The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Ending the Epicycles of the Establishment Clause
Like abortion, separationism has distorted standing doctrine.
In the run-up to Dobbs, I identified many areas of the law that abortion had distorted. Among these epicycles were stare decisis, freedom of speech, facial challenges, the tiers of scrutiny, third-party standing, and so on. Dobbs, thankfully, ended these epicycles. (Alas, some litigants are trying to drag religious liberty into the fray.)
Like abortion, the Supreme Court's doctrine concerning the Establishment Clause has distorted other areas of the law. As a threshold matter, I'm not even certain the Establishment Clause can be incorporated. I think the better answer, as Akhil Amar has written, is that this federalism provision prevents the federal government from interfering with state established churches. But that ship has probably sailed. Perhaps the most obvious category of distortion is standing. Flast v. Cohen allowed a taxpayer to contest government spending that may run afoul of the Establishment Clause. Flast is an anomalous outlier to Article III that permits taxpayer standing.
A related distortion of standing doctrine concerns the "offended observer" standard. In short, if a person sees or hears some government-related religious content that offends him, he has Article III standing. For example, Thomas Van Orden was an atheist who walked past the Ten Commandment monuments by the Texas Capitol. Boom, standing! I have long questioned standing in cases like Van Orden v. Perry. And more recently, Justice Gorsuch cast doubt on this doctrine in American Legion and Kennedy v. Bremerton.
Today Justice Gorsuch continued that theme on the *gasp* shadow docket. The Supreme Court denied cert in City of Ocala, Florida v. Rojas. In this case, a police chief organized a prayer vigil after a shooting spree. A resident of the City went to the vigil, knowing that she would be offended by the prayer. And that offense triggered standing. A cynic could argue the plaintiff attended the vigil for the sole purpose of generating standing. If the vigil truly bothered her, she could have stayed home.
Justice Gorsuch concurred in the denial of certiorari. He explained that the Court has never actually endorsed the "offender observer" standard. True enough, the Lemon test considered how a "reasonable observer" would view an endorsement of religion. But it is tough to square this doctrine with Valley Forge. And going forward, Kennedy has interred Lemon.
But if that logic ever made sense, it no longer does. In Kennedy, this Court put to rest any question about Lemon's vitality. We held that claims alleging an establishment of religion must be measured against the Constitution's original and historical meaning, not the sensitivities of a hypothetical reasonable observer. 597 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 22). And with the demise of Lemon's reasonable observer test, "little excuse" now remains "for the anomaly of offended observer standing." American Legion, 588 U. S., at ___ (opinion of GORSUCH, J.) (slip op., at 9). "[T]he gaping hole it tore in standing doctrine in [the lower courts] should now begin to close." Ibid.
Still, Gorsuch did not think cert was warranted now. The case was on an interlocutory appeal, and the lower courts can consider Kennedy in the first instance.
Justice Thomas dissented from the denial of cert. He thought the issue was jurisdictional, so a remand was not warranted.
Because standing based on mere offense is in significant tension with Article III and our precedents, I would have granted certiorari to determine whether the courts below lacked jurisdiction.
Thomas agreed with Gorsuch's opinion in American Legion, and identified the tension between Lemon and Valley Forge.
For decades, members of the Judiciary have noted that offended observer standing appears to be flatly inconsistent with our opinion in Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U. S. 464 (1982). . . .
Offended observer standing appears to warp the very essence of the judicial power vested by the Constitution. Under Article III, federal courts are authorized "to adjudge the legal rights of litigants in actual controversies," not hurtfeelings
Thomas also explains how the Establishment Clause's epicycles have distorted other areas of the law:
And, anomalous exceptions that expand an institution's power have a tendency to swallow rules that limit it. The same is true here: Far from naturally receding, offended observer standing threatens to dilute Article III requirements in other areas. See, e.g., Gerber v. Herskovitz, 14 F. 4th 500, 506 (CA6 2021) (employinga direct analogy to offended observer cases to hold that individuals had standing to bring various federal statutory,due process, and free exercise claims solely because they suffered psychological harm from alleged legal violations).We should reconsider this seeming aberration before it further erodes bedrock Article III restrictions on the judicial power.
