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The Overlooked Meaning of "Undue Hardship" in Title VII
This is the second of two posts explaining my recent article, Ordinary Meaning as Last Resort: The Meaning of "Undue Hardship" in Title VII. In the first post I attempted to show that a comprehensive look at the Court's statutory interpretation cases show that the presumption of ordinary meaning is a fallback after eliminating a statutory definition and the possibility of a technical term of art. And I argued that if the presumption of ordinary meaning is too powerful, it can cause one to miss non-ordinary meaning. This post explores the poster child for that concern: "undue hardship" in Title VII.
The term "undue hardship" was added to Title VII in a 1972 amendment that required employers to reasonably accommodate the religious observances or practices of employees or prospective employees, unless such accommodation would cause an "undue hardship on the conduct of the employer's business." Congress did not define the term. Five years later the Supreme Court took a stab in Trans World Airlines v. Hardison. There the majority determined that an "undue hardship" was anything "more than a de minimis cost."
Criticism of that judicially created definition began in the case itself, with Justice Thurgood Marshall in dissent. He raised two lines of attack. One briefly focused on ordinary meaning, arguing that the Court's definition violated "simple English usage." The other attack, based on legislative history, contended that Congress had codified an EEOC regulation using the term and a "long line of [EEOC adjudicative] decisions" fleshing out its meaning.
In recent years, Hardison's de-minimis-plus standard has again been routinely denounced, but only along the lines of being inconsistent with the ordinary meaning of "undue hardship." Thus, such criticisms have referred to the "ordinary parlance" and the "ordinary, contemporary meaning" of the term. There has been much less attention to the possible legal meaning that Justice Marshall noted. But applying the refined textualist methodology I outline in my article, that should be the next step after confirming the term is undefined.
So that is what I did. I searched for the term in federal and state case law, federal and state statutes, federal regulations, and the Congressional record prior to 1967 when the EEOC adopted its related regulation. And for good measure, I simultaneously looked for evidence of whether it was an ordinary term by searching the Corpus of Historical American English. As the chart below details, I found that "undue hardship" is rarely used in "ordinary" American English—and when it is used it is usually invoked in a legal context—but the term is ubiquitous in the law. In fact, I found nearly 1,000 times more instances of "undue hardship" in legal materials than in ordinary materials, with it first appearing in an 1834 court opinion and proliferating ever since.
This is strong evidence that "undue hardship" is a legal term, not an ordinary one.
I then explored the instances of "undue hardship" in legal materials. I found that it occurs across disparate areas of the law: from civil procedure to tax to criminal law, from administrative law to bankruptcy to anti-trust, from constitutional law to property to workers compensation. And the list goes on. Unfortunately, the term is never defined but similar to other equitable-like terms, such as "reasonable" or "good cause," is very much dependent on the facts of a particular situation.
The challenge with a term this common across so many areas of the law is determining the relevant context. In applying the canon of legal meaning, the Court has developed two principles. First, the legal meaning must be "widely accepted," "longstanding," "well settled," or "robust." Second, the legal meaning must be from a relevant context. Fortunately, as Justice Marshall noted, a relevant context exists.
In 1966 the EEOC adopted a regulation related to Title VII's prohibition on religious discrimination in employment. That regulation required employers to provide religious accommodations unless it caused a "serious inconvenience" to the employer's business. But in less than a year the EEOC abandoned this standard for a more protective one—the same "undue hardship" standard Congress would adopt in 1972. And in a series of ten adjudications from 1969-1971, the EEOC applied and developed in common law fashion the meaning of the term in the specific context of employees needing a religious accommodation at work.
The decisions primarily involved religious minorities, such as Seventh-Day Adventists and other Sabbatarians, an "Old Catholic, an Orthodox Jew, and a woman who said she belong to the "Black Muslim" faith. The accommodations they sought included taking a Sabbath off (often on a Saturday), leaving work early on Friday to get home before sundown, attending a mandatory annual two-week religious convention, or wearing religious clothing and head garb. In eight of the ten decisions the EEOC sided with the employee.
From these decisions one can glean the meaning of "undue hardship" in this particular context. It was a practical impossibility, chaotic personnel problems, shutting down one's operations (and suffering exorbitant costs), and undermining a policy truly necessary to the safe and efficient operations of one's business. The cases also shed light on what was not an undue hardship. For example, suffering considerable expense was not considered an undue hardship. Neither was having to give religious employees so-called "preferential treatment" or experiencing mere employee discontent. Likewise, having to train another employee to take over a shift or work a double shift was not an undue hardship. Nor was requiring other employees to switch a workday or work an extra day. Additionally, an employer experiencing seasonal, short absences by a non-supervised employee was not an undue hardship. And because the EEOC rejected a serious inconvenience standard for a more protective undue hardship standard, neither is a serious inconvenience standard an undue hardship.
