom of speech abridged by Congress. How do we know ? Because that's what it said. The scope of the right did not extend to protection from abridgement by state legislatures. (Unlike 2A which is not restricted to Congress.)
Even now, the people don't have the right not to have their freedom of speech abridged by Twitter or Facebook or Google.
JasonT20 — That seems sensible. Also consistent with founding era constitutional theory, by the way. And in the immediate post-founding era, legal doctrine developed that there was no state sovereignty separate from the federal sovereignty. We the People were decided to be sovereign alike over the federal government and the state governments—which I take to be another point in favor of your suggestion.
“We the People” meant male non-Indian and non-Black property owners in our original Constitution, and even then, “We the People” were never sovereign. I invite you to go disobey a court ruling and find out who is “sovereign”, Stephen. Hint: it ain’t you.
However, I do agree with you that state sovereignty was intentionally diminished (not quite eliminated, but certainly diminished) in the plan of the constitutional convention. Chisolm v. Georgia was consistent with that plan, and the modern notion of state sovereignty was made up by the people (also part of “We the People”) who lost the constitutional debate, had favored the Articles of Confederation, and lost their sovereignty.
I don’t think that has anything to do with the question in this case, though. The state and federal governments both have to obey due process, that requires personal jurisdiction be fundamentally fair, and tests like “minimum contacts” are shorthand for that fairness inquiry. Congress has no more power to impose an unfair procedure than the states do.
I invite you to go disobey a court ruling and find out who is “sovereign”, Stephen. Hint: it ain’t you.
You seem to be confusing what Stephen means when he talks about the people being sovereign with the "sovereign citizen" loons. The people are sovereign in that they are (supposed to be) the ultimate authority. The just powers of government derive from the consent of the governed, and all that. This obviously cannot be an individual assertion of authority. It can only be expressed in collectively in some manner, such as through elections. Limitations on who gets to vote based on race, sex, land ownership, etc., were among the many imperfections in implementing the ideals of the Founding, but that does not negate the important concept of the people as a whole being the sovereign as opposed to a monarch, dictator, or a small subset of the population (aristocracy, plutocracy, oligarchy, theocracy, technocracy, etc.).
Congress has no more power to impose an unfair procedure than the states do.
I think we all agree here. The whole theory of "dual sovereignty" is a contradiction, perhaps even an oxymoron. How can there be two separate and yet ultimate authorities? It looks to have been invented by people that were never entirely happy that the United States was founded as a single nation instead of a confederation of otherwise sovereign states.
There are 77 years between the 5th and 14th Amendments, so from an originalist perspective even if the wording was identical they could still mean different things.
That's another reason to not use originalism then.
What is this conspiracy that you allege by referring to someone as a co-conspirator? It's very unprofessional to accuse someone of conspiracy without explanation. Or is it a joke and I'm not in on it?
They call the blog the Volokh Conspiracy, hence the contributors are conspirators, or co-conspirators.
Exactly. I wasn't sure whether to take Steve Premo's question literally or as a joke itself.
Foreigners outside US territory have no due process rights, so the question is simply irrelevant to a lawsuit involving foreign defendants.
The idea that Americans can leave the reach of American law simply by leaving the country goes against a lot of our history. I find myself very skeptical. If they can, it would seem a great win for oligarchs and rich criminals, and not much of a win for the process of law.
So Americans can sue foreigners in US courts with no connection whatsoever to the U.S.? That sound bizarre.
The Alien Tort Claims Act, first enacted as part of the Judiciary Act of 1789, permits foreigners outside the US to sue each other over violations of international law with only a fairly tenuous claim of connection to the US. It’s very well-established law.
There are jurisdictional limits. But they are based on Article III and statutory text, not the Fifth Amendment.
The Supreme Court held in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., 569 U.S. 108 (2013) that the ATS only applies on American soil. So that proves little.
Not to mention that international law is by definition something that all nations enforce. Like piracy on the high seas, which the Constitution expressly empower Congress to punish.
That doesn't sound right. The 5th Amendment says "nor shall any person... be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law". The 14th says "nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law". Nothing in there about location or citizenship.
The Supreme Court in Johmson v. Eisentrager conducted an analysis of the use of the word “person” in the Bill of Rights and concluded it lacks “extraterritorial application.” And although the 5th Amendment says nothing about birth status either, the Court in Roe v. Wade conducted a very similar analysis and reached a very similar conclusion expressed in very similar language, saying the word “person” as used in the Bill of Rights also lacks “prenatal application.”
The Court reiterated the point since, including in a couple of cases during the Trump Administration. In the 2020 case of Agency for Int’l Development v. Alliance for Open Society, the Supreme Court said it was a “bedrock legal principle” that “foreign citizens outside US territory possess no rights under the US constitution.”
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/19-177_b97c.pdf
The court action is in the U.S. so the Constitution applies to it, even if the same defendant could legally be hit by a drone strike overseas.
Nobody disputes that the constitution applies to federal courts. Article III applies etc. But that doesn’t mean that the defendant has constitutional rights. The Roe Court recognized the constitution as applying to it.
Article III definitely limits a federal court’s jurisdiction. But the Due Process Clause doesn’t give a foreign defendant a right to be free of jurisdiction that would otherwise exist, nor an independent right to sue beyond what is created by statute.
The Alien Tort Claims Act was passed because before it, foreigners generally had no right to sue at all in American courts. Congress won’t do so. But if it wanted to, it could repeal it and return the situation to what it was before.
Note that not all constitutional rights are limited to persons. The 6th Amendment addresses “the accused.” The Thirteenth Amendment applies to a “party.”