Thomas includes a lengthy string cite of several circuit court judges who have identified this anomalous exception to the usual standing doctrine:
In that case, we held "that 'the psychological consequence presumably produced by observation of religious conduct with which one disagrees' is 'not an injury sufficient to confer standing under Article III, even though the disagreement is phrased in constitutional terms.'" Kondrat'yev v. Pensacola, 949 F. 3d 1319, 1335 (CA11 2020) (Newsom, J., concurring) (quoting 454 U. S., at 485–486; alterations omitted); Freedom From Religion Foundation, Inc. v. Mack, 49 F. 4th 941, 949 (CA5 2022) (Smith, J.) ("[T]he law of Establishment Clause standing is hard to reconcile with the general principle that standing is absent where a plaintiff has only a generalized grievance shared in substantially equal measure by all or most citizens" (internal quotation marks omitted)); Freedom From Religion Foundation, Inc.v. Obama, 641 F. 3d 803, 807 (CA7 2011) (Easterbrook, C. J.) ("[H]urt feelings differ from legal injury"); Barnes-Wallace v. San Diego, 530 F. 3d 776, 795 (CA9 2008) (Kleinfeld, J., dissenting) ("[B]eing there and seeing the offending conduct does not confer standing"); Doe v. Tangipahoa Parish School Bd., 494 F. 3d 494, 500 (CA5 2007) (DeMoss, J., specially concurring) (explaining that offended observer standing "opens the courts' doors to a group of plaintiffswho have no complaint other than they dislike any government reference to God"); American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio Foundation, Inc. v. Ashbrook, 375 F. 3d 484, 497 (CA62004) (Batchelder, J., dissenting) (explaining that standing based on "unwelcome contact" with governmental religiousdisplays is "inconsistent with . . . Valley Forge"); Washegesic v. Bloomingdale Public Schools, 33 F. 3d 679, 684–685 (CA6 1994) (Guy, J., concurring) (explaining that offended observer standing "establishe[s] . . . a class of 'eggshell' plaintiffs of a delicacy never before known to the law"); Penkoski v. Bowser, 486 F. Supp. 3d 219, 231 (DC 2020)(McFadden, J.) (explaining that offended observer standing "cannot be squared with" Valley Forge).
Thomas explains that Establishment Clause cases that did not squarely address standing lack precedential effect:
Fortunately, "'drive-by jurisdictional rulings of this sort' carry 'no precedential effect.'" Ibid. (quoting Steel Co., 523 U. S., at 91; alteration omitted). But we should not "continue to hold expressly that the injury in fact requirement is no different for Establishment Clause cases, while . . . implicitly assum[ing]standing in" those cases based on an injury that, "in a non-Establishment Clause case, would not get the plaintiff intothe courthouse." Doe, 494 F. 3d, at 500 (DeMoss, J., specially concurring). Nor should we continue to countenance the undermining of our well-reasoned Valley Forge precedent by the Courts of Appeals.
The Court should jettison the "offended observer" standard. And eventually, the Court should get rid of Flast v. Cohen. Simply seeing a religious display, or being aware of government spending, should not give rise to a valid claim. To quote Justice Gorsuch, offended observes can simply avert their eyes. Consistent with Kennedy v. Bremerton, an Establishment Clause claim could only arise when there is some evidence of actual coercion. Separationism should no longer justify a distortion of Article III. The easiest way to prevent lower court judges from resisting Kennedy, and continue to quietly follow Lemon, is to divest "offended observers" of Article III standing.
Update: My colleague Howard Wasserman reaches a similar conclusion about the import of the Gorsuch/Thomas position:
I therefore re-up my 2019 post on why the Gorsuch/Thomas position eliminates pure Establishment Clause challenges to government religious expression and activities by eliminating any plaintiff with standing. Absent some compelled participation or exclusion (which would violate other constitutional provisions), no one suffers an injury from the display or program.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Offended observer standing for those 300 million who did not get the student loan forgiveness
That is basically what Roberts kept harping on about in oral arguments. Is he going to write a laugh-out-loud opinion endorsing the hurt feelings of all those poor lawn-care workers? Probably. And I will.
"Separationism should no longer justify a distortion of Article III."
The real distortion of Article III is the notion that a person paying more in taxes as a result of an unconstitutional action somehow doesn't give rise to a "case or controversy." Flast is the only "taxpayer standing" case that has any basis in the constitution.
"a person paying more in taxes as a result of an unconstitutional action"
Planted axiom alert. That the state spends money on something does not mean you are paying more in taxes. If they did not spend it on that, they would likely spend it on something else.
Maybe.
But at least then that other spending won't be unconstitutional, and might be beneficial to the plaintiff.
The amount one pays in taxes is unrelated to government spending. Enjoin an unlawful government program and one's taxes will not go down at all.
One should assume taxes are in some way linked to government spending. It may be lengthy or delayed link, but ultimately governments are supported by taxation.*
*(Outside those few governments who are supported by a monopoly on a natural resource they can sell to other countries).
The amount one pays in taxes is unrelated to government spending.