This is the understanding Congress codified in adopting the very same standard in the very same legal context with the 1972 amendment to Title VII. It was this EEOC legal soil that Congress transplanted into Title VII. And this matters for two reasons. First, from a textualist perspective it is the correct meaning of the statutory term. Second, this meaning—what could be characterized as an immense or extreme cost or harm to an employer's business—is more protective of religious civil rights in the workplace than the ordinary meaning many have put forth.
As for Groff v. DeJoy, a postal worker sought to not work Sundays—his Sabbath—and was willing to work other days instead. The USPS initially trained and required others to work in his stead on Sundays, before eventually denying him an accommodation. Based on this newly uncovered meaning of the statutory term, it is hard to see how this inconvenience rises to the level of an "undue hardship." Should the Court adopt this meaning, Mr. Groff should prevail.
In sum, the presumption of ordinary meaning must be applied in its proper place in an interpretive inquiry. Triggered too soon or too strongly, it can blind the search for a statute's original public meaning as it did with "undue hardship," where many missed what was sitting in rather plain sight the last half century.
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The special legal formula leads to the author's political preference. I never saw that one coming.
And Justice Marshall – what a superstitious clinger he was!
If you believe Justice Marshall would have embraced the perspective of limitless special privilege for (certain) religious claimants proposed by today's culture war casualties, you might be this blog's target audience.
Justice Marshall’s dissent, focusing on the rights of “minority religions,” does not advocate “limitless special privilege.”
Stop warming your hands at that bonfire of straw men. Either you’re too dumb to know that what you’re doing is wrong, or you’re intelligent but choose to do wrong anyway.
He's a troll. He's the left wing version of the guy who keeps talking here about gay sex.
One more ad hominem argument lacking any substance from you.
It’s an interesting argument, that Congress had intended to incorporate the EEOC’s pre-existing “undue hardship” standard and the meaning of that standard should be uncovered by looking at EEOC decisions interpreting its “undue hardship” standard rather than resorting to either thr Supreme Court’s interpretation in TWA v. Hardison or the ordinary (dictionary) meaning.
Is there legislative-history type evidence that Congress had this in mind? Are there commitee reports or other evidence that this is where Congress got the term and where it looked to understand its meaning?
I hope we can agree that 1972's Congress did not mean to write into law a 1977 Supreme Court decision interpreting the 1972 statute.
Prof. Phillips's post yesterday explains when and why "ordinary (dictionary) meaning" would not be preferred in construing a statute.
Well, the problem isn’t that the 1972 Congress didn’t intend to write a 1977 Supreme Court decision into its law. The problem is the Supreme Court intended to write its 1977 decision into the law.
Generally speaking, when a Supreme Court decision interpreting a statute has stayed undisturbed for 50 years, the general rule of statutory construction isn’t whatever that rule might be when a court first construes a statute. The general rule is called “stare decisis.”
So to get out of stare decisis, there has to be some special reason to disturb the decision. In statutory construction wuestions, if Congress doesn’t like a Supreme Court decision, it can always pass legislation repudiating it. Is there any special reason here? Or is there only a general rule?
"It’s an interesting argument, that Congress had intended to incorporate the EEOC’s pre-existing “undue hardship” standard"
Given that "undue hardship" is not a term in ordinary common usage and therefore has no ordinary meaning, if Congress didn't intend to incorporate the EEOC's pre-existing "undue hardship" standard then they should have explicitly defined it.
Again, the problem here is the Supreme Court has already explocitly defined it, and Congress has for 50 years chosen not to disturb their decision.
If all the only thing going for this argument is just general principles, and if it only works if we can simply pretend there isn’t an existing interpretation that is (by the general rule) presumed correct, this argument is probably going to lose.
Is there any other evidence for this interpretation besides just general rules applicable when there aren’t already Supreme Court decisions on the subject? It’s worth knowing.
If you support a narrower interpretation of “undue hardship,” you’d be better off with that evidence than without it.
I certainly see where you’re coming from, but if I may I’d like to go into what may be a digression…
I’m aware of the idea that statutory decisions should be more sacrosanct than constitutional decisions because Congress could always overrule a statutory construction it disagrees with, and if it doesn’t (especially over a long period) it’s pretty much ratifying the decision.
