The Volokh Conspiracy
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Court Strikes Down Ban on Defendants' Lawyers Contacting Crime Victims (Except Through Prosecutors)
The Arizona law, which appears to be quite unusual among the states, provides:
The defendant, the defendant's attorney or an agent of the defendant shall only initiate contact with the victim through the prosecutor's office. The prosecutor's office shall promptly inform the victim of the defendant's request for an interview and shall advise the victim of the victim's right to refuse the interview.
Judge Steven Logan (in yesterday's Arizona Attorneys for Criminal Justice v. Ducey) concluded that this was a speaker-based restriction on speech that appears to be justified by the expected content of the speech, and thus had to be judged under strict scrutiny, which the law failed. The court stressed that witnesses have every right to refuse to talk to the defense team, but the law "is not 'actually necessary'" to protect that, since "victims receive ample notice of their right to refuse a defense interview under several other provisions of state law." As to protecting witnesses from "intimidation, harassment, or abuse,"
Even if there were evidence of an actual problem, less restrictive alternatives—including regulations of professional conduct, the possibility of court sanctions, and the criminalization of harassment—already protect against harassment of victims without burdening Plaintiffs' First Amendment rights. And unlike the Statute, those regulations are targeted towards speech that would violate the victim's right to be free from harassment; the Statute is overinclusive because it restricts all defense-initiated speech to victims regardless of whether it goes to the State's interest in protecting victims' rights—making the Statute exceedingly overinclusive with respect to this interest.
The court focused on the rights of the defendants' lawyers and their agents, not the defendants themselves, and this is reflected in the injunction:
When specifically asked by the Court at the Bench Trial, Plaintiffs stated that they seek to enjoin enforcement of the Statute only against "attorneys and their agents," not against criminal defendants themselves. Although Plaintiffs' proposed form of injunction provides no such limitation, in light of that answer and, more importantly, the lack of evidence or argument regarding the First Amendment rights of criminal defendants and the fact that Plaintiffs are composed only of attorneys and a private investigator who works on behalf of attorneys, the Court will limit its injunction to enjoin enforcement of the Statute only against attorneys and their agents.
{The Court notes that the Statute prohibits "[t]he defendant, the defendant's attorney or an agent of the defendant" from initiating direct contact with the victim. But in light of Plaintiff Robertson's testimony that in criminal defense cases, he always works on behalf of the criminal defense attorney, the Court will enjoin enforcement of the Statute only against attorneys and agents of attorneys because such an injunction will relieve Plaintiffs' injuries in full.}
Congratulations to Jared G. Keenan (ACLU of Arizona, Kathleen E. Brody (Mitchell | Stein | Carey | Chapman PC), and David A. Lane (Killmer, Lane & Newman, LLP), who represented the plaintiffs. Thanks to Alex Satanovsky for the pointer.
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It's essentially declaring that the victim is a represented party, represented de jure for this purpose by the prosecutor. Contact is restricted in the same way that contact with a represented party is restricted by professional responsibility rules. No one seems to think those rules of professional responsibility violate the First Amendment rights of someone who wants to speak to a represented party, so it's not immediately apparent to me that there's a First Amendment problem here either. Yes, this statute is different in that the representation is forced upon the victim and not a freely-chosen representation, but I'm not sure that that difference matters to the would-be speaker -- in neither case does the speaker get to choose whether the party being spoken to is represented.
There is a different problem in practice. What is the victim already has his or her own attorney?
Isn't a big problem with this analysis that the prosecutor does not, in fact, represent the crime victim?
Why, though? I guess it's not clear to me why contact by an attorney with a represented party is outside the First Amendment. If a state can declare that one form of relationship (attorney-client) puts a boundary on another attorney's First Amendment rights, why can't it declare that another form of relationship (prosecutor-victim) creates the same boundary? From the point of view of the other attorney, why would it matter if the relationship was voluntarily entered into (attorney-client) or imposed by Arizona law (prosecutor-victim)? The restriction on the other attorney is the same.
