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Justice Gorsuch on Title 42: "Even if the [APA] has taken a holiday during this pandemic, it cannot become a sabbatical."
With good reason, Justices Sotomayor and Kagan do not join Maskless Neil's dissent.
Today the Supreme Court issued an order in the Title 42 case. Title 42 refers to a series of orders that allow the federal government to deny entry to certain aliens to prevent the spread of a contagion (COVID-19). The scope of the order is very specific.
First, the Court stayed Judge Sullivan's nationwide vacatur of the Title 42 order. (For those curious, Judge Sullivan recently stepped down from the D.C. Judicial Nominations Committee--more on that later.) But the Biden Administration can still do stuff. What exactly? The Court explains:
This stay precludes giving effect to the District Court order setting aside and vacating the Title 42 policy; the stay itself does not prevent the federal government from taking any action with respect to that policy.
Your guess is as good as mine as to what the emphasized portion means.
Second, the Court treated Arizona's application for a stay as a petition for a writ of certiorari. The case will be scheduled for oral argument in February 2023. To the Rocket Docket we go! I view all of these recent grants of cert before judgment as a response to the never-ending criticism of shadow docket emergency stays. And now, those same critics are criticizing the Court for granting cert before judgment. CBJ just doesn't have the same nefarious ring as shadow docket. Whatever. The Court can't win. I think the rocket docket is a far superior method of deciding emergency appeals. As a general matter, the Court should get back in the habit of deciding cases much quicker. Arguing a case in October and deciding it in June wastes everyone's time.
Third, the Court will only take briefing on the question of intervention. But the order basically calls out for briefing on the merits question:
The Court's review on certiorari is limited to the question of intervention. While the underlying merits of the District Court's summary judgment order are pertinent to that analysis, the Court does not grant review of those merits, which have not yet been addressed by the Court of Appeals.
The vote was 5-4. Justices Sotomayor and Kagan would have denied the stay. They didn't explain their reasoning. Justice Gorsuch wrote a two-page dissent, joined by Justice Jackson.
To understand Justice Gorsuch's dissent here, we need to flash back to the COVID-19 free exercise cases. During that period, Justice Gorsuch was the most aggressive Justice who opposed the lockdown orders. Indeed, Justice Gorsuch made headlines by not wearing a mask on the bench. Remember this gem from Gorsuch's concurrence in Roman Catholic Diocese from November 2020:
Now, as we round out 2020 and face the prospect of entering a second calendar year living in the pandemic's shadow, that rationale has expired according to its own terms. Even if the Constitution has taken a holiday during this pandemic, it cannot become a sabbatical.
Here, let me rewrite this for Justice Gorsuch, circa December 2022:
Now, as we round out 2022, and face the prospect of entering a fourth calendar year living in the pandemic's shadow, the rationale in favor of Title 42 has expired to its own terms. Even if the Administrative Procedure Act has taken a holiday during this pandemic, it cannot become a sabbatical.
Justice Gorsuch's dissent today effuses this same antagonism of pandemic-related order.
The States may question whether the government followed the right administrative steps before issuing this decision (an issue on which I express no view). But they do not seriously dispute that the public-health justification undergirding the Title 42 orders has lapsed. And it is hardly obvious why we should rush in to review a ruling on a motion to intervene in a case concerning emergency decrees that have outlived their shelf life. . . .
For my part, I do not discount the States' concerns. Even the federal government acknowledges "that the end of the Title 42 orders will likely have disruptive consequences." Brief in Opposition for Federal Respondents 6. But the current border crisis is not a COVID crisis. And courts should not be in the business of perpetuating administrative edicts designed for one emergency only because elected officials have failed to address a different emergency. We are a court of law, not policymakers of last resort.
Justice Jackson joined this dissent. And I'm sure critics of Title 42 will celebrate Gorsuch's vote. But Gorsuch's analysis here led him to oppose virtually every lockdown measure. Generally, those same critics were very much opposed to Gorsuch's rulings circa 2020. I think, with good reason, Justices Sotomayor and Kagan did not join this opinion. There is history there on the free exercise cases that Justice Jackson simply was not part of.
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While Gorsuch is right, both legally and morally, conservatives should not agree to be bound by reasoning like this so long as Pedo Joe is still use the COVID "emergency" to impose student loan "relief" and countless other things. Hell, this pervert would still be requiring masks on planes if he could get away with it.
DeSantis killed more Americans than Osama Bin Laden by attacking public health officials before the Delta death surge…I guess Gorsuck believes the Constitution is a suicide pact??
Cuomo killed far more. Fauci's death toll has not been calculated.
Bullshit.. There is zero evidence that any blue state lockdowns did anything to reduce total death. At most, it delayed them for a few months.
Concur - as of November 2021 , the cumulative covid death rate by age group (age 65 +) was in a very narrow range for every state ( 1120-1180 per 100k) with the exception of VT, NH, HI, ME and WA which were much lower (700-800 per 100k as I recall) while NY and NJ were in the 1300+ per 100k range).
I ran the numbers for several counties (primarily large population counties since data was more readily avialable) and the all fell within that narrow range. virtually zero correlation with being blue state, red state, high mitigation protocol compliance or low mitigation protocol compliance.
For a range of countries with greatly differing COVID-19 mortality rates, I have investigated the correlation between both death and hospitalization rates with the pandemic stringency index calculated by Oxford University's Our World in data.
In NO case was there any evidence of correlation of the time series of serious effects with the time series of public health actions.
Don
Can you elaborate further
I limited my computation of death rates to the US states and approx 15 largely populated counties. I also limited my computation to the 65+ age group since that was where 85+% of deaths were occuring.
FWIW - I have seen several studies where the authors have used a age- weighted average comparison between blue states and red states which have shown ranges of 200 deaths per 100k to 400 deaths per 100k (blue vs red states). Thus concluding that red states did much worse. I find those "age weighted " comparisions quite dubious since the computed delta was 200+ deaths per 100k when the 65+age group only had a 70-80 death rate delta and since there was little or no correlation in the blue vs red states.
Age adjusting Covid death rate is pretty stupid because Maine shows a population can make adjustments to reduce the risk of death for the elderly. And keep in mind we age adjust for flu because nobody changes behavior and Florida is always right there with Vermont for the lowest age adjusted flu death rate…but it isn’t there with Vermont for age adjusted Covid death rate. Bottom line—DeSantis killed more Americans than Osama Bin Laden…all praise to Allah!!
SC,
"Maine shows a population can make adjustments to reduce the risk of death for the elderly. " is not a reftation of looking for age weighted correlations.
As for your conclusion, it is partisan babbling..
You are a fucking imbecile…you are now muted because every reply is the same dumbass reply. You have committed the unforgivable sin of being fucking boring!! Have a nice life.
SebC - the per capita death rates by age group was significantly lower ME, VT, NH, HI and WA than the national median and national average.
The per capita death rates by age group was significantly higher in NY & NJ.
All other states, the per capita death rates by age group fell within a very narrow range. Florida was just slightly below the national average and national median.
Sure, Joe,
For each country that you wish to study download it COVID-19 data from Our World in data.
From that make a smaller EXCEL file with the severity data that you wish to study and the severity index (SI) which is computed from the set of public health responses.
You can run a multivariate regression analysis on the SI and the severity variables. But first I plot the SI vs the various severiy measures. By inspection you will see that the point fill the plot with no apparent relation whatsoever. If you run a regression you'll see that the regression values are statistically consistent with zero.
What’s interesting about this case is that the sole question the Supreme Court grranted certiorari is whether the State intervenors have a right to intervene. Yet in granting the State intervenors’ request for a stay, the Court must have necessarily decided that the States probably have a right to intervene. If they didn’t, how could the Supreme Court have had jurisdiction to grant their request for a stay, or take any action, in the first place?
Not sure I understand your question. First, a right to intervene and standing are not the same thing. (Obviously if one lacks standing one can't intervene, but the converse is not true.) Second, a court always has the authority to decide whether it has jurisdiction.
The question I referred to is the Supreme Court’s. And as to the question I asked, if the purported intervenors don’t have a right to intervene, they also don’t have a right to request a stay.
Wouldn’t that logic apply to any case where a superior court grants a stay? Or at least any case where they grant a stay to a party that lost on jurisdictional grounds?