That would be a good presumption if we could have confidence in Congress to debate and decide issues which are important enough to be the subject of a Supreme Court decision.
But there’s another dynamic in Congress – to pass the buck on controversial subjects to the Court, even with statutes. A rule which wouldn’t get a Congressional majority can still be preserved if the Court adopts the rule and the rule’s supporters use their parliamentary skills to keep the rule off the agenda. Or Congresscritters who privately support the rule but don’t want to go on record will simply fail to call up the question but bury it in committee, etc.
So we get to a situation of mutual buck-passing – the Court refusing to revisit its bad decisions because Congress should be the one to overturn them, while Congress refuses to put itself on record on the issue, so that the silent supporters of the rule evade public accountability through an up-or-down vote, since they just have to be inactive and the rule will be perpetuated.
When Congress puts vague language in a statute, they are begging the courts to define it for them. Congress has had 50 years to clean up the language and better define it, but they have not done so. A reasonable person would assume that they are happy with the "more than a de minimis cost" definition.
Maybe they just can't get sufficient agreement on a clarification.
"Neither was having to give religious employees so-called 'preferential treatment' [considered undue hardship]."
So giving religious employees "preferential treatment" is required under T7 even for secular employers? Doesn't that create a Fifth Amendment Due Process (equal protection component) problem?
It doesn’t. The government’s own accommodations of religious requirements but not secular preferences doesn’t, so certainly requiring private employers to do so doesn’t.
A similar issue exists with disability law. The law similarly requires accommodating (for example) medically required diets for people claassified as disabled, but not diets prefered for non-medical reasons by people who aren’t disabled. But this distinction doesn’t constitute discrimination violating the Equal Protection Clause either, even though, just as with religious accommodations law, it gives disabled employees “preferential treatment” compared to non-disabled ones, and even though the law applies to able-bodied employers, not just disabled ones.
There is a related constitutional position, the Court’s line of “too much accommodation” cases beginning with Thornton v. Calder in 1985, that is connected to the argument you are raising. In that case, the Supreme Court held that a law that gives religious employees (and religious employees only) too great a benefit can induce non-religious enployees to become religious, effectively establishing the religious practice involved in violation of the Establishment Clause. The opinion, by Justice O’Connor, struck down a Connecticut law that required employers to give sabbath-observant employees their designated sabbath day off, but didn’t require giving any time off at all for non-religious employees.
So under current law, there is a limit beyond which government cannot require a private employer to go. This limit is based on the Establishment Clause, not the Equal Protection Clause.
Giving all employees the same amount of time off, but giving religious employees somewhat more flexibility on which days to take off, appears to stay within the limit.
This is all cool as long as everyone understands that a religious practice is defined by the INDIVIDUAL and can be totally against whatever religious orthodox practices require.
As the Groth case noted above, he was "a Christian and U.S. Postal Service worker. He refused to work on Sundays due to his religious beliefs" (oyez); therefore, I can say I'm a Christian but want Tuesdays off.
You better be good with that or else GTFO.
Same with the Satanists, Pastafarians, etc.
Justice Marshall referred to “minority religions” and the failure of the Supreme Court to protect same.
“Particularly troublesome has been the plight of adherents to minority faiths who do not observe the holy days on which most businesses are closed Sundays, Christmas, and Easter but who need time off for their own days of religious observance.”
https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/432/63
You and Arthur gloss over this point – maybe you guys think Justice Marshal was a fundamentalist evangelical, as opposed to being concerned for the rights of minorities?
This. Plus, minority though they may be, they're actually recognizable faiths and not one-off individuals who make up their own custom restrictions as apedad would have it. That doesn't seem like an unreasonable dividing line, or a particularly difficult one to apply.
I would say that a *sincere* individualistic faith would be protected, but I speculate that the plaintiff would have the burden to establish sincerity.
I tend to agree here. An established faith develops evidence of its beliefs that can help establish people didn’t just come up with things out of their heads for non-religious convenience. And in any system where decisions are based on evidence, people who have evidence are going to be more likely to get their claims accepted than people who don’t.
While it’s not impossible for an individualistic religious belief to be accepted, even one that isn’t just a slight personal variant of an orthodox religion or principle, the individualistic religion claimant will have a harder time establishing sincerity.
Also, what if the EEOC interpretation runs into Thornton v. Calder? This may a situation where if the court follows existing precedent, too strong a statutory interpretation in favor of religious rights might end up getting the whole thing struck down on Thornton c. Calder “too much accommodation” grounds.