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Texas AG Needn't Testify in Case Alleging Texas Intends to Punish Participation in Out-of-State Abortions
The panel relies on, among other things, "the Apex doctrine."
From In re Paxton, decided yesterday by the Fifth Circuit (Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan, joined by Judge Cory Wilson, with Judge Patrick Higginbotham agreeing on this point):
Believing Texas intends to enforce its abortion laws to penalize their out-of-state actions, Plaintiffs sued Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. Paxton moved to dismiss the suit for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. Plaintiffs then issued subpoenas to obtain Paxton's testimony…. [T]he district court … ordered Paxton to testify either at a deposition or evidentiary hearing.
No, said the Fifth Circuit, for various reasons, including this:
"[E]xceptional circumstances must exist before the involuntary depositions of high agency officials are permitted." Before requiring such "apex" testimony, courts must consider: (1) the deponent's high-ranking status; (2) the substantive reasons for the deposition; and (3) the potential burden the deposition would impose on the deponent. A district court commits a "clear abuse of discretion" when it compels apex testimony absent extraordinary circumstances. No such circumstances exist here.
Only the second and third factors are disputed. As for the second factor, substantive need, the district court found Paxton's testimony was necessary to clarify his enforcement policy due to purported contradictions between his court filings and public statements. It concluded testimony was needed from Paxton himself because he had "unique, first-hand knowledge" from "ha[ving] inserted himself into this dispute by repeatedly tweeting and giving interviews about the [challenged law]." "Paxton alone," the district court thought, could "explain[ ] his thoughts and statements." We disagree.
The district court ignored the rationale for limiting apex testimony to exceptional circumstances. High-ranking officials—state attorneys general being the paradigm case—are often drawn into lawsuits. They cannot perform their duties if they are not personally shielded from the burdens of litigation. Accordingly, a "key aspect" of the analysis "is whether the [sought after] information … can be obtained from other witnesses." Where it can, apex testimony is justified only in the "rarest of cases." This is not one of those rare cases.
The district court conceded the "plain fact that lawyers at the Attorney General's Office may articulate the Office's [enforcement] policies." So, by the court's own admission, if there is a need to clarify the office's enforcement policy, a representative can do so on the Attorney General's behalf. The court nonetheless treated Paxton as having unique information merely because he made public statements about a matter that later became the subject of litigation. That does not follow. Paxton's personal "thoughts and statements" have no bearing on his office's legal authority to enforce Texas's abortion laws or any other law. To accept the district court's position would undermine the exceptional circumstances test. It is entirely unexceptional for a public official to comment publicly about a matter of public concern. If doing so imparts unique knowledge, high-level officials will routinely have to testify.
Similarly, the district court erred in holding that compelling Paxton's testimony would not unduly burden him. The court reasoned that if Paxton has time to give public statements, he has time to testify: "It is challenging to square the idea that Paxton has time to give interviews threatening prosecutions but would be unduly burdened by explaining what he means to the very parties affected by his statements." Again, this reasoning would eviscerate the exceptional circumstances test. "High ranking government officials have greater duties and time constraints than other witnesses." Those duties often involve communicating with the public on matters of public interest. The fact that a high-ranking official talks to his constituents does not ipso facto mean he also has ample free time for depositions….
Judge Higginbotham's separate concurrence explains more about the plaintiffs' concerns:
Plaintiffs fear that Attorney General Ken Paxton will pursue civil liability for assisting Texans to obtain abortion healthcare in states not prohibiting abortion, chilling their exercise of free speech and their constitutional right to interstate travel. On the extant record, these assertions are not fanciful.
Plaintiffs' briefs cite to statements assertedly made by Attorney General Paxton in media interviews, press releases, and twitter posts promising, among other things, "to make people pay if they're going to do abortions;" that Attorney General Paxton clarified in his briefings that the State's interest in protecting unborn Texans "continues whether the Texan mother seeks an abortion in Denver or Dallas, in Las Cruces or Lamesa." Plaintiffs also point to statements by other state officials, who while lacking specific enforcement authority under state law nonetheless fuel a climate of fear of suit or prosecution. {Plaintiffs cite, for example, a letter sent by a group of State legislators who threatened an organization with criminal liability for "reimburs[ing] the travel costs of employees who leave Texas to murder their unborn children."} …
Plaintiffs seek testimony from Attorney General Paxton while at the same time urging that his statements—their content and inconsistency, including in these proceedings—chill their constitutionally protected rights. It signifies that these inferences are drawn from the present record: Indeed, Attorney General Paxton argues to this Court that the potential liability Plaintiffs fear is "nonexistent," while at the same time he argues that when "procurement takes the form of a bus ticket for the pregnant Texan to an abortion clinic, or the paying from Texas of the cost of a pregnant Texan's hotel room adjacent to that clinic, it does not matter if the travel and hotel are in Albuquerque or Austin" for the State to have an interested in protecting the unborn.