This is of course nonsense. The amount that everyone, in aggregate, pays in taxes is related to government spending, and the amount that everyone, in aggregate, pays in taxes is related to the amount “one” pays in tax revenues.
It’s just that the causal link is indirect and delayed. The string connecting the two is usually a bit slack. But not always.
This year happens to be the hundredth anniversary of the year that the Germans started using wheelbarrows to carry their cash around. At the end of that year taxes were effectively zero – though not in the statute books – and in consequence government spending had collapsed to a fraction of its level a few years previously.
Tax receipts collapsed because of the inflationary effects of the German government spending money it didn’t have, and then – after the slack string connecting taxes and spending (the slackness consisting of borrowing and inflation) had become sufficiently taut – spending found that, yes, it was indeed connected to taxation.
But people who's tax dollars went to fund student loans do not have standing to challenge Biden's loan forgiveness scheme.
And the courts have been clear anti-war activists don't have standing to challenge pentagon spending.
The courts have been almost universally consistent on that type of case, except for the establishment clause.
So if you believe in the Constitutional separation of church and state, a religion-neural government, and the equal application of the law, you should just look away when those things are violated? "Don't see something, so you can't say something"?
It isn't the government's responsibility to follow the Establishmemt Clause as written, it is the citizen's responsibility to avoid paying attention to the violation?
When the logic of an argument is "if you don't see it, it didn't happen, so stop looking", it seems to be deeply flawed logic. Or witness blaming. Probably both.
"Religious liberty", as advocated by proponents these days, amounts to a two-tiered system where the laws that religious folks don't like only apply to non-religious folk.
I get that Blackman is a ... let's say 'extremely zealous' advocate of religious exceptionalism. But "just ignore it and it isn't a problem" is out there, even for him.
Between Gorsuch's statement and Thomas's dissent, the whole idea is that ultimately, no-one will have standing to challenge an establishment clause violation, certainly not if it's a Christian violation. I suspect that that Roy Moore would now have won Glassroth v. Moore.
If Texas chartered and funded the State Baptist Church of Texas, would anyone have standing to sue according to Gorsuch / Thomas? I can't think of anyone. Other Baptists, maybe, on the theory that Texas is unfairly siphoning off paying congregants?
Massachusetts did exactly that -- the Congregational Church was supported by municipal taxpayers until something like 1855.
As written, the Establishment Clause prohibits CONGRESS (not the states) from creating a "Church of America." That's it. Period. Full stop.
No, it says, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion". If it was only preventing the establishment of a "Church of America", it would have said that. It isn't a narrow clause.
Keeping religion out of government was an Enlightenment principle. You know, the ideals that the Constitution was based on?
I have no idea of the process by which it happens, but the sooner the Establishment Clause can be incorporated to the states, the better. The theocrats are making another push and that's always bad for America.
It didn't just prevent the creation of a federal state church, it also prohibited the federal government from messing with state level state churches. It took the whole topic and made it off limits for the federal government.
Historically, by the time the 14th amendment was adopted, none of the states still had state churches, so incorporation of the establishment clause didn't really change anything.
Brett, let's get real -- the other states were worried that still-Puritan Massachusetts was going to impose its theocracy on them. That's what the letter to the Danbury (CT) Baptists was all about -- Jefferson reassuring them that they could remain Baptists, that Massachusetts couldn't force them to become Congregationalists.
See: https://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/9806/danpre.html
I thought the Establishment Clause hasn't been incorporated.
Lawyers? Has it?
How many eyes must be averted before it becomes coercion?
"How many eyes must be averted before it becomes coercion?"
How can a prayer vigil that is totally optional be "coercion"?
Just don't go.
When it's organized by a government official, it is bad. If you are in the government, just don't do it. There are plenty of non-government people with non-government property that could do it.
Just don't do it.
Becoming a government official means you lose certain rights when acting as a private citizen?
No, becoming a government official means you can't use your government position to involve religion in government-organized activities.
Like I said, just don't do it.
As a private citizen you can do whatever you want. You just can't involve the government.
When did the government organize the community activist organized rally?
Are you saying that because the government announced it on a police web page, it was "government organized"? Is a police officer wearing a uniform enough to make it "government-organized", even though the officers were off-duty and acting as private citizens?
You seem to think that any involvement with a religion taints a government official irredeemably. That's great for people like you that seem to seek "Freedom From Religion", but that's not a right that exists in the real world.
"When did the government organize the community activist organized rally?"
It wasn't a community activist orgsnized rally. From the article:
"In this case, a police chief organized a prayer vigil after a shooting spree."
The police chief is a government official.
A prayer vigil is religious.
