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S. Ct. Will Decide: When Must Employers Accommodate Religious Employees' Objections to Work Rules?
Will Justices Marshall and Brennan's views on how interpret the Congressional statute on this question be vindicated, 45 years later?
Say you're working for a private employer, and you have a religious objection to a religion-neutral work rule: You might feel a religious obligation not to work Friday sundown to Saturday down, while the employer may require you to Saturdays or Friday nights. You might feel a religious obligation to wear a beard or a turban or a yarmulke or a headscarf, which may conflict with an employer dress and grooming code banning headgear or facial hair. You might feel a religious obligation not to get vaccinated, which may conflict with an employer requirement of vaccination.
One can debate on libertarian, egalitarian, or utilitarian grounds whether employers should have to give you an exemption from such rules. But in 1972, Congress said, as a matter of federal law, that they must indeed do so, unless they show that they're "unable to reasonably accommodate to an employee's … religious observance or practice without undue hardship on the conduct of the … business." How high a bar, though, should "undue hardship" be?
In TWA v. Hardison (1977), the Supreme Court held that "To require [an employer] to bear more than a de minimis cost in order to [accommodate the employee] is an undue hardship." The two most liberal members of the Court, Justices Marshall and Brennan objected, reasoning (among other things),
As a matter of law, I seriously question whether simple English usage permits "undue hardship" to be interpreted to mean "more than de minimis cost," especially when the examples the [1967 EEOC guidelines, which the dissent viewed as probative of the meaning of the 1972 amendments] give of possible undue hardship is the absence of a qualified substitute.
But the more centrist and conservative Justices in the majority disagreed.
What a difference the last 45 years have made! As with the question whether the Free Exercise Clause entitles religious objectors to exemptions from religion-neutral laws, it looks like the ideological polarity of this issue has flipped. Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch have called for reconsidering the TWA v. Hardison decision (and Justice Kavanaugh has hinted that he might agree):
Hardison's reading does not represent the most likely interpretation of the statutory term "undue hardship"; the parties' briefs in Hardison did not focus on the meaning of that term; no party in that case advanced the de minimis position; and the Court did not explain the basis for this interpretation.
And today the Court agreed to rehear the issue, in Groff v. DeJoy. The particular fact question here is when employees can get religious days off, but the holding will likely extend much further than that.
What would that holding likely be? It's not clear where Justice Barrett and Chief Justice Roberts would come out on the matter—maybe they will disagree with their fellow conservatives (certainly the conservative Justices sometimes disagree on a wide range of matters). On the other hand, it's possible that Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Jackson might decide to come out on the side of employees, as Justices Marshall and Brennan had urged back in 1977.
My guess is that the Court will indeed read "undue hardship" as a more demanding standard than just "more than de minimis cost," and thus make things easier for employees seeking religious exemptions (and harder for employers who want to apply their religion-neutral work rules). But just how the line will be drawn is anyone's guess.
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I doubt that Kagan will give up her stare decisis crusade this quickly after Dobbs. Maybe, if she decides to go all "fuck it."
Sotomayor and Jackson will almost certainly vote with the employees.
Again, it's not Russia (Is this Russia? this isn't Russia)
don't like your Employer's rules, quit and go work for someone else.
Or work for yourself, it's still possible, and lots of umm "passages" in the Tax laws that make it more lucrative, love being my own boss, when I yell "Who scheduled this (redacted)" I'm just yelling at myself,
Frank
Good thing we Jewish Physicians (and I'm "Jewish" not Jew-ish) don't take things literally,
"Oh hey, won't be able to take call, or even come in, from Sundown Friday to Sundown Saturday"
Even Sandy Koufax pitched on the Sabbath, just sat out some of the High Holidays,
Frank
On the other hand, it's possible that Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Jackson might decide to come out on the side of employees, as Justices Marshall and Brennan had urged back in 1977
BWA HA HA HA!!!!!
?
Given the past hostility these justices have demonstrated with regard to religious rights and the first amendment (with regards to religious rights), it may be unlikely that they would come down on the side of the first amendment, in regards to religious rights.
In many ways, the court's "liberal" justices have switched their positions on religious rights and the first amendment, as compared to the position of the the position of Brennan and Marshall.
Now, yes, technically this is the EEOC, and not directly a First Amendment case. But a ruling for religious rights here would imply similar First Amendment rights in religious cases, where the government was seeking to impose a burden on those with religious objections.
It’s a lot like free speech where both sides claim to be the ultimate protectors of free speech, but each side fails to do so when other priorities get in the way. (For the right it’s usually “family values” and for the left it’s usually money, but there are others.)
Liberals claim to be very into religious freedom as well, and follow through in contexts like prisoner’s rights cases, but not when it comes to money again (as in Maine). (The vaccine cases were largely about process e.g. shadow docket so I’m not sure they’re a good barometer. The liberals were generally supportive of religious rights on the merits.)
These cases align religious freedom with powerless labor workers against powerful monied corporations. Why in the world (other than stare decisis) would the liberals vote for the corporations? There’s even an opportunity to claim the mantle of textualism (which is going to be the conservative justices’ Achilles heel now that they’ve thrown in with History & Tradition).
The vaccine, COVID shutdown, and birth control/abortion cases really bring all this to the fore for liberals. And in each case, religion was a secondary right.
Now in the above EEOC cases, one can make the point that the federal government can be considered an employer. And a ruling that would allow for people who have religious disputes with vaccination to avoid them, in regards to federal employment...can't see the liberals supporting that.
Your list of grievances don't really show that those Justices don't come down on the side of workers.
In fact, you pretty quickly wander off topic to your own definition of what rights should be and which rights don't much count.
You don't have the inside track on the Constitution and rights; we live in a pluralistic society. You can have your opinion, but insisting that all who disagree are bad faith authoritarians or whatever is just empty partisanship.
And empty partisanship is not very predictive of what Justices will do. Except for Alito, who is himself a pretty empty partisan.
Evilito. Ugh, I can't stand that guy.
Bong Hits 4 Jesus!
Abortion and contraception? The left is on the side of religious freedom in those! What the fuck you talkin’ ’bout.
I already talked about vaccines and lockdowns. The liberals were supportive of religious freedom, but weren’t willing to act as legislators rather than judges in those cases, which were mainly about grandstanding on the right.
Now let’s talk about how the conservatives treat religious freedom as secondary to the death penalty and the right to abuse prisoners.
I wish the court would just tell them to make a Coasean bargain and leave the government out of it.
Except that strengthens the hand of those hiding behind (what is not a ) Religion
In TWA the Court concluded with:
Gorsuch’s majority opinion in Groff will state [in his folksy style] that the Court in TWA misunderstood the issue, and the importance of protecting religious belief, by focusing instead on what it claimed was the “paramount concern of Congress in enacting Title VII.” That is, the TWA Court dismissed the clear textual mandate of 42 U.S.C. § 2000e(j), and its protection of an employee’s religious beliefs and practices, by viewing the provision within the context of employment discrimination. The decision in TWA also demonstrated a hostility to those with sincerely held religious beliefs by framing the issue as involving the “privilege” of having Saturdays off. Religious adherents who, in accord with the dictates of their beliefs, dedicate a day to worshiping their God, are not seeking a “privilege,” to be granted by a benevolent corporation, to have a day off work. Rather, they are worshiping in accord with their religion, a practice that Congress chose to explicitly protect via the statutory definition of religion in sec. 2000e(j).
"On the other hand, it’s possible that Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Jackson might decide to come out on the side of employees"
Wouldn't it be nice if all of them came out on the side of the Constitution?
Wait: What's the constitutional issue here? This is a question of statutory interpretation.
Yes...and no. It's a question of statutory interpretation, but as it applies to religious rights and protections. An expansion here may imply an expansion with regards to First amendment cases, regarding religion and religious rights.
This is a case interpreting a law. It would be extraordinary if the Justices dragged the First Amendment into it.
Stranger things have happened, but it would absolutely be strange.
What constitutional issue do you see implicated in this case?
Liberty of contract perhaps?
Yes, I know, it’s all but been written out of constitutional law. But it’s worth remembering every now and then.
I am not sure how this comes out on egalitarian or utilitarian grounds, but on libertarian grounds the answer is pretty clear: the state should not force a private employer to grant such an exemption to a religious employee. As far as I am concerned, that's the right answer.
No, that basis is no basis. Why should not the basis you choose not itself be subject to 'religious' objection? You used words with no referent. IF I claim that my religious need is to be able to smoke cigarettes at my desk, what can you say.?
Interestingly, even the Europeans (!) agree with me
In the late 2021, the European Court of Human Rights rejected as inadmissible the application lodged by a person affiliated with the Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster. The Court argued that ‘Pastafarianism’..., cannot be considered to be a religion or belief within the sense [ they hold of religion ]
The real issue is the liberal/libertarian issue of "what is a religion?"
Remember the Christian basis ( or better: Biblical) for: The "twin relics of barbarism" was the 1856 Republican party platform's label for polygamy and slavery
And we all agree over 150 years later. THe basis for any religion's tolerance or legality must be a religious basis, logically.
So we get this:
Chief Justice Morrison Waite wrote: “To permit this would be to make the professed doctrines of religious belief superior to the law of the land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a law unto himself. Government could exist only in name under such circumstances.”
