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Court Orders Unsealing Names of Non-Parent Sureties Who Put Up Bail for Samuel Bankman-Fried
From yesterday's opinion in U.S. v. Bankman-Fried, decided by Judge Lewis Kaplan (S.D.N.Y.):
At defendant's presentment on December 22, 2022, the government and defense jointly proposed a set of bail conditions. Those conditions required, inter alia, that defendant sign a $250 million personal recognizance bond to be co-signed by defendant's parents. The joint proposal required also that two additional sureties, one of whom must be a non-family member, sign separate bonds in lesser amounts to be agreed upon by the government and the defendant (the "Individual Bonds")…. The government and defense [later] agreed that the sureties would sign separate appearance bonds in the amount of $500,000 and $200,000, respectively….
Pursuant to my January 3, 2023 order, the News Organizations filed four separate applications to intervene for the purpose of seeking access to the sureties' names….
In this case, the Individual Bonds — with or without names of non-parental sureties — did not exist when the magistrate judge approved the bail package. Indeed, neither their amounts nor the identities of the sureties yet had been agreed upon. Accordingly, it is at least arguable that the Individual Bonds, on the facts of this case, are not judicial documents [that are subject to a presumptive right of public access]. Nevertheless, no one disputes that they are judicial documents. I therefore so assume for purposes of this motion. In consequence, I assume that the presumption of accessability applies here and turn to the question of the weight to which it is entitled in this case….
"[T]he weight to be given the presumption of access must be governed by the role of the material at issue in the exercise of Article III judicial power and the resultant value of such information to those monitoring the federal courts. Generally, the information will fall somewhere on a continuum from matters that directly affect an adjudication to matters that come within a court's purview solely to insure their irrelevance."
The presumption of access is strong for "documents that 'directly affect an adjudication' and play a significant role in 'determining litigants' substantive rights.'" Moreover, documents that "are usually filed with the court and are generally available" enjoy a stronger presumption of public access than documents for which "filing with the court is unusual or is generally under seal." By contrast, "documents that 'play only a negligible role in the performance of Article III duties' are accorded only a low presumption that 'amounts to little more than a prediction of public access absent a countervailing reason.'"
As indicated above, neither the Individual Bonds nor the non-parental sureties' names played any role in the magistrate judge's approval of defendant's release pending trial. Those bonds did not then exist and the sureties' names were not known, at least to the magistrate judge. The fact that the identities of the non-parental sureties played no role in the bail decision "appreciably" weakens the strength of the presumption. On the other hand, the fact that bonds signed by sureties and co-sureties, which include their names, routinely are filed in this Court and made available to the public cuts in the other direction.
At bottom, the strength of the presumption in this case, as it applies to the identities of the non-parental sureties, is not strong. The benefit to the public of knowing the identities of the non-parental sureties for the purposes of "monitoring the federal courts" is extremely limited at best despite the fact that there appears to be a lot of popular interest in who they are. Nevertheless, the presumption exists albeit it is entitled only to limited weight….
The conclusion that there is a modest presumption in favor of public access to this information is not the end of the analysis. Courts must consider whether the presumption has been overcome. Relevant factors include but are not limited to (i) "the danger of impairing law enforcement or judicial efficiency" and (ii) "the privacy interests of those resisting disclosure," including the "nature and degree of injury" resulting from disclosure.
In this case, there does not appear to be any danger of impairing law enforcement. The identities of the non-parental sureties have no bearing on the government's investigation, as evidenced by the fact that the government has taken no position with respect to the motions.
Second, the privacy interests of the non-parental sureties are limited. On the one hand, given the widespread popular interest in this case, many people appear to wish to know the names of the non-parental sureties. If the names of the non-parental sureties are disclosed, it is reasonable to assume that those individuals will become subject to publicity that they would prefer not to attract. That is entitled to some consideration, especially in a case which has the notoriety that this one has attracted. But that alone does not do the trick.