If a prayer vigil were organized (and they often are in the hundreds of mass shootings we have each year), the police chief shouldn't be the one doing it.
Except, the article directly contradicts the court records. According to those, the fact - agreed to by the parties - is that the rally was organized by a community activist, and the police chief and other police volunteers (officers and chaplains) supported it.
A non-denominational prayer vigil is "religious", I guess. It seems to be mixed, however, in terms of law - a quick search shows people citing rulings that it both is and isn't.
Either way, the police chief, despite being a government official, does not lose the right to help someone else organize a prayer rally as long as he isn't acting in his government capacity.
You, once more, are claiming that the guy lost his right to do religious things when he became the police chief. And that is an absurd view that is actively hostile to all religions.
The Establishment Clause, as written, does not prevent the transfer of government dollars to religious institutions. What the Establishment Clause actually prohibits is coercion by the government - a substantially higher standard.
To put it in a Free Speech analogy, the government may spend whatever it likes because that is the government's own speech but may do nothing to coerce your speech.
I am a firm believer that both institutions are stronger and society is better under a strict separation of church and state - but that's not what the Constitution actually says.
I’m not sure I agree with that.
The government decides to give billions to the Roman Catholic church and somehow that’s not “establishment?”
“We’re not establishing the church – wink, wink – just helping them out a bit."
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion."
If, on the other hand, Congress passes a law funding hospitals in general, and many of them just happen to be owned by the Catholic church, that's not a law respecting the religion.
OK. So what?
Agreed. The same goes for generally applicable laws that religious folks think infringe their "religious liberty".
Usually that phrase translates to "I don't want to follow the law and I'm more special that non-religious folks so I don't have to.".
I think the point is that the 1st Amendment uses the word “establishment” not the word “support.”
They mean different things. The Church of England is the “established” Church in England. The King is the head of it. The clergy are appointed by the government (formally The King’s Ministers.) Its bishops likewise. Its doctrine is within the competence of Parliament to amend. Until the 19th century there were certain government jobs were reserved to members of this Church.
That’s what “established” meant in the 18th century and it’s what it still means.
“Support” is a quite different idea. The UK government “supports” lots of churches, and lots of non Christian religions financially. But that doesn’t turn them into “established” religions. Otherwise the UK would have dozens of “established” religions, not just the one.
That is an awfully extreme reading. It doesn't say, "Congress shall make no law establishing a national religion". It says, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.".
Many of the Founders were opposed to theocracy and were clear about the difference between an individual being free to pursue their own religious beliefs (the Free Exercise clause) and the necessity to prevent government from putting their fingers on the scales (the Establishment Clause).
It doesn't just prevent a national church. It forbids the government from even making the first legislative effort to support a religion, period.
I believe that it means that the government cannot fund any religious organizations, especially if that support gives lots to one and none to others. But I understand that a reading like that will require another few decades until organized religion is an even smaller part of the average American's life and it loses its political power.
Until then, we'll just have to accept that as long as 'forceful' religious organizations maintain their political influence, the US will pay the Catholic Church's defense lawyers.
I guess it boils down to a simple question: does government money given to religious organizations make it easier for that religion to expand? If so, that is aiding in the establishment of a religion.
The only way that I can see to logically prevent that effect is to provide the exact same amount to every religion out there. Then none of them have a slush fund that the others don't.
Actually it’s an awfully straightforward reading which has the advantage of concentrating on the actual text - specifically “establishment” - which was in the late 18th century a concept understood by regular folk, not just by lawyers or churchmen.
Loads of regular folk knew exactly what “establishment” meant because they’d moved to America to escape England’s established church.
It’s hard to see how you arrive at the notion that the Establishment clause is an all purpose prophylactic against any kind of support for religious activity by government, when there were actual states with actual established churches at the time !
In reality and plainly in the text, the Establishment clause is directed at Congress, not at the states, and what it prohibits is not merely a federal establishment by Congress, but also any Congressional interference with state established churches.
You pretend that it is a black-and-white, "regarding the establishment of" only means "establishing a state religion", consensus-driven reading. That isn't even a little bit true.
The consensus for decades has been that "regarding the establishment of" means preferencing a religion over another (or even none). You don't get to walk to the edge of the finish line of establishing a religion and say, "we haven't made a state religion, so it doesn't violate the Establishment Clause". That is a ridiculous, extremist reading.
The Constitution, and the ideals upon which it was built, was highly skeptical of religion in government. Rightly so.
If they meant “support” why did they write “establishment” ?
Each time you attempt that fence you demolish it and land on your backside.
In reality the meaning is straightforward and it just happens not to accord with your anti-religious preferences.
