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No Religious Exemption from Felon-in-Possession Gun Ban for Muslim Believer in Self-Defense
From U.S. v. Harper, decided Friday by Judge Leonard Strand (N.D. Iowa):
[Harper is being prosecuted for] possession of a firearm by a felon and unlawful drug user in violation of 18 U.S.C. §§ 922(g)(1) and (3) and § 924(a)(2)…. Harper argues that [he is entitled to a religious exemption from these laws because] he is a Muslim who practices "Sharia Law and its adherence to armed self-defense (including the possession of a firearm.)." …
"Congress enacted RFRA in order to provide greater protection for religious exercise than is available under the First Amendment." RFRA provides that "Government shall not substantially burden a person's exercise of religion even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability," unless the Government "demonstrates that application of the burden to the person (1) is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest and (2) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest." "RFRA requires the Government to demonstrate that the compelling interest test is satisfied through application of the challenged law 'to the person'—the particular claimant whose sincere exercise of religion is being substantially burdened." …
I will assume without deciding that Harper's practice of possessing a firearm for self-defense was a sincerely held religious belief and that prosecution substantially burdened his exercise of religion. Therefore, it is the Government's burden to prove that prosecution of Harper is in furtherance of a compelling government interest and that it is the least restrictive means of furthering that interest. The Government argues "the gun control regime of the United States is a compelling governmental interest and can only be maintained by a systematic and uniform application."
Courts have recognized that the uniform enforcement of laws is a compelling interest in some, but not all cases. As Judge Mahoney noted, the Supreme Court rejected a uniform application of the law argument in Gonzales v. O Centro, noting that it relied solely on slippery-slope concerns (if we allow one accommodation, we will have to allow other accommodations). It distinguished other cases in which a uniform application argument was accepted, noting that "the Government can demonstrate a compelling interest in uniform application of a particular program by offering evidence that granting the requested religious accommodations would seriