The Volokh Conspiracy
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Freedom Denied Part 5: Judges Must Stop Unlawfully Jailing People for Poverty Through Excessive Financial Conditions
In our last four posts, we have described how our Federal Criminal Justice Clinic's Freedom Denied report reveals a culture of detention, with federal judges routinely violating the Bail Reform Act that they are tasked with upholding.
This post addresses the last of our four findings and recommendations: "Judges must stop unlawfully jailing people for poverty through excessive financial conditions."
The Bail Reform Act unequivocally prohibits judges from jailing people who are too poor to pay for their release: "The judicial officer may not impose a financial condition that results in the pretrial detention of the person." 18 U.S.C. § 3142(c)(2).
Despite the Act's prohibition,
[o]ur courtwatching study shows that federal judges consistently impose financial conditions of release that result in pretrial detention. This practice violates the explicit statutory language of the Bail Reform Act, perpetuates a system where wealth buys release and people are jailed for poverty, and has a disproportionate racial impact. These detentions, which violate the law, contribute to rising detention rates as well as racial and socioeconomic disparities in the federal system.
Given the Act's clarity on this issue, we were shocked to see judges imposing unmeetable financial conditions, ultimately resulting in pretrial jailing:
Across all 4 districts, arrestees did not have the money to meet financial conditions in 36% of cases where such conditions were imposed. See Figure 23. In fact, 21% of all arrestees detained at the Initial Appearance remained in jail after the Detention Hearing because they could not meet financial conditions of release. For these individuals, the financial conditions acted as de facto detention orders, in violation of the law.
Even more strikingly, we found judges jailing people on unmeetable bail bonds:
In one district where we courtwatched, arrestees were detained in 40% of cases involving financial conditions solely because they did not have the money to pay for their release…. Judges in that district regularly imposed federal bail bonds known as corporate surety bonds (CSBs). In 92% of cases where a CSB was imposed, the accused was locked in jail because they were unable to obtain a bail bond. Every single individual subjected to a CSB was a person of color….
The use of CSBs results in higher rates of pretrial detention because indigent people are unable to obtain such bonds. In our study, CSBs were used in 14% of all cases (and only in one district, the Southern District of Florida (Miami)). In 92% of the cases where a CSB was imposed, the arrestee was ultimately detained pretrial (after both the Initial Appearance and the Detention Hearing). See Figure 24. At the Initial Appearance, 100% of cases involving a CSB ultimately resulted in pretrial detention; at the Detention Hearing, 70% of cases involving a CSB resulted in the detention of the arrestee. In contrast, when an unsecured bond was imposed, only 10% of people were detained at the Initial Appearance, and no one was detained at the Detention Hearing.
We were also surprised to find judges requiring people to post secured bonds in one-third of cases:
In 34% of all cases and 91% of cases where financial conditions were imposed, judges required arrestees to post a secured bond, reintroducing the evils of cash bail systems that the BRA sought to avoid.
The excessive use of financial conditions of release fell hardest upon people of color:
People of color are less likely to meet financial requirements, as institutionalized racism in the form of housing, tax, financial, and education policies has resulted in highly uneven distributions of wealth and property ownership. Black Americans own just one-tenth of the wealth of white Americans, and this wealth gap "persists regardless of households' education, marital status, age, or income." Although the average Black American household owes one-third of the debt owed by the average white American household, the interest rates for Black borrowers are noticeably higher. Research conducted in the Second Circuit, for example, found that 33% of white arrestees in that federal court were homeowners, compared to just 7% of Black arrestees and 9% of Latino arrestees.
Against this backdrop, it is striking that in 95% of cases in our study where a secured bond was imposed, the arrestee was a person of color. See Figure 26. Moreover, in every single case in our study where a CSB was imposed, the arrestee was a person of color. See Figure 24.
"The Solution: At Both Pretrial Hearings, Judges Must Stop Imposing Financial Conditions that Result in Detention and Tailor Release Conditions to Each Arrestee's Individual Economic Circumstances."
As a practical matter, judges should pay close attention to each arrestee's personal financial circumstances and fashion individualized conditions of release that are reasonable for that specific person. Before imposing a financial condition, a judge should carefully examine whether the particular arrestee before them has the means and the wherewithal to meet that condition. The judge should also evaluate whether a financial condition might impermissibly result in the arrestee's detention. In making these individualized determinations, judges must be mindful of how financial conditions compound existing racial and socioeconomic disparities.
As the Bail Reform Act makes clear, there are many alternatives to imposing financial conditions of release, and those alternatives are often more effective at ensuring the individual's appearance in court and disincentivizing reoffending while on release.
All block-quoted material comes from the Clinic's Report: Alison Siegler, Freedom Denied: How the Culture of Detention Created a Federal Jailing Crisis (2022).
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Ah, the conclusion of the argument: Cash bail is racist, so when indigent people commit federal crimes and have no other assets to post as security for bail, courts must release the arrestee so they can go and commit more crimes.
So much for 'innocent until proven guilty."
Are you in favor of letting out all criminal suspects so they can commit more crimes or flee justice?
Notably, the law these authors keep citing is the "Bail Reform Act", not the "Jail Abolishment Act".
You're really not good at this presumption of innocence thing, eh?
Pre-trial detention has never been seen as a violation of those protections, for example because of the due process that courts provide.
You’re really not good at understanding our legal system, eh?
There's virtually no due process in bail. Hell, there's virtually no process, unless you're rich.
So you let Lee Harvey Oswald out on bail??
How about James Earl Ray??, he was only a "Suspect" after they caught him in Europe weeks after "allegedly" shooting MLK Jr.
How about this knuclehead in Idaho (PhD in "Criminal Justice"??, at least with Basket Weaving you can weave a basket,
Frank "OK Mr. Bundy, make sure you show up for your preliminary hearing!"
Nice how you moved from people who "commit" federal crimes to people who are "suspects" of federal crimes.
There IS a difference and it would be nice to assume someone on a LAW BLOG would know that difference.
But we all know you're not here to discuss law topics anyway.
What projection. If you were here to discuss legal topics, you would have answered my very simple question. But maybe it made you realize why your first comment was so very dumb.
And you still haven't explained your ignorance between suspected and found guilty.
Bigoted right-wingers are among my favorite culture war casualties . . . and a staple at the white, male, faux libertarian Volokh Conspiracy.
Don't censor yourself, Michael P . . . the proprietor encourages use of vile racial slurs.
Jailing somebody before trial has never meant "found guilty". You and Sarcastr0 seem to be the only ones confusing the two ideas.
You're the one finding them guilty. This was your first comment, with relevant parts boldfaced:
"so when indigent people commit federal crimes and have no other assets to post as security for bail, courts must release the arrestee so they can go and commit more crimes."
The sentence is limited to people who commit crimes.
“…so when indigent people commit federal crimes…” only applies to people indigent people who commit crimes.
There are certainly arguments to be had about the bail process, but you're picking a nit here, and this particular critique is incorrect.
At the time bail is being considered, each and every defendant is suspected of having committed a crime, and none have been convicted of it. So he's either referring to all of them or none of them.
Non-sequitur. Some have committed crimes, others have not. It's the ones that have committed crimes that people are concerned about.
No, it's a sequitur. At the time the decision is being made, there is no basis for distinguishing between those who have and haven't.
No, I'm making a statistical observation about future behavior by a fairly large but well-defined group.
You people are willfully obtuse.
So is there, in fact, a statistical basis to believe that posting bail, secured or otherwise, has a meaningful effect on defendants' post-release compliance?
Yes.
When the defendant posts bail -- rather than having unrelated third parties do it -- the potential forfeit of that bail is an explicit incentive to behave.
That article in the first link is pretty much exactly what I would expect from Prof. Cassell: it's not false, but it's basically designed that it could only give one result. He's not measuring rates, but simply counting. So if even a single extra person who is released commits a crime — and of course that's going to happen, since nobody thinks the recidivism rate is zero — then Cassell's approach would say, "See? Releasing people leads to more crime." (By the same logic, of course, building housing in a city causes crime — a higher population means more total crimes.)
The second link isn't a study at all, it's a couple of anecdotes of people who were bailed out committing crimes; contrary to your representation it in no way looks at "when the defendant posts bail" vs "unrelated third parties" doing it.
To be clear, I am not suggesting that everyone currently in custody because they haven’t posted bail would perform exactly as well as the people who do get released if the bail was suddenly eliminated. (It’s that claim that Profs. Cassell and Fowles address.) Rather, I am saying that among the people who do get released, the presence or absence of a bond has very little effect on their behavior—as your second link illustrates.
For instance, when bail was set at $20,000 for the guy who attacked a woman in a bar bathroom, I don’t think it was an indication that the judge thought he’d be totally safe to release as long he had $20,000 on the line (and if it was, I don’t think much of that judge). Rather, the judge thought that this guy shouldn’t be released and probably couldn’t come up with $20,000. But if that’s the case, I’d rather have the judge just say that, both out of honesty and transparency and to ensure that third parties like the Minnesota Freedom Fund don’t come along and engineer the release after all.
Notably, as I said below, this is already how the federal system generally works in my experience. And in states where pretrial detention orders are constitutional, proponents of sensible criminal justice policies should work to try to emulate it.
"Nice how you moved from people who “commit” federal crimes to people who are “suspects” of federal crimes."
So? He's opposed to releasing people who commit crimes. I doubt he's opposed to releasing innocent suspects.
The downside of releasing people who are suspected of crimes is that it often results in people who have committed crimes.
Once again: ex ante, there's no way to know the difference.
The failure to lock up people who haven't been suspected of crimes and haven't been arrested also results in people committing crimes. Let's lock up everyone!
In all but the most extreme cases, yes.
How can they "commit more crimes" if they're just suspects? They haven't been shown to have committed any crimes.
As I've noted before on the topic of bail reform, right wingers misunderstand the entire concept of bail. Bail is not meant to keep people in prison. Bail is meant to provide an incentive for people to show up for trial.
The most extreme cases. So you do draw the line somewhere. So does anyone else with a working brain.
"How can they “commit more crimes” if they’re just suspects? "
Some of them certainly can.
Do you know what will really bake your noodle? OJ Simpson was found not guilty of murder. He was also found liable for wrongful death. He's practically a legal version of Schrodinger's cat!
You missed the whole point.
1) If the person is clearly a danger to society - there is the option of no-bail. Instead of fake bail.
2) letting out "alleged" criminals.
3) Not so they commit more crimes, so they can keep working to support the lawyers and potential fines they are facing.
Without it, you get absurd outcomes like, someone in jail for a year, awaiting trial, and for a first offense might only be facing 30 days in jail.
Your point about the no bail option is a good one. One advantage of flat out denying bail is transparency. There is no ambiguity in a ruling denying bail--the judge is saying explicitly that the defendant stays in jail until trial. In contrast, if the judge sets bail higher than the defendant can afford, it's much less obvious to the casual observer what is happening.
A second advantage is it doesn't discriminate based on economic status. We can debate what the standards should be for deciding someone should stay in jail until trial, but whatever those standards are, they should be the same for billionaires as for anyone else.
So you’re in favour of keeping people locked up before trial when they’re too poor to afford conditions of release – contrary to the act.
FWIW this issue also demonstrates the idiocy of the idea that ignorance of the law is no excuse. Even judges explicitly do not know the law.
And here judges consistently act in ignorance of the law with no adverse consequences to them. Do we suppose any of them will face a charge of false imprisonment or violation of constitutional rights for their ignorance? Ecce, porcus volans…
If somebody presents a flight or re-offending risk and they can't post a surety for good behavior? Yes, jail or institutionalize them for the time being. Then they're at least assured of three hots and a cot.
But as the authors note, if "there are no conditions of release that will reasonably assure the person’s appearance ... a [federal] court can order confinement outright".
Do you really think there are a lot of defendants who can be perfectly trusted to show up to court if they put up a thousand dollars (or their friends do, or they promise to pay the court a thousand dollars in the future if they don't appear), but are way too likely to go on the run without it?
"if they put up a thousand dollars"
No, that's why bail should always be a significant sum or at least secured by some asset they will miss.
Don't assume the judges are ignorant of the law. They have elections to win.
I thought we were talking about federal courts, which have judges who are appointed for life, and almost never leave to seek elective office.
I'm not that this is the case: as I note below, the report is not vague on the extent to which the defendants are truly unable to afford bail, and it doesn't (as best I can tell) even attempt to identify cases where the defendant actually raised that claim or asked for a bail that they could afford.
"conclusion of the argument: Cash bail is racist"
Don't sell them short, they believe that the entire system, not just bail, is hopelessly racist and no one should be held pre-trial under any circumstances. Well, maybe the Capitol riot defendants.
I hate having to find myself in agreement with Sarcastr0.
I generally agree that the Bail Reform Act prohibits setting a monetary bail amount that a given defendant is financially incapable of satisfying. And I'm certainly prepared to believe that some federal judges aren't respecting this provision. But the description here doesn't convey the kind of information that allows the reader to intelligently assess the scale of the problem.
For instance, when the authors write that " 21% of all arrestees detained at the Initial Appearance remained in jail after the Detention Hearing because they could not meet financial conditions of release", does they mean just that they hadn't come up with the initial bail amount by the time of the detention hearing? That they remained in custody for some period of time after the detention hearing? Or that they stayed in custody until the final disposition of the case? The last is obviously the most concerning scenario. But from the description of unsecured bonds, it seems much more likely to be the former—and I'm not sure that a bond that takes 3-5 day for a person to assemble in a fairly small number of cases is necessarily a problem.
For what it's worth, my anecdotal experience from the districts my friends and colleagues practice in regularly is that it is extremely unusual for federal judges to impose monetary bonds, secured or otherwise. In my opinion, such bonds are also generally useless and a well-designed release system could easily dispose of them altogether.