The point is that, on the record at hand, a trier of fact, which we are not, could find there is sufficient evidence of an unsettling and chilling want of clarity in statements by officials with enforcement authority made against a chorus of state officials without enforcement power to allow this case to proceed. Those issues and the jurisdictional issue of Plaintiffs' standing, including any discovery they may entail, remain for the district court.
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I'm not familiar enough with the laws here, but is it usual to get standing on a case just because you think someone is going to do something wrong to you? I thought that an actual existing conflict was required.
Because abortion isn’t a constitutional right, there is no “chilling” doctrine for abortion as there is for speech. Nor do the plaintiffs have a case on the merits. Thieves, for example, couldn’t sue a state in federal court to enjoin its theft laws as applied to them by claiming that a state can’t prohibit preparations made within it for a robbery to occur in another state. The fact of the matter is, a state CAN prohibit such conduct. Whether its law actually does prohibit such conduct is purely a matter of state law, it is not a federal question. And after Dobbs, state abortion laws just aren’t any different from state theft laws so far as the Constitution is concerned.
There is no question that the scope of the Commerce Clause, conceived at its narrowest, is still broad enough to permit Congress to either prohibit or protect transportation across state lines for the purpose of procuring an abortion.
But the plaintiffs here have the additional problem that Congress in fact prohibited such conduct as part of the old Comstock Act. While the law went unenforced after Roe, Congress never repealed it. Thus, federal courts are obligated, unless Congress acts otherwise, to regard state laws prohibiting aiding and abetting such transportation as being entirely consistent with, rather than contrary to, federal law on this subject.
If a Democratic-controlled Congress repealed this aspect of the Comstock Act, if it substituted the opposite policy, prohibiting states from interfering with such transportation, that too would be entirely constitutional.
But it has not done so, and the Comstock Act remains on the books, and is just as entirely constitutional as its opposite would be. Federal courts have to deal with federal law as it is.
Everybody should be able to walk up to government and say, "Will this action be illegal?" and receive a definative answer.
We'll decide later, after, is not good enough.
There are hypotheticals where the answer is legitimately "I don't know." Does a particular set of facts prove negligence or recklessness, for example.
And given that the courts are the final judges of statutes, often the best you can get is an opinion from the Attorney General predicting what the courts will say. My state's Supreme Court can give advisory opinions when requested by lawmakers. Based on my expectation having followed the court, the court having given a (very rare) advisory opinion would feel obliged to give fair notice to criminal defendants before overruling its earlier advice.
It’s not exactly the role of federal courts to compel state officials to provide opinions on unsettled questions of state law.
If the plaintiffs want a declaratory judgment about what state law says, they can proceed in state court.
But there is a constitutional right to travel interstate.
So in the hypothetical, preparing in state A for a theft in state B, the thieves have a right to have the laws against it struck down for violating their right to interstate travel? Let’s suppose in addition there is a specific Congressional statute prohibiting interstate travel for the purpose of theft.
For many years the Mann Act prohibited interstate travel for the purpose of engaging in certain sexual conduct regardless of whether the conduct was legal in the destination state or not. It didn’t matter that, for example, prostitution was legal in Nevada.
Is it really your position that these laws violate the right to travel? What about interstate transportation of drugs that are legal in the destination state?
Except the action to be performed isn't illegal in state B.
So theft is a pretty fraught analogy.
You walked past
For many years the Mann Act prohibited interstate travel for the purpose of engaging in certain sexual conduct regardless of whether the conduct was legal in the destination state or not. It didn’t matter that, for example, prostitution was legal in Nevada.
So yeah, I didn’t really check that because Mann Act was legendarily an unconstitutional travesty when it was created.
‘Immoral purposes’ includes, as it turns out, interracial marriage, and merely being unmarried.