To judge any religious case you must LOGICALLY have a religious basis. To give X and not-X equal standing is to give NOTHING any standing except force.
Serious question. If "undue hardship" is something greater than "more than de minimis" . . . what's in between?
If 0 is nothing, 1-2 is de minimis, then undue hardship would be anything 3-100. If undue hardship is redefined as 10-100, what's 4-9?
re: "what's 4-9?" How about 'small but not undue'?
Think about how 'de minimis' is used in other contexts. Being allowed to use the stapler at work is a de minimis benefit that doesn't have to get reported as income on your tax return. There's a pretty fair distance between being allowed to occasionally make personal use of a stapler and an actual raise. And probably lots of words you could use to describe it.
Well, how much hardship is due? If 0 is due, then 1 is both de minimis and undue (which is how I prefered to interpret "undue burden" in the abortion context: any is per se undue). If 35 is due, then 30 is neither de minimis nor undue.
Couldn't de minimis hardships be those hardships that are due (doable? bad pun.). A de minimis hardship is real, but not large enough to be concerned about. Couldn't anything real, and large enough to be concerned about be undue? That's not an argument that it is, but just, I think, a recognition that it could be.
You know, or if a job has requirements you don't like, maybe just, perhaps, don't take the job?
I appreciate that argument -- it's just that Congress rejected it, at least to some degree (and the question here is to what degree).
If the Supreme Court revises the law regarding religious accommodation in favor of employees, I wonder what will happen when an employee raises a religious objection to having to bake a wedding cake for a same sex couple.
See here for an example.
https://www.eeoc.gov/newsroom/jury-awards-240000-muslim-truck-drivers-eeoc-religious-discrimination-suit
When the FFs put the free exercise clause in 1A, I don't think they anticipated nor intended that ultimately the US would give religious beliefs such broad supremacy.
It isn’t the free exercise clause, which merely prevents the government from interfering with the exercise of religion; it’s Title VII, which allowed government to dictate to private businesses. In a libertarian world, there is no Title VII (or Title II). Once you embrace the idea of government telling businesses how (not) to select employees and who they must do business with, you can’t complain about which group is benefiting from the interference. It will be whatever group has sufficient political power.
I expect this Court to expand the special privilege for religious claimants. That decision would flatter the right-wingers' supporters and be consistent with self-interest (most of the current justices claim to followers of organized superstition).
I expect an enlarged Court to be more susceptible to reason, more egalitarian, and capable of correct any mischief effected by the current Court.
Carry on, clingers. Your betters will let you know how far and how long.
Please lets not pretend this is employees v employers. This is a few employees v many employees. If the court adopts a stronger interpretation, the people who will end up paying the price are the coworkers. Once you realize that, it is obvious that the people who should pay the price are the ones who actually hold the relevant religious beliefs.
That's obviously the problem the TWA court had with this according to Schrödinger's above quote. Plus, I would add to that, it puts the employer in the tough position of having to adjudicate religious claims. How much discretion does the employer have? Can they decide that an employee's claim isn't authentic? How? When the pissed-off employees realize that all they have to do is say "Saturday is my day of rest" in order to also get Saturdays off, what's stopping them from doing that?
In the public sector, there's a lot of case law built up around what sort of notice is required, the evidentiary standard, and the extent of accommodations, all backed up by the courts. None of that exists in the private sector, not to mention that we're back to defining "undue burden." Will employers just make religious employees sue one by one, rather than either a) open the floodgates or b) implement their own "court of inquiry" into their employees' religious beliefs? In court, you're under penalty of perjury. If you misrepresent your religious beliefs to your employer, is that even criminal?
I mean, we already have this in the ADA context. Private employers are required to accommodate your alleged disabilities.
I feel like that's an interesting comparison. Two salient things about ADA. One is, 90% of it is just code / best-practices / standards, like, put braille on your signs and have ramps. #2 is, disabilities are objective.
It's like sick leave versus vacation. Sick leave (disabilities) are objective, where vacation (religion) is subjective.
I don't think we can have either religious "codes" that all employers are required to honor, nor are there objective diagnoses of religion as there are with disabilities.
So really, the comparison highlights the difficulties with treating religion as a disability. I don't think that's a useful analogy.
It’s not merely an interesting comparison. The text is identical, “undue hardship,” in both.
You may not think they should be treated the same. But Congress said otherwise. It said to treat them the same.
Many disabilities are objective — you're in a wheelchair, you're blind. Many other disabilities — especially on the mental side — are less so. PTSD, misophonia (which was in last week's Short Circuit), ADHD, whatever. And not only are the less objective ones less objective to diagnose, but they're also less objective to accommodate. Wheelchair accessibility is straightforward. Ramps, elevators, wide doorways and aisles, handrails in bathroom, whatever. But what about "needs to work from home sometimes," or "must be given a noiseproof room" or "other coworkers can't eat around you," or the like?
Nieporent — Your sense of cognitive disorders seems poorly informed. That may have something to do with the fact that claims for amelioration of cognitive disorders have suffered from being poorly informed, and rampantly so.
To a greater degree than most folks realize, neuropsychologists can test for issues such as ADHD, or Asperger’s. You see repeatability from various test administrators of numerical results which is surprisingly consistent—at least in cases where the disability in question is actually there.
Moreover, on the basis of test results, neuropsychologists tend to agree in large measure on what kinds of specific difficulties lie in store, as kids with particular test results develop and advance through school. That is very close to capacity to predict accurately what accommodations a particular child who shows test result patterns which have grown familiar to diagnostic expertise will benefit from.
What all that means for later life seems a less-considered topic. Presumably, similar effort to develop that information would deliver similarly objective evaluations.
There are confounding forces at work, however. Many in society—including even some administrators who make a personal speciality out of circumventing disability laws—try to resist mandates for accommodation, and throw sand in the gears at every stage of needed evaluations. In that, those disability deniers enjoy notably broad support from an often-ignorant public.
Other problems come from a disability-industrial complex, which seems in a constant war of each against all to establish dominance for particular diagnostic products, curricular materials, and various other aides that can be sold to the public.
Let us not forget those employees who make a personal speciality out of abusing disability laws, or indeed taking advantage of whatever grey area they can find in contractual arrangements. Policies to tamp down on these few bad actors can end up perceived as anti-worker / anti-ADA when they aren't.
I suspect if TWA is overruled, all Christians will be able to get Sundays off. That would be a pretty significant problem given the number of Christians. I wonder if we can expect some sort of "surge pricing" on Sundays to account for the employment gap, like, a Big Mac is $4.99 / $8.99 Sundays.
It depends on what is meant by “undue hardship.”
In a world where employees had effective bargaining power equal to employers, you’d get a similar result with laissez faire. If most employees didn’t want to work on Sundays, businesses simply wouldn’t be able to open then. The world wouldn’t end.
And what’s so bad about that? Why shouldn’t a democratic society pass laws that result in employees getting what they want? If the result is more businesses closing on Sunday, so what? How Congress adjudicates different claims in economic situations is Congress’ business. And if it wants to give employees rather than employers more rights in this situation, what business is it of the courts? There are still various towns and counties around the country that have Sunday closing laws, and Congress could enact one too if it wanted to.
Emergency services and such could be made exceptions, as they are in all the local laws, and as they will undoubtedly be under any reasonable interpretation of the “due hardship” standard.
I'm old enough to remember when almost all businesses were closed on Sundays. I don't remember the world ending - or even coming close. There are Blue Laws in some states that still mandate some types of businesses be closed on Sundays.
I don't think this will operate like a labor negotiation. The problem with treating Title VII like a negotiation is, it leads to religious discrimination.
In a negotiation, a business that wants to stay open on Sundays will ask their applicants if they're willing to work on Sundays and only hire the ones that say yes. They may have to pay a little more in wages, but that's fine.
In the context of Title VII, that would be religious discrimination. Or, even if it's ok for the employer to ask the question, I think Title VII allows the employee to say "yes I'm willing to work on Sundays..." -- get hired -- "... but my religion doesn't allow it." Otherwise, Title VII would bring about the very religious discrimination it's trying to ameliorate. Don't hire Christians if you want to be open on Sundays.
The Americans with Disabilities Act contains exactly the same language, “undue hardship.” This has been construed to require far more than a merely de minimus burden.
If the Court is claiming to interpret these laws strictly textually, as it said in Bostock, identical text should receive identical interpretation.
Either the court’s interpretation of the ADA should be changed to match Hardison and its de minimus standard, or Hardison should be overruled and the standard changed to match the ADA.
Isn't this the whole problem with "undue burden?" The extent of accommodation that's "due" remains an open question, ultimately for the courts. Maybe it varies by context! It's quite easy to construct arguments that more accomodation is due in the ADA context than in the religious context. (And vice versa. It all depends on your values.)
I mean, the courts have done so, so I guess empirically your statement is true, but in reality, both statutes use the same words, so it's hard to justify such arguments.
That’s the point. The word is “undue.” By itself it doesn’t set a standard. It says, “make a judgement call.” That judgement call surely can account for context. (I assume that’s why legislators like it so much. It’s non-committal.)
Other words like "cruel" or "reasonable doubt" are pretty objective. What's cruel in one context is cruel in another. But "undue..." not so much. Just like "due." What counts as "due process" is quite context-specific.