It’s perfectly true that the founders did not want a federally established religion, which is why they wrote the clause. But the reason they didn’t want a federally established religion was because they wanted any question of establishment of religion to be left as a matter for each State, with Congress having no power to interfere. Which again is why they wrote it as they did.
As it happens I am not religious and so I have no dog in this fight. But I can read, and I know that support and establishment mean different things.
I'll try to explain a different way, on the assumption that you aren't following the reasoning.
If you want to establish anything, you need to fund it. Financially supporting a religion is as fundemental to establishment as it gets.
By funding (or not funding) particular religions, the government, through money, is giving one religion precedence over others.
Any time the government is preferencing one religion over another, it is clearly "respecting (concerning) an establishment of religion"
If the government gives a billion dollars to Wahooism (a made-up example), it is not only making them financially sound, it is indicating they are a valid and valuable religion. Simultaneously it is disadvantaging all of Wahooism's competitors, indicating that they are less worthy (or completely unworthy) of support.
The only way for government to avoid passing laws respecting an establishment of religion is to refuse to support any of them.
You obviously don't know much about the Church of England and its history.
While it was simply the English branch of the Roman Catholic Church, it accumulated vast lands and property as a result of donations and inheritances from the wealthy (including the King, privately, but also from various nobles and other rich folk.) These donations were not from the English government, and their intent was to demonstrate piety, to show off and to buy a slot in heaven. At this point, the Church was not "established."
The Church only became "established" when Henry VIII took it over, during his dispute with the Pope about his divorce. During this dispute Henry confiscated a large part of the Church's property.
Thus establishment was associated not with government funding, but with government confiscation. and state appropriation of the government of the Church - eg appointment of bishops, which had hitherto been within the Pope's control, and the settling of doctrine (ditto).
The part of "establishment" that concerned religious restrictions on who could and who could not be appointed to government posititions, had nothing to do with granting privileges to the Church and everything to do with ensuring that government officials were within the discipline of the State Church that was controlled by the King and his Ministers.
So you are roughly 180 degrees from how the English "established" Church - the one the founders were familiar with - got itself established. And the founders would all have been perfectly familiar with this history.
If the government was giving money to a church because it was a church, that argument might make sense.
But you're claiming that the government should be prohibited from giving money to a church to make a playground, when other non-religious institutions were given money for the same purpose. And that's not "religiously neutral" - that's actively hostile to religions.
I agree, to a certain extent. But I also think that churches don't deserve to be nonprofits just because they are churches. The elements that do the same work as secular nonprofits (whether hospitals, food kitchens, homeless shelters, etc.) should be treated the same.
But a general grant of nonprofit status for a church that doesn't do nonprofit activities is unjustified.
You simply object to 501c3's mention of "religious" among the litany of other random causes, even though they still need to make sure "no part of the net earnings of which inures to the benefit of any private shareholder or individual"?
But you are perfectly fine with an organization that runs a sports league, advocates veganism, or tests handguns, even if they do nothing charitable (no hospitals, food kitchens, homeless shelters, etc)?
That seems unduly hostile to religious organizations, subjecting them to additional restrictions that secular organizations aren't.
"But you are perfectly fine with an organization that runs a sports league, advocates veganism, or tests handguns, even if they do nothing charitable (no hospitals, food kitchens, homeless shelters, etc)?"
No.
Ah, so you want to get rid of that section and eliminate all non-charitable non-profits. That's a consistent view, and one I can see someone making a good argument for.
The Constitution does not say anything about either "separation of church and state" nor "religion-neural [sic] government". It forbids Congress from creating an Established religion and interfering with Established religions in the states.
"establishment" means a church/religion where the state appoints clergy. The Framers had full knowledge of the Church of England example and the several states that had established churches.
So long as the courts try to treat minor gestures of support as "establishment", 1A jurisprudence will be wrong and hopeless.
As an atheist, I would not mind occasional “minor gestures” (and I really wish this particular lawsuit hadn’t been brought) if I thought I could trust government to keep the gestures minor. It’s basically the gun control argument: Second Amendment absolutists can’t allow common sense regulation because they don’t trust government to not have that be the first step toward total confiscation. And likewise, those of us who think separation of church and state is important can’t trust that minor gestures won’t metastasize until we have a state religion in all but name.
Hawaii is majority Buddhist. Would the Christians pushing for government sponsored prayer be OK with Hawaii sponsoring Buddhism?
"until we have a state church in all but name"
We had actual state churches in 1789.
So what? We had a lot of things in 1789 that would be completely unacceptable today.
Yes, like for example, social mores against your grooming 5 year olds for gay sex.
I suspect you spend more time thinking about gay sex than many gay people.