Not really a great example to cite in the modern era.
Then surely you must think interstate theft laws unconstitutional. After all, they punish the mere status of not being a property owner in exactly the same way the Mann Act punished the status of not being married. And Sebelius held the federal government can’t require people to own property. Surely that means it can’t punish people for the mere status of not owning it?
I think the whole argument that sex is status and not conduct is nonsense. How can, for example, people argue that it’s permissible to punish the status of being sexually attracted to children or the status of needing sexual violence? How can only the kinds of sexual attraction they think shouldn’t be pubished be statuses and not the kinds of things they think should be (if fornication is a mere status, why aren’t pedophilia and rape statuses?)
In any event your answer essentially concedes that if prohibiting the underlying act is constitutional, then prohibiting interstate travel for the purpose of engaging in it is inconstitutional. Only cases where the underlying act can’t be punished must interstate travel for the purpose be legal under your argument. That’s just my point, so you’re not disagreeing with me on that. The fact of the matter is, since Dobbs, the underlying act of abortion can be prohibited.
Once again, theft is illegal in both states. Abortion is definitionally not.
Status offenses is barking up the wrong tree.
Neither theft nor abortion is a status offense - they both involve acts. The Mann Act by it's letter also involves an act, though it was enforced otherwise.
The way rights work in the modern era is different than at the turn of the century; the Mann Act is not going to get you the precedential foundation you want.
Only cases where the underlying act can’t be punished must interstate travel for the purpose be legal under your argument.
No, I do not concede this. Can't is not the same as isn't.
But when there’s a new law making something previously legal illegal, then “isn’t” changes. And if one is deciding whether that new law is constitutional, then “can’t” is the relevant issue.
I have no idea whether Texas law actually prohibits this or not. I’m not offering a policy position. I’m just saying that the same standard principles of constitutional law that apply to other things apply here.
On the policy issue, would point out that the “social stability” arguments for Dobbs favor your position. This country has often relaxed conservative moral strictures but allowed a NIMBY local veto on many issues - alcohol, gambling, prostitution, and much more. And when it has, it has rarely prosecuted people for going into somebody else’s back yard to do it, even when it’s technically illegal. That’s been the case for many kinds of traditional crimes considered “morals crimes.”
But there are issues where it hasn’t. A current example is travel to have sex with a minor. This is true even when the person involved isn’t considered a minor by local law. The reason is that sex with minors is considered so uphorrent that Congress has decided to set a uniform standard, applicable world-wide, overriding the law of the destination jurisdiction. And that’s because sex with a minor has come to be considered a crime of violence, not a morals crime. Convictions for doing this where it’s legal in the destination jurisdiction have been uniformly upheld.
Is abortion a crime of violence or a morals crime? Our policy history suggests that for morals crimes we take a NIMBY approach and don’t worry about what happens in other people’s back yards. But we don’t take this approach for crimes of violence, EVEN WHEN THE DESTINATION JURISDICTION CLASSIFIES IT DIFFERENTLY, as is the case for sex with minors.
Sex with minors (and how old one should be to reach majority) is a good exxample of a case where there are very different opinions, yet we feel so strongly we impose ours, and can do so constitutionally.
But the difference between morals crimes and crimes of violence is simply a policy distinction. The constitution itself makes no such distinction. If a legislature can make it a crime, then it can apply either policy as it chooses.
Sarcastro : I didn’t really check that because Mann Act was legendarily an unconstitutional travesty when it was created.
If you had checked, you would have discovered that "legendarily" unconstitutional is spot on, since SCOTUS has upheld it several times. Moreover Congress has tweaked it as recently as 1986.
So for an unconstitutional travesty it has done pretty well.
Your "theft" hypo is not a good one because theft is presumably illegal in state A and state B. Try this: can Texas criminalize my travel to Colorado to buy and smoke marijuana? Can Texas do so by characterizing its law as criminalizing the "preparing" in Texas of plans to smoke marijuana in Colorado?
See my comment above and Mann Act example.
Want to emphasize this has nothing to do with what one thinks about abortion. It’s quite common for states to prohibit conduct in their state that facilitates a crime even if the crime is completed in another state. Standard constitutional principles apply, and let the chips fall where they may.
What’s sauce for the gander is sauce for the goose.