More serious is defendant's claim that he and his parents "have become the target of … harassment[ ] and threats … including communications expressing a desire that they suffer physical harm." While there is no evidence to that effect before me, I have no reason to doubt the assertion. But it does not follow that the non-parental sureties "would face similar … threats and harassment …." Defendant's parents were subject to intense public scrutiny for their close relationship with defendant and their involvement with FTX well before co-signing his bail bond. Indeed, defendant's father "was a paid employee of the company for nearly a year prior to FTX's collapse, connected FTX with at least one major investor, and participated in FTX's meetings with policy makers and officials." In contrast, the amounts of the Individual Bonds—$500,000 and $200,000 —do not suggest that the non-parental sureties are persons of great wealth or likely to attract attention of the types and volume of that to which defendant's parents appear to have been subjected. Thus, defendant's claim that the non-parental sureties "would face similar intrusions" is speculative and entitled only to modest weight.
Moreover, the information sought—i.e., the names of bail sureties—traditionally is public information. The non-parental bail sureties have entered voluntarily into a highly publicized criminal proceeding by signing the Individual Bonds. Accordingly, they do not have the type of privacy interests in their names that the Court of Appeals found to warrant confidential treatment with respect to "[f]inancial records of a wholly owned business, family affairs, illnesses, embarrassing conduct with no public ramifications, and similar matters."
Weighing the scales, with the presumption of public access on one scale and the countervailing factors on the other, there is not much weight on either side. The information at issue is entitled only to a weak presumption of access, yet the countervailing factors are not sufficiently persuasive to overcome even that presumption. In my view, the Individual Bonds should be on the public record.
The court also concluded that the First Amendment right of access doesn't apply to these documents, though the common-law right of access does:
[A]ppearance bonds are neither "derived from" nor "a necessary corollary" of the capacity to attend a bail proceeding. As previously noted, the names of the non-parental sureties were not mentioned at that proceeding. Hence, they are not "necessary to understand the merits" of a bail proceeding and, therefore, "are [not] covered by the First Amendment's presumptive right of access."
The names will be unsealed by Feb. 7 at 5 pm, unless an appeal is filed.
Congratulations to Lacy H. Koonce, III (Klaris Law PLLC), Jeremy A. Chase and Alexandra Settelmayer (Davis Wright Tremaine LLP), and Dana R. Green (N.Y. Times), who represented the movants, and Matthew Russell Lee (Inner City Press), who represented himself as movant.
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With bail set at $250 million the amounts of the other sureties seems ridiculously small.
Yes, I wonder what the purpose of adding the two non-parental sureties is. Together they are only 1/4 % of the parental bond.
Anyone have any idea what the point of adding them in is?
Just speculating; unconnected persons are less likely to flee together with the defendant? Or the possibility that the joint finances of son and parents might be smoke and mirrors?
The agreed bail terms were $250M and four co-signers (the two parents and one non-family member and one other) and that the "2 non-parent sureties to sign bonds in lesser amounts to be agreed to." I assume the $200K and $500K were considered sufficient motivation for the other two and exposing them to the full amount would just scare them off.
Possibly the non-parents are a close relative and a friend who, it is thought, have particular influence over SBF, or would be so damaged by losing the money that they are super-confident he will not flee.
It's also possible that the court thinks the possibility of bankrupting possibly, his grandparents, is an added incentive not to flee.
Just conjecture, really.
Once you get beyond the assets of the individuals involved I don't see why the amount matters.
$250 million!
Can I have one 500th of that? I can retire. I will even promise to leave everything left to a charity of your choice.
$500,000???? not exactly chump change, but not what I would call a Retirement fund, got a better job, learn a worthwhile trade and earn your own money.
I wonder what was the government's position was on the motion?
Given how much he donated to Democrats, I'd guess the government would be trying to keep them secret.
Why do you ignore the associated donations to Republicans?
Other than partisanship, cynicism, resignation, and disaffectedness.