The emphasized portion seems pretty clear to me. The Biden Administration is not being compelled to enforce Title 42 if it doesn’t want to. The stay gives it the option of enforcing it ot not.
I read it instead as suggesting that the Biden administration could use normal rulemaking processes to repeal the current process.
Gorsuch seems to be right -- not because the pandemic is over, etc., but because Title 42 explicitly puts the decision as to what regulatory measures to take in situation X (the pandemic) in the hands of the president. That's why Trump was able to do it, and there doesn't seem to be any legal basis for arguing that Biden can't UN-do it. That un-doing it may result in Bad Things happening doesn't seem to be an actual legal argument.
That Trump wasn't allowed to end DACA for 3 years into his Presidency is also without legal basis.
What's good for the goose is, or should be, good for the gander.
DACA didn't directly impact foreign diplomacy.
Does Mexico really enjoy the US forcing asylum seekers to gather on their side of the border?
Si!
Perhaps Mexico could stop the migrants from crossing over from Guatemala.
Which still directly impacts foreign diplomacy.
Also relevant. Trump couldn't end DACA because his administration didn't follow the proper procedures it needed to in order to change the policy.
Biden can't end title 42 because.... well it's not really clear. The governors of those states don't like it but it's not up to them, it's up to the President.
Simple, Senescent Joe doesn't want to (more accurately, his "Memory Care" assistants don't want to) If he really wanted to help You-Cranians instead of merely making Vlodomit You-Cranes Hunter Biden, he'd fly every Ill-legal Alien to Kiev, hear they need alot of construction work.
True.
"The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence."
That at least starts to look like a constitutional obligation to enforce laws against illegal immigration. At least, it looks a lot more like such an obligation than a lot of modern jurisprudence.
Good grief.
Thank you Charlie Brown.
Rats!
I think your definition of “invasion” needs a little tightening there, sport.
Once more: migration is not invasion. Vegetable pickers and construction workers and dishwashers are not soldiers.
Military has lots of dishwashers and construction workers, (OK, not so many Vegetable pickers) sounds like somebody never served (Playing "Call of Duty" doesn't count)
Once again, an illegal migration IS an invasion.
Only you and a bunch of white supremacists think this, Brett.
Your semantic games are either what the law is, nor what it should be.
Ever been to the US May-he-co border? Not really alot of White Surpremericsts (I know one who's buried in West Virginia, Barry Hussein even gave his Ulogy)
Frank "Hispanics can be of any race"
Got some original public meaning to back that up?
The courts will rule that separation of powers leaves it up to Congress to decide whether any alleged invasion or non-republican government calls for any specific action.
Covid is this super pandemic and we must shutdown everything and avoid all contact in order to stop it. Except for BLM rallies and letting in illegal aliens. Because the killer virus understands and respects progressive causes.
Not what anyone said, Amos, but that's never stopped you.
But Biden is, of course, talking out of both sides of his mouth related to the pandemic. On the one hand, "yay me! I ended the pandemic" and on the other hand "the ongoing pandemic emergency permits me to use my emergency powers to cancel student debt".
And also of course you'll never admit this obvious point. Or you'll try to say it's somehow honest.
As to the migrants, somebody in DC (cough, Congress, cough) needs to do something to take the load off of the border communities, but that would require a bunch of overpaid prima donnas to actually do their job, which they don't know how to do.
Gorsuch is right on this. The COVID emergency is long over and it's silly to keep tying EO's to it.
Gorsuch is right here and was right before. There is now ample evidence that the COVID measures enacted by our government were not only extremely harmful, but also based on only the flimsiest of evidence - mostly a populist attempt to "just do something".
Extreme government action *must* have a solid foundation of evidence.
No action is very often better than bad action.
There is not that evidence; right wing anti-lockdown folks were not vindicated, they just keep yelling that they are. No one but them believes them.
I myself have some opinions where I think the government was wrong, but there is not ample evidence of anything.
I guess you are unaware of how lock downs are working in the source country of the disease.
He is also unaware that the mitigation protocols had near zero effect on the trajectory of the covid pandemic. Further that the mitigation protocols were never a viable long term solution. But that never stopped the mitigation now - mitigation forever proponents.