Once again, Congress has full power to regulate the matter as it sees fit. It can repeal the existing law and replace it with a law protecting interstate traavel for purposes of an abortion and prohibiting states from criminalizing it. Or it can repeal the existing law and not replace it.
Is the "Apex Doctrine" a real thing? If so, what keeps it from being an assertion that high officials are above the law?
It is a real thing. It limits discovery from high-ranking executives who are unlikely to have any personal knowledge of the dispute. Otherwise, such executives would be subject to harassment.
Imagine an employment-discrimination case where a former employee sues Apple. The employee notices the deposition of Tim Cook, since Cook is a person under Apple’s control. Cook knows nothing of the circumstances, since Apple has tens of thousands of employees. It would be a complete waste of time to depose him just so that he can say “I don’t know” 100 times.
The plaintiff could still take the deposition of the company through a representative, and she could still take the deposition of any person who has personal knowledge of relevant facts (including Tim Cook, if he has such knowledge).
I can't recall seeing it applied to a governmental party, but I guess it makes sense in theory.
This is correct. I would add only that one can eventually get to the apex executive, but it usually requires working one's way up the ladder to reveal that the executive's knowledge is peculiarly necessary for the case.
Which, here and even confirmed by the panel, the under-indictment Paxton does have personal knowledge of the dispute.
It's a rather shitty ruling.
Not precisely the same, but I was thinking of Ashcroft v. Iqbal. Iqbal never had a chance to ask Ashcroft if he had violated Iqbal's rights.
District Court docket here: https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/64914430/fund-texas-choice-v-paxton/
Some notable parts of the complaint:
1. Not only women can get pregnant. Footnote 2. Think that will impress the Fifth Circuit? It might fly in the Austin Division.
2. "In fact, many Texas DAs have publicly indicated that they intend to enforce the Pre-Roe Statutes and the Trigger Ban, and consider charges on a case-by-case basis as they do other crimes." So the complaint already contains allegations that plaintiffs will be affected by the law, and evidence of the Attorney General's intent is not needed.
3. They want to prevent application of the pre-Roe law to abortions that took place before Dobbs. I do think it's unfair to surprise people who reasonably believed abortion was legal. Is it unconstitutional? The retroactively mistaken suspension of the old abortion law is not the fault of the DAs now responsible for enforcing it, nor of any other agent of the State of Texas. The federal courts said "don't enforce the law" and 50 years later said "oops, never mind."
4. On statutory construction and the presumption against extraterritorial application of criminal law, federal courts may not order state officials to obey state law. (Pennhurst II) If federal courts rule the law does not ban interstate travel with intent the courts of Texas are not bound by that decision.
5. They are also suing on the grounds that SB8 unduly burdens the right to petition the government by granting a succesful plaintiff attorney's fees. This is related to the state lawsuit which has been stuck in the Appeals Court for a year or so. Again it's unfair but unfair is not the same as unconstitutional.
I’m not sure I believe the part about the local DAs. The DAs of the four largest counties in Texas (Harris, Dallas, Bexar, and Travis) are all Democrats who lean pretty strongly left. Which is what you’d expect given the makeup of those counties.
I doubt that any of those four would be terribly inclined to come down on women who have abortions or people that help them travel.
I completely disagreed with the Supreme Court’s ruling that the Ex Post Facto Clause doesn’t apply to judicial decisions. This, here, is one of the reasons why. In my view, Ex Post Facto ought to cover it. The conduct was legal at the time it was done. A subsequent court decision should not, in my view, be immune from Ex Post Facto clause analysis.
The legal fiction is that court decisions do not change the law; the law was always X. But even if the EPF clause doesn't itself apply, ordinary due process principles should.
The fair warning component of procedural due process guaranties should preclude prosecution of conduct that, at the time thereof, was constitutionally protected under decisional law.
Not disagreeing. But why interpret explicit constitutional text extremely narrowly, then use broad, vague phrases and doctrines to cover material the explicit text seems obviously concerned with? Why not ground decisions in the text?
It’s just like something else the Supreme Court has done (among other examples), setting a high bar for the Excessive Fines Clause, then saying the Due Process clause creates a lower bar. Why not simply lower the Excessive Fines Clause bar and get there directly? I see this as similar.
If the Due Process Clause by itself really covers more territory than the Excessive Fines Clause or the Ex Post Facto Clause, if the constitution means the same thing without these other clauses as with them, then what are these completely superfluous provisions doing in the constitution? They’re there for decoration?