Time, that bastion of hard-right partisanship says "He personally gave at least $40 million to politicians and political action committees ahead of the 2022 midterm elections, mostly to Democrats and liberal-leaning groups, making him the second overall top donor to Democrats, only behind George Soros".
He donated to R and D PACs, though the biggest was , of course, on the Left.
He donated the maximum to ... three R congresscritters, one of whom was leading a committee that is ("because reasons") involved in crypto regulation.
The source for "tens of millions of untraceable donations to Rs" is ... B-F himself, in a phone call to a ... YouTuber; though even that might only bring him close to parity, since his admitted and tracked total is over 70M, again, mostly to Democrats.
Is Time lying, or did B-F mostly donate to Democrats?
Is it untenable to just admit he did? After all, he wanted influence, and Democrats have been notionally in charge these past few years.
(Also: "The former crypto king made one of the largest donations to Joe Biden’s presidential campaign in 2020, contributing $5.2 million")
Hey Rev - not to derail the conversation and you are of course entitled to ignore the question - do you occasionally call in to the Thom Hartmann program? I heard someone a couple of days back who used verbiage very similar to what you use here...
Your guess is, unsurprisingly, incorrect.
The dumbass is baked into these clingers.
Why complain? It's part of the reason better Americans defeat these right-wing losers in the culture war.
Thanks for the "Klinger" Rev.olting Jerry, was afraid you'd had a Stroke or something and lost the part of your Harddrive where you saved "Klinger" (you probably saw it on "Compuserve" back in 92 with your lighting fast 386)
But you're the one telling war stories about a drunk Robert Bork (he'd be 97 if he hadn't died years ago) not like you're not an old fuck yourself.
Frank (July 4, 1962, a day that will live in Infamy (my birthday)
I have no love for this little darling, whom I have no doubt is guilty.
That said, what this does impair is the 8th Amendment -- if you presume that there is a right to bail, then there has to be a right to raise bail, and that unpopular people have the same right to do so as anyone else.
In our current "cancel culture", would public knowledge of who had provided the bail serve to preclude them doing so for unpopular persons accused of having done unpopular things?
Should the names of those who contribute to a legal defense fund be public -- e.g. Hunter Biden's legal defense fund. See https://freebeacon.com/latest-news/hunter-biden-paintings-worth-less-than-his-mounting-legal-bills/
Cancel culture is something new and I doubt was anticipated by the framers.
I don't particularly assume that there's a right to bail, as opposed to a right to a speedy trial. Bail is a bandage over the gross failure to comply with that actual constitutional command.
I do assume there's a right to know what the courts are up to, barring some good reason to the contrary, so we can know they're not up to no good.
This guy has been throwing millions around like it was chump change, in a fairly non-transparent manner, which raises real concerns that he has enough squirreled away beyond the government's knowledge to be a serious flight risk. And he's been throwing a huge amount of it at political causes, which raises a real concern that the government might not be as determined to prevent that flight as one might ordinarily expect.
Transparency is in order here.
I should say that, yeah, the 8th amendment says that you can't require excessive bail, so I'm wrong, there IS something of a constitutional right that bail, if permitted, not be excessive. Mea culpa.
I still think that it's a bandage on the gushing wound of trials not being speedy. And THIS bail is a joke, given the sums involved, and the gross inadequacy of the guarantees put forward.
I was defining "excessive" in a slightly different way -- opportunity cost instead of actual cash figure.
Excessive bail is prohibited and I would argue that includes excessive costs to the reputations of those posting the bonds.
OTOH, I remember something about a defendant in a controversial politicized trial asking his supporters to *not* get him out because he'd rather see the 10% go to fund his defense.
I'm of two minds on people like Kamela Harris and bail funds for arrested BLM protesters. On the one hand, I believe that every non-violent defendant deserves bail but when it become a blanket "get out of jail free" card, that's an issue.
And there is an issue with truly dangerous defendants, although I think that is often exploited by prosecutors.