The analogy doesn't really work.
A prosecuting attorney represents the sovereign, not an individual client. The interests of the two in a criminal prosecution, even in the case of a victim, do not always coincide.
The instant decision does not address the constitutional of disciplinary rules prohibiting contacting an adversary who is represented by counsel; accordingly, the parties did not develop an evidentiary record with regard to such a measure.
No other recent legal developments in Arizona you found "interesting?"
This blog wrote about Judge Liburdi's original, preliminary ruling within hours . . . the order he issued a few days ago, after examining evidence, with respect to voter intimidation and guns near election locations, is not as "interesting?"
NBPP gets to make racial slurs and intimidate white voters, but silent recording and carrying guns not ok.
This blog gets to use racial slurs regularly, and mention decisions that appease voter intimidation without mentioning related decisions that restrict voter intimidation, but noting this blog’s partisan cherry-picking and bigot-friendly editorial judgments seems to bug clingers.
Prof. Volokh thanks you for your support, though.
Just pointing out a double standard. Trying to smear me is not an effective way to argue.
Which double standard -- this blog's?
If your contention is that the Federalist Society judge was biased against the armed vigilantes at election locations, it is unpersuasive.
The NBPP actively harassed voters (on the basis of race, btw) and Eric Holder said it was ok---these guys aren't doing anything close to that, and there's an injunction.
Double standard.
But you're cool with the kook Kristen Clarke, so why would I expect you to get the drift?
I lived in Missouri when Holder came in over the Ferguson riots. He made things so much worse and more violent.
I really can't believe he does anything moral and legal.
But witnesses being outed to criminal defendants is a thing, and some have met their demise as a result . . . .
Not saying I disagree, but this is something that needs to be monitored.
It doesn’t appear to me that this law imposed any restrictions on identifying witnesses to criminal defendants.
No, but the purpose of this law is to prevent such a thing, and I was commenting on that. Giving the accused the means to intimidate or harm witnesses is an issue that states have every right to address.
How can that be the purpose of this law?
I am sure that pre-clearing contact thru prosecutor helps, albeit indirectly.
Not even slightly. The witness are still identified to defendants (and the rest of the world) through court filings and other documents. This law only barred defendants (and their attorneys) from contacting them.
Someone willing to commit the crime of intimidating a witness (or murder of a witness) is not going to be stopped by this much-lesser crime of attempting to talk to the witness.
Often, witnesses' addresses are redacted, and often times, info is limited to defense attorneys. The problem has been defense attorneys leaking. There was a NYTimes article years ago about a defense lawyer who did this in CT.
That is a different problem with, as both the article and opinion above say, already-existing solutions. A lawyer who leaks protected information is at least in violation of his/her ethical obligations and (depending on the exact circumstances) probably in violation of one or more laws. A defendant who then uses that leaked information to do something malicious is also going to be in violation of multiple existing and more serious laws.
I'm not trying to minimize the problem you're describing. I'm saying that this law did absolutely nothing to address that problem therefore it could not possibly have been the purpose of the law.
Like I said, I am not defending the law, and I agree that the fit ain't great--just trying to point out the background issue.
And Rossami, there are judges that don't care . . . . defense attorneys get away with a lot.
Surely the obvious though deniable intent of the law was to make it more difficult for the defendants' attorneys to mount an effective defence?
I mean, that's the uncharitable interpretation. The charitable one is that victims complained that they were upset about being contacted by their purported victimizers, and well, politicians are more sympathetic to crime victims than to criminal defendants.
That would be plausible were it not for the prosecution acting as gatekeepers. It would have been perfectly reasonable to find some other intermediary - making it the prosecution gives the game away, IMO.
Of course the defendant would NEVER intimidate the victim through contact in pursuit of his defense. What a boneheaded court decision!