Related to retroactivity, a Georgia trial court judge today blocked the state's heartbeat bill because it would have been considered unconstitutional when it took effect in 2020, although it would not now be considered unconstitutional. Unlike so-called "trigger" bills HB 481 (2019) was not explicitly conditional on future developments in constitutional law.
https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-government-and-politics-atlanta-58ba677dd47afad6d25d9887f17e8763
I saw the headline but didn't read the opinion yet and don't understand the logic. So what if it would have been considered unconstitutional when it took effect? That was based (as a legal fiction) a mistaken interpretation of the constitution or (as a fact) a since-changed interpretation of the constitution. Either way, it's enforceable now.
The logic is entirely straightforward. I'm a judge and i can do what the hell I want. Even if I'm overruled the law is what I say it is, until I am overruled.
King for a day beats never being King.
That makes no sense. I can agree with not enforcing the rule for actions taken during the time period the law was considered unconstitutional, because people should be able to reasonably know that they're violating the law. But the law isn't void just because courts once used a different interpretation. Is it constitutional under existing precedent or not? That's the only consideration.
I don't have a lot to say about the ruling itself.
What I don't get is how you can be the Texas AG while under felony indictment for 7 years.
I remember Ed Meese being pressured to say he would resign if indicted. Refreshing my memory after all these years, he was not indicted but resigned anyway.
Innocent until proved guilty?
I keep waiting for Paxton to go away and he just won’t. I don’t get it either.
I don't get how anyone could imagine that mere indictment could be disqualifying.
Same goes for Netanyahu. Various politicos have thrown Israel into years of limbo and indecision simply on the basis that Netanyahu has been indicted. Bonkers.
Go get a conviction. Until then you're just making ham sandwiches.
To step back from the purely legal issue:
(1) Will Texas decide to punish women this way? Probably, and for three reasons: First, punishing women is the whole point of the anti-abortion movement. Strip away the faux pieties and that’s all you find at the core. When asked about IVF clinics, John Seago, president of Texas Right to Life said, “There’s also no such thing as an abortion outside of a woman’s womb, so when you look at what’s happening in the laboratory with assisted reproductive technology, that is not destruction of an embryo.”
Right. IVF clinic destroy embryos by the thousands, but none of them involve a women trying to escape the consequences of harlotry, so those proto-babies don’t count. Rely on it; our homegrown Texas Taliban will grow infuriated with all those sluts & slatterns escaping over the border. Punitive laws will soon follow. Making this certain are reasons Two & Three : Governor Abbot’s presidential ambitions and Attorney General Paxton’s perpetual need for distracting spectacle.
(2) Which will play to the base, scarlet-letter-wise, but what about the reaction in general? How many election cycles will we need before the GOP learns Americans aren’t interested in Sharia law?
An abortion rights opponent, when asked about IVF, will typically squirm like a worm on a hot brick. Male-female couples who can afford the cost of IVF tend to vote Republican.
If you want to bring the voters into lawmaking, there is not much support for a de facto abortion ban whether or not it covers IVF. Republicans' abortion bans, and Democrats' elective abortion up to or beyond viability, are the result of highly polarized parties that do not represent America.
John F. Carr : “… Democrats’ elective abortion up to or beyond viability …”
Bullshit. In the pre-Dobbs world, 91 percent of all abortions were performed in the first trimester and 98.7 percent of abortions were performed during the first 20 weeks. By the last trimester the number of abortions drop to a rate so small it registers as 0.00 percent. The only “elective abortions up to or beyond viability” are the result of horrible medical decisions. Go find any legal abortion fitting your description where that wasn’t the case. Go find ANY Democrat who wants to allow those abortions where that isn’t the case.
The side playing crude political games with late-term procedures are Republicans. Knowing a sizable majority of Americans reject their views, they demonize a microscopically small number of families facing tragic choices. It’s the only ground where they’re confident of popular choice. But it’s also a complete lie.
You want the middle ground? You want laws that represent America? Codify Roe. That’s what Democrats overwhelmingly seek. Because your contrast of two “highly polarized parties” doesn’t exist. There’s only one extremist side here.
https://www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2019/04/raw-data-abortions-by-week-of-pregnancy/
I stand by my characterization of Democrats' legal policy. It is the policy of "blue" states to allow elective abortion up to viability or 24 weeks or so, and sometimes later. If Wikipedia is to be trusted New Jersey has no limit at all.