I suspect you spend more time grooming children than you spend sleeping.
Do you also suspect the existence of UFO aliens, the Seven Dwarfs, and Father Christmas?
And given how some of those state churches felt about Jews, I am quite surprised that you are on board with the idea of state churches.
Congregationalism in Mass.? Buncha Nazis.
Nobody in 2023 is establishing a state church.
I didn't say "state church". I said "state religion". I think a lot of Christian nationalists would be happy to unofficially establish generic Christianity, which would be even more dangerous than formally establishing a specific denomination. And if you don't see the danger in that, re-read Braunfeld v. Brown, in which the Supreme Court upheld laws requiring businesses to close on Sundays, even though Jewish merchants complained that that would put them out of business since they also had to close on Saturday.
"I didn’t say “state church”. I said “state religion”."
Who said "state churches felt about Jews, I am quite surprised that you are on board with the idea of state churches" then?
"unofficially establish generic Christianity"
Oh no, not "unofficial" and "generic"! If its "unofficial", its not a state religion then.
I was responding to your comment about having state churches in 1789. My original comment was state religion.
And if you think an unofficial state religion can't be just as toxic as an official one, then, again, re-read Braunfeld v. Brown.
Isn’t that a free exercise case? And doesn’t taking a critical view of that opinion support the position of religious people seeking exemptions from generally applicable laws?
No, it doesn't. The argument isn't that religious people should have an exemption. The argument is that the law itself was passed to further religion -- respect for the Christian sabbath -- and is therefore unconstitutional on its face. Sure, the Court was able to come up with secular rationalizations for it, but I don't think anyone was fooled. When the very title of the statute is the Lord's Day Act, that's fairly telling.
Even then I don’t see how that is an odious example. The issue was that the Jewish folks wanted an exemption to work on Sundays because their sabbath is Saturday and they choose to take it off as a religious exercise (which is the same for 7th day adventists by the way, an Xtian denom). It’s a pretty indirect burden all things considered, as opposed to the general burden on everyone
And perhaps they made a tactical error in not also arguing that the law was facially unconstitutional because its real purpose is to further religion. In point of fact, though, this is a good example of a law passed to further religion that disadvantages those of other religions.
Since you asked...
https://www.capitol.hawaii.gov/sessions/session2020/2020GIA-Apps/Lao%20Buddhist%20Foundation%20of%20Hawaii%20CIP_Redacted.pdf
Sorry, I don't have the patience to wade through 18 pages to figure out if this application is to further Buddhism, or whether a group of Buddhists wants to open a non-sectarian community center, and that is a fairly significant distinction. Nor does the link indicate whether the grant application was approved.
"The Constitution does not say anything about either “separation of church and state” nor “religion-neural [sic] government”."
That is a quite reasonable reading of the Establishment Clause, given the Enightenment principles that informed the document and the scepticism and distrust many Founders had regarding government religion. Remember that America was a place where persecuted relugious minorities fled to. Setting up a government that would do it to them again doesn't make sense.
"It forbids Congress from creating an Established religion and interfering with Established religions in the states."
That is the recent revisionist history from the religious right, but it ignores the foundational ideals the Constitution was based on, the historical experience of religiius minorities who fled here, and the reality of theocratic government.
A government based on a specific denomination of a specific faith is inherently discriminatory. It can't be otherwise and history has shown that to be true time and time again.
"“establishment” means a church/religion where the state appoints clergy."
No, it doesn't. And "respecting an establishment of religion" is very different than "establishing a national church".
"minor gestures of support as “establishment”"
Billions of dollars isn't "minor".
It was all about states not wanting OTHER states' religions imposed on them. Not that they couldn't keep their own.
Not really. It was about the general distrust that most colonists had towards religion in government and the Enlightenment principles upon which that the Constitution was based.
You are conflating violations of the Constitution and whether the judiciary is empowered to deal with them. The two are not the same, although many think they are. Of course citizens should be outraged whenever the Constitution is violated. Whether a court has the power to do something about it is another question.
A right without a remedy is purely illusory.
Do conservatives take a different view when a pharmacist doesn't want to do his or her job, or a restaurant doesn't want to comply with a standard provision in a government lease, for superstition-based "reasons?"
Are religious believers prepared to live by the standards they currently favor after the continuing diminution of organized religion in modern America places them in the minority, and reason-preferring Americans are calling the legislative, judicial, and executive shots?
They are talking about standing. Believe it or not positive and negative rights are conceptually different…
Not surprising that the Prof doesn’t think the 1st Amendment should be incorporated but is fine with doing just that with the 2nd Amendment.
The 1st Amendment explicitly states "Congress." The 2nd Amendment refers to "shall not be infringed."