Does Bankman-Fried have $250 Million to pledge as a security? Why does he have $250 million to pledge? Shouldn't that money have been seized and held as the potential proceeds of fraud?
So, this is a serious question. Assume for a second, that a major drug dealer is held up, and all of his cash is generally assumed to be from his drug sales. Can they actually use that money to post bond?
Why doesn't a similar rule exist here.
As with so many facets of this case, more questions than answers.
It's not a secured bond, meaning he doesn't have to put any money up now: he (and his co-signers) will simply owe the court $250 million if he violates the conditions.
I don't think there's much chance of the government actually collecting the $250 million if things get to that point.
If this is all pointless theatrics, then I believe I have some questions about who promoted the pointless theatrics and why.
Seems a bit...toothless.
I mean, on one end, at least the parents are on the hook for the amount. On the other end, California homestead law lets them protect up to $600,000 against a house.
So, a $250 million bond, but...unsecured...and... Why not a $1 Billion unsecured bond?
At that point, what's the difference between a $250 Million unsecured bond, and a $10 million secured bond? I think the secured bail/bond would actually mean something.
Does the homestead act even apply -- I doubt it.
It is a secured bond, but secured by the parents' home rather than by cash.
Now that’s funny. Depending on who you listen to, that house is worth somewhere between $1.5 million and $3.5 million, and sits on land leased from Stanford and thus can’t be freely sold.
In a situation where ~$8 billion is at large and the parents are already known to own property outside the US that puts the Stanford hovel to shame, it’s not at all clear why this sort of Potemkin bond and token security arrangement would put any material pressure on SBF to stick around unless he was already inclined to do so.
So?
I mean, the alternatives then are "no bail rot in jail for years before trial" (which is frankly ludicrous; he has not been convicted of a crime and in any case seems like a low recidivism risk in that it's unlikely he can start a new crypto-fraud while awaiting trial, successfully.
It's not like he's a serial rapist or murderer who endangers the public by existing outside of bars while awaiting justice.
Or ... just let him loose and accept the possible risk of flight, and extradite him later when he shows up.
"A life in hiding from the US government trying to arrest him" is actually a pretty strong disincentive to run.
How strong a disincentive it is depends on how much money he has hidden away, and how he fancies his prospects on going to trial. He could potentially have enough money hidden away to live a life of luxury under an assumed name, as long as he kept a fairly low profile. Where "luxury" just means "significantly better than life in a prison".
Life in prison can get pretty bad and short, if you happen to score a cell with a conveniently broken camera, and know stuff important people don't want ever surfacing. Which in this case could be, where a lot of that money actually went.
I wonder why they can't just have him accompanied 24/7 by armed guards?
People don't get convicted of crimes before trial (by the justice system, anyway). Not quite sure of your point here.
To flip your question back on you: So? In situations with similar odds of recidivism, risk of flight is a routine reason for denying bail (recent high-profile examples including Ghislaine Maxwell, Stewart Rhodes, and Ross Ulbricht).
If he's dumb enough to flee to a country that has an extradition treaty with the US and hang out in nightclubs bragging loudly about his escapades, sure. But crediting him with a couple of brain cells and given the likelihood that he has a significant chunk of change squirreled away with which he can create a new identity and live life under the radar, I'd say it's his game to lose.
So, secured is better. But, the house isn't worth $250 million. Yes, Palo Alto is a high rent area, but not $250 Million high. Realistically you're looking at maybe 10% of that value as a high end.
It is customary to seize the assets of drug dealers before they can retain counsel or post bail.
What is the legal basis for doing so?
Our system is supposed to be based on the premise of innocence until proven guilty.
Not offering support for suspected criminals, but how does this square. The same with civil seizure and forfeiture.
"Supposed" is the operative term
>major drug dealer i
It's even worse here, as there is also a bankruptcy trustee that is (supposed to be) securing assets.
Perhaps it's because they aren't sure where all the money went and aren't completely sure he doesn't have that much squirrelled away somewhere.