3: The real issue will be the women who have complications from either out-of-state abortions or abortion pills mailed into the state. Some of these women will die -- and some will be legitimate malpractice that would be prosecuted in Massachusetts or California. Remember Kermit Gosnell? https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kermit_Gosnell
So what's the state going to say/do and what will be the reactions of the pro-abortion state? Massachusetts has already said that it will ignore medical complaints from pro-life states -- that's a potential breakdown of the entire concept of interstate license suspensions.
I can see states like Texas issuing arrest warrants for, say, Massachusetts doctors and what happens if bounty hunters kidnap said doctors and take them to the Texas court? This could get really messy in dimensions I don't think anyone has considered.
4: The precedent has been established that a state has a right to exclude those who may be a burden to their health care system -- eg what Maine did with Covid. So Texas bans any woman who has had an abortion in the past 30 days from entering the state because she might become a burden on the state's healthcare system -- it's more rational than Maine's claim.
"I can see states like Texas issuing arrest warrants for, say, Massachusetts doctors and what happens if bounty hunters kidnap said doctors and take them to the Texas court? This could get really messy in dimensions I don’t think anyone has considered."
I suspect that disregarding territorial jurisdiction in that manner is a stretch, even for Texas magistrates. Some federal district judges in Texas (perhaps not all) might apply the bad faith exception to abstention in Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37 (1971). Perhaps a federal court in the doctors' home states would do the same if suit were filed before the arrest warrant is executed.
Dr. Ed 2 (1) "I can see states like Texas issuing arrest warrants for, say, Massachusetts doctors and what happens if bounty hunters kidnap said doctors and take them to the Texas court?"
Dr. Ed 2 (2) "So Texas bans any woman who has had an abortion in the past 30 days from entering the state because she might become a burden on the state’s healthcare system — it’s more rational than Maine’s claim"
Is this the return of Nostradamus Ed and his regular unhinged predictions ?!?
Those are weird. I’ve crossed the Texas state line into and out of every state it touches. There’s no border control at state lines, so how can they enforce 30 day banishments?
The governor of Massachusetts isn’t going to agree to extradite doctors (or anyone else) who does something in Massachusetts and nowhere else. Is Texas issuing warrants for people who run casinos in Nevada?
Ed comes up with the most absurd catastrophes imaginable in response to laws he doesn’t like.
Texas has the right to ask a federal judge to lock up Governor Healey until she signs the extradition order. Absent facts we can't say if the judge will go along. There is a strong preference to resolve challenges to the warrant in the court system that issued it.
Mr. Paxton's out of court statements to the media may be admissible as statements of a party opponent (non-hearsay per Fed.R.Evid 801(d)(2)). The Court of Appeals opinion does not indicate whether Paxton is also serving as counsel in this case -- if so, he would be ethically prohibited from testifying in order to explain or qualify his out of court statements. If not, his avoidance of being deposed should preclude any testimony that he wishes to offer on his own behalf.
Mr. Paxton may have thrown Br'er Rabbit into the briar patch.
The motion to dismiss is supposed to be based on the complaint, not on admissible evidence about Paxton. I doubt his testimony will be needed anyway if the case survives a motion to dismiss. The factual question is whether county prosecutors will file charges. The blue counties won't and the red counties might.
The mandamus proceeding in the Court of Appeals is about whether Paxton can be deposed, not about any motion to dismiss.
He can't be deposed in part because the court needs to rule on the motion to dismiss first.
Can't Paxton also file charges like the new Virginia AG either did or threatened to do?
Here’s a current statement from the U.S. Department of Justice stressing that travelling for purposes of sex with a minor is illegal under current federal law under the federal definition of a minor (under 18), even if the act is legal, and the “victim” is not considered a minor, under the law of the jurisdiction where the act occurs. It applies to interstate as well as foreign travel.
What makes transporting a fetus for purposes of aborting it different from transporting a minor for purposes of having sex with it? There are obvious bases for policy differences. But why constitutional differences? Minors, after all, are persons and have a right to travel. Yet it can be made a crime to merely help them travel to achieve what they want in a place where it’s legal and they are given a right to choose.
https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-2002-transportation-minors-18-usc-2423