Not an argument that makes much sense. Nor was it the basis for non-incorporation during the Founders’ generation.
bratschewurst 18 mins ago
Flag Comment Mute User
Not an argument that makes much sense. Nor was it the basis for non-incorporation during the Founders’ generation.
14A was ratified 3-4 generations later
Which hd nothing to do with ‘The 1st Amendment explicitly states “Congress.” The 2nd Amendment refers to “shall not be infringed.”’ And, as I read the history, 2A was not explicitly incorporated until quite recently.
We are familiar with the habit of judges to look past words they don't like. Nevertheless the prohibition in 1A is expressly directed to Congress alone. The prohibition in 2A is not. In order to limit the prohibition in 2A to Congress you have to make some large claims about context and intention, which you do not need to make in respect of 1A.
The entire theory of incorporation is that the rights set out in the bill of rights are subsets of the "liberty" that, under the 14th amendment, you can't be deprived without due process of law. That works when you're talking about freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and yes, the right to keep and bear arms. But the prohibition against any law respecting establishment of religion doesn't state a right or protect a liberty.
This was pointed out to the Supremes (I can't find the case right now, but I remember reading the opinions), and Brennan came up with the lame idea that, well, even if not having an established religious isn't a liberty per se, the disestablishment of religion is really, really important as a guarantee of religious liberty. By which I guess we should conclude that religious liberty is in a precarious state in countries like England and Sweden that literally have state churches.
Yet even there the state churches were not always benign.
And I can think of countries with state religions today where the religion is not benign.
“ But the prohibition against any law respecting establishment of religion doesn’t state a right or protect a liberty.” So it’s not really in the Bill of Rights at all?
Of course it protects a liberty. That’s why it’s there.
No. 1A forbids Congress from making "any law respecting an establishment of religion." Respecting here does not mean "showing respect to", it means "in respect of" - ie concerning.
Thus 1A forbids Congress from doing three things :
1. making its own federal law establishing a religion
2. making any law respecting (ie having any effect on) a state's established religion
3. making any law respecting (ie having any effect on) a state's lack of an established religion
Only 1 has anything to do with a liberty (of a citizen)
2 and 3 have to do with the state's rights to be free of Congressional interference in this area.
Correct.
Well, yeah. Wasn't that (religious liberty in England) like, the whole point?
I see no problem with taxpayer standing to sue for redress of governmental violations of the Establishment Clause. As SCOTUS opined in Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-61 (1992), the irreducible constitutional minimum of standing contains three elements. First, the plaintiff must have suffered an injury in fact -an invasion of a legally protected interest which is (a) concrete and particularized, and (b) actual or imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical. Second, there must be a causal connection between the injury and the conduct complained of--the injury has to be fairly traceable to the challenged action of the defendant, and not the result of the independent action of some third party not before the court. Third, it must be likely, as opposed to merely speculative, that the injury will be redressed by a favorable decision.
Rights, constitutional and otherwise, do not exist in a vacuum. Their purpose is to protect persons from injuries to particular interests, and their contours are shaped by the interests they protect. Carey v. Piphus, 435 U.S. 247, 254 (1978). Mental and emotional distress constitute compensable injury in cases under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Ibid. When a plaintiff seeks compensation for a First Amendment injury that is likely to have occurred, but difficult to establish, some form of presumed damages may possibly be appropriate. Memphis Comm. Sch. Dist. v. Stachura, 477 U.S. 299, 310-11 (1986).
As Justice Stewart opined, concurring in Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83, 114 (1968), "Because [the Establishment] clause plainly prohibits taxing and spending in aid of religion, every taxpayer can claim a personal constitutional right not to be taxed for the support of a religious institution."
There's no principled way to argue that taxpayers should have standing to sue for government violations of the EC, but not for Biden handing out student loan "relief" money so that his parasitic constituents can buy new sail phones.
“Because [the Establishment] clause plainly prohibits taxing and spending in aid of religion
Except that that's not what "establishment" means. The Church of England continues to be the "established" church in England, but that fact has never stopped the English (later UK) government from taxing and spending in support of other churches and religions. Spending taxpayers money on churches is not "establishment" and never has been.
And if you're going to go to a narrow reading of the clause, to further a (Christian) religious interest, why then, taxing the churches becomes legitimate.
I can imagine Gorsuch crafting some ingenious apologetics-type argument explaining why the clause must be read with extreme narrowness but taxing Churches, man, that's uh-American.
There are two different clauses that I think you are confusing. The establishment clause prevents Congress from making laws respecting (ie about”) the establishment of religion. It says nothing about either support for or taxing of churches.