If he's got 500m they don't know about, he can access from some country that he can't be extradited from I can see them wanting to make skipping out on his bail painful.
How is it illegal to get people to invest in a Ponzi scheme when everyone knows, or should know, that it’s a Ponzi scheme?!? Btw, I’m a genius and if you want to make a lot of money you should invest in my cryptic-currency!
How is it illegal to get people to invest in a Ponzi scheme when everyone knows, or should know, that it’s a Ponzi scheme?!?
Fraudsters rely on the naive and stupid to commit their fraud. The fact that you think the victims "should have known" it was a fraud is not a defense.
You mean like the case of Social Securtity; the greatest Ponzi scheme ever?
I am now convinced you have a breathing tube inserted 24/7, 365 days a year. You are far too stupid to remember to breathe on your own.
From Investor.Gov:
Ponzi Scheme
A Ponzi scheme is an investment fraud that pays existing investors with funds collected from new investors. Ponzi scheme organizers often promise to invest your money and generate high returns with little or no risk. But in many Ponzi schemes, the fraudsters do not invest the money. Instead, they use it to pay those who invested earlier and may keep some for themselves.
With little or no legitimate earnings, Ponzi schemes require a constant flow of new money to survive. When it becomes hard to recruit new investors, or when large numbers of existing investors cash out, these schemes tend to collapse.
Sure sounds a lot like SS.
Social Security is not a ponzi scheme because it's not claiming to make you any money and is not something you have any choice about.
It's just government taking money from workers to pay retirees.
It's not an investment, and does not claim to produce returns on investment.
(This is not to say it's a good system, or not coercive.
It's just not actually a ponzi scheme, despite vague structural similarities if you ignore the glaring differences.)
"It’s not an investment, and does not claim to produce returns on investment."
You had to go there. Yeah, it's not an investment, but it pretends to be one. "Here's how much money is in the trust fund."
Mostly, the way it differs from a Ponzi scheme are ways it's worse: It's a Ponzi scheme run by people who can shoot you for trying to opt out, so don't have to create the illusion of a good rate of return.
It pretends nothing of the sort.
Social Security doesn't send out reports that say, "We did great in the market last year, so benefits are going up."
Yes, it talks about a trust fund, because it uses surplus revenue to buy government bonds, which are what the trust funds assets consist of. What do you think they should do with that surplus?
So you guys buy breathing tubes in bulk and share them?
it's actually a "Fonzie" scheme
Was it a ponzi scheme?
It was supposed to be a secured crypto exchange, I thought?
The fraud was "spending people's deposits", not something structural about the enterprise, from all I've heard.
(Crypto nonsense is nonsense, but it's rarely if ever a Ponzi scheme; I'm aware of no even vaguely popular cryptocurrencies that depend on recruiting new people who send YOU money, which is the nature of a Ponzi scheme.
Most of them are simply more like tulip-mania hype bubbles, or pump-and-dump scams, if they're simply scams.)
This all sounds right.
It looks like they just took the deposits and lent them to Alameda to support its trading activities.
I'm guessing this all went like a lot of these things do. It starts small and things don't go well. Instead of eating the loss SBF convinces himself that it will turn out just fine if he is patient, so he dumps more into the scheme and pretty soon the hole is too deep.
This seems typical of a certain type of person who has a very hard time admitting his scheme isn't going to work.
That is sort of how Madoff got in so deep.
Only with the added "Effective altruism" angle, so he could tell himself that even if the investors were going to be hosed, he was at least doing good with the money.
Yes, except I think Madoff was a crook from the beginning, whereas SBF really thought he was just borrowing the money and would return it as soon as the trading paid off.
Based on what? His say so?