Firing the unvaccinated health care workers and closing the school were clearly very harmful. The harm from those is ongoing and will take a long time to repair, if it can even be done.
You're probably right in that the impact of the other policies is not clear, except the economic ones of course, which were expected up front.
Bevis
concur
see this pre print study
https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.22283720v1
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0163445322005503?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email#bib0001
For all those pro mitigation studies that the CDC has used to support mitigation and masking - take time to review a more comprehensive study on school masking.
Joe,
This last manuscript is in complete agreement with the lack of any correlation of stringency index with COVID mortality or severity in a wide range of countries world wide.
Don -
If I understand your comment correctly,
The stringency index - ie the level of mitigation protocol compliance had little if any effect on the level of death or severity of covid in most of the countries studied.
Please clarify if I am misinterpreting your statement.
Thanks
Joe,
The stringency index only shows the level of intended mitigation measures imposed on the population. It does not estimate or measure the level of compliance.
There is a significant body of literature on the subject at this point. Since I can only link to one URL in a comment, a good starting point is https://sites.krieger.jhu.edu/iae/files/2022/01/A-Literature-Review-and-Meta-Analysis-of-the-Effects-of-Lockdowns-on-COVID-19-Mortality.pdf and the citations therein.
I'm not one of those fancy Lawyers, didn't go to an Ivy League Law School, but Title 42's like that Mormon Chick in college that wouldn't go out with me because I was Jewish (and smoked, drank coffee & alcohol (I was a rebel), when she really wouldn't have gone out with me if I was Mitt Romeney Jr,
Frank "Lo Sentimos, No Hobs today, come back Man-yana"
This may be the Rehnquist "long game" Blackman wrote about. The APA was stretched to derail Trump actions, and with the precedent set it's Biden's turn for abuse.
I have been informed that the Chief Justice is now Roberts. Time flies.
Rehnquist still calling the shots from the Afterworld (and wearing that ridiculous "Godspell" striped robe
That's not how quotation marks work.
Just FYI, an actual expert, has some thoughts:
https://twitter.com/steve_vladeck/status/1608140736444203008?s=46&t=09Z4Lxy9wvfnbhJj_IVGrw
If gorsuch and jackson agree, the world cannot be all bad.
I have agreed with gorsuch on almost every one of his opinions, dissents, and votes regardless of whether it was a right wing favored position or a left wing favored position. (with the exception of bostock) . His dissent in Gamble is excellent.
I find the state standing claims dubious. The states aren’t claiming immigration affects the public health of their citizens; they merely claim it will cost them money, disconnected from the existence of any public health crisis.
Let me ask this question. Suppose a university awarded a student a PhD rather than a Master’s because (let’s say) it was impressed by the student’s masters thesis.
Could a printing company sue the university and claim it followed improper procedures in awarding the degree, because Doctor of Philosophy has more letters than Master of Arts, costing the company a few cents more in ink, and the company is paid the same?
I could see the printing company suing to be paid more. But can it use its slight financial interest in the amount of ink used on the degree as a basis to sue to deny the student the degree? (Suppose the printing company is bankrolled by a group dedicated to finding ways to make it difficult for the university to award degrees in this subject because it hates the subject on ideological grounds, so it carefully scrutinizes ways to make the life of everyone involved as difficult as possible.)
This seems to be the level of the sorts of standing claims states seem to be making in claiming standing to sue for what are really nothing more than political differences. States claim financial interests, sometimes tiny ones, but don’t sue for reimbursement. Their officials are suing to shut down programs they don’t like because they don’t like them, using the claimed financial interest as a hook to get there.
I know somebody who got a PhD instead of an MS for the reason you state.
I think the analogy fails based on traditional distinctions between commercial and government action.
In a private contract we expect the parties to assume the risk of making a bad deal. The university and the printing company can decide whether the price is per diploma or per letter.
Traditionally, the government can assume a risk and then take action against people who increase the risk. The federal government can make banks participate in its insurance program and then take action against people who increase the risk that the federal government voluntarily took on.
Some of the old case law on validity of marriages in Massachusetts is based on cases where towns were the real parties. A widow and her children could become public charges of the town where they resided. Place of legal residence might depend on whether the couple had been legally married.