If there is any constitutional protection for churches against taxes, it would be the free exercise clause.
It’s hard to see how moderate taxes on the same basis as everybody else pays them could offend the free exercise clause. Maybe taxes at penal rates would, if they made it practically impossible to maintain churches etc.
I think that in tax cases regarding exemptions it's the establishment cause that gets brought up, not the free exercise clause.
See, for example, this:
https://www.mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/972/taxation-of-religious-entities
But if any state did try to tax churches, by 6-3 SC will rule that "history and tradition" prohibits it.
In what start are churches NOT taxes the same as equivalent secular organizations?
Perhaps you should try reading your own link, where it clearly explains that neutral taxation - or tax exemptions or spending - are acceptable, while ones specific to religious organizations are not.
Every state. Churches are nonprofits for the sole reason that they are churches.
Again, that's not true.
To be a non-profit, they must be a non-profit organization. A church that enriches its members must pay taxes. It's pretty clearly spelled out in 501c3: "no part of the net earnings of which inures to the benefit of any private shareholder or individual". Some churches exist as multiple organizations for this reason, which is a questionable trick, but no different than a secular corporation doing the same thing.
And in my state, at least, churches that are 501c3 registered still pay property taxes, and have significant additional restrictions on them (in regards to income, admin costs, purchases) above and beyond the Federal ones. They don't automatically qualify just for being a church. But your state may vary!
SCOTUS appears to be moving towards the “offended observer” standard for other cases involving standing, judging by oral argument in the student loan case. I guess it all depends on who’s offended and why.
No, the student loan issue is not about "observers," but people who will see a material harm to their standard of living from doling out $500 billion for sail phones and fake nails.
Oddly that argument was not made when SCOTUS heard the case. I wonder why not?
Because SCOTUS hasn't recognized taxpayer standing. But the idea that people whose money is stolen from them are only "observing" is as much of a fallacy as the idea that you and your "husband" are in a marriage by playing house.
You know what?
The people, including Blackman and Akhil Amar, who want to allow states to establish churches are insane.
How big a step do you think it is from a state church to mandatory prayer, or even religious instruction, in public schools? Not big.
How long until adherents are granted special privileges of one sort or another? Not long.
You think Mississippi or Texas are going to establish some mild Episcopal church?
The Establishment Clause is absolutely needed as a guardrail against coercion.
As long as it's the right faith, a state church and mandatory prayer would make America a better place.
As long as it’s the right faith
I have a funny feeling that “humanism”, amongst others, would not be regarded by you as the right faith,
a state church and mandatory prayer would make America a better place.
Only for those people who are followers of whatever faith that would be.
I'm a militant atheist, but I am able to recognize that white, mainline Protestant churches made America what it is today. Not Catholic churches where drunken Irishmen and greaseball Italians listen to the dictates of a pedophile Pope, not liberal Jewish denominations where a female rabbi kvells about the virtues of her feygele congregants schtupping the cantor behind the bima, and certainly not Muslim mosques where dirty, unshaven men who don't wear deodorant discuss jihad.
Thanks for sharing.
You're very welcome.
Cool story, bro
"being aware of government spending"
Not that I really expect Blackman to get things like this right, but that isn't the basis for taxpayer standing. It's that every taxpayer is suffering a direct financial injury because of the spending.
The idea that "it isn't a real injury" just because EVERYBODY is suffering the same injury is nonsensical. And the justices' prudential handwringing about flooding the courts is disproven by all the states that have taxpayer standing and do just fine.
But that theory is obviously wrong. Taxpayers suffer injury as taxpayers when money is taken from them, not when money is spent.
There's no standing (at least outside the establishment context) because enjoining a particular spending decision does not redress the alleged injury. Thinking it does requires assuming either that the money would be refunded if the program were cancelled or that the money would be spent in a way that benefits the taxpayer. Otherwise it's just a generalized interest in seeing that the law is followed.
" Taxpayers suffer injury as taxpayers when money is taken from them, not when money is spent."
That's true. And then in theory the money is spent for their benefit, which cancels out the injury, leaving them whole. That's the basic theory that justifies public spending, without that other side of the equation, taxation is just robbery.
Where the spending is improper, there is no constitutionally cognizable benefit, leaving the harm still present.
See, under your approach, there's no basis for complaint if the government, having taxed us, just distributes the money to elected officials to deposit in numbered Swiss accounts, rather than providing services. Non-provision of services not being a harm, after all, and the taxes being a sunk cost.
To understand that scenario as wrongful, you need to recognize that the taxes were, nominally, taken from us to pay for the provision of public goods, and without being spent on those public goods, the taking itself was wrongful.