Given the apparent bias toward disclosure, why are settlements still kept private? In some cases it seems difficult to find out even that there was a settlement. For example, I assume that this case was settled, but that’s hardly clear:
https://dockets.justia.com/docket/circuit-courts/ca4/21-2146
Settlements are private contracts: you do this, I'll do that, where this and that include dismissing a civil case (usually with prejudice). Private contracts are normally allowed to have confidential clauses. Is there a reason they should be forbidden for settlement agreements?
My vague recollection is that we want to encourage settlements, and that’s why we allow them to be confidential. I’m just noticing some tension between that principle and the general rule that is expressed in cases like this one.
As to the settlement being a private contract? It’s not completely private, it disposes of a public matter.
The actions taken pursuant to that contract are what dispose of the public matter. The court has rules for whether to accept a motion to dismiss, and the briefs in support (or opposition) to such a motion are on the docket, as is the court’s response. Those docket items let the public decide whether the court did its job properly.
The settlement details affect why the parties decide that dismissal is in order, but the reasons for such a decision are not within the scope of why court records are presumptively public.
*never mind*
Forget all the popular forms of systemic injustice such as those based on race or identity, those are just over-sold PR campaigns. For example, systemic racial injustice simply doesn’t exist in the US anymore, it was entirely wiped out more than a generation ago. Activists still claim it exists, but we all can see for ourselves that’s just rhetoric. For those who would disagree, show me the law that permits it, and the legal agency which enforces it.
However, some forms of systemic injustice do, indeed, still live on, and they’re just as virulent as ever. The biggest one is the unequal application of the law to the rich and influential vs. its application to the common person. We have specific examples of this form all around us, including this ridiculously low bail bond requirement levied against Bankman-Fried. A personal recognizance bond of only $700 thousand on a bail amount of $250 million?! Try getting that kind of a sweetheart deal if you're accused of common crimes.
The legal profession still has a long, long way to go before it can rightly claim to being blind to all but the even application of the law.
"For those who would disagree, show me the law that permits it, and the legal agency which enforces it."
You want us to show you a law that AUTHORIZES systemic injustice such as those based on race or identity?!?
https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/300/text?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22justice+for+black+farmers+act%22%5D%7D&r=1&s=1
I know it was passed way back in 2021, ancient history.
EC. 206. ELIGIBILITY FOR ASSISTANCE.
(a) Farm Operating Loans.—
(1) ELIGIBLE BLACK INDIVIDUALS.—Beginning on the date of conveyance of a land grant under section 203(a)(2), the eligible Black individual that receives the land grant shall be eligible for a direct operating loan under subtitle B of the Consolidated Farm and Rural Development Act (7 U.S.C. 1941 et seq.), notwithstanding any borrower eligibility requirements under subparagraph (B) or (D) of section 311(a)(1) of that Act (7 U.S.C. 1941(a)(1)) for such a loan.
Frank
Do "common crimes" have $250M bails?
How do you imagine equal applicaiton of the law working for bail?
Remember, bail's purpose is to combat flight risk; it is not a pre-trial punishment or a legal penalty, and the Constitution demands that bails be "reasonable", whatever that means.
Instead of complaining that 700k out of 250m is not enough, complain that whatever out of whatever is TOO MUCH for specific poor people, and make your case.
If bail is a problem, it's almost always "too high", not "too low", because the general public keeps seeing bail as a pre-conviction pre-punishment for people they Know Are Guilty.
(I'm all in favor of bail reform, including simply releasing people without it if they're not a danger pre-trial or really likely to flee.
People who ARE a danger pre-trial should be kept with no bail [and actually given a speedy trial], but that's ... not a huge number of people.)
"People who ARE a danger pre-trial should be kept with no bail [and actually given a speedy trial], but that’s … not a huge number of people.)"
But that is not what's happening and in the cases of pre-trial confinement and no "speedy" trial it is much easier to coerce a plea deal.
Thank you. Conservatives seem to have gotten it into their heads that the purpose of bail is to keep people in prison.
For a contrary view, see Scott Greenfield.
https://blog.simplejustice.us/2023/02/01/harder-still-to-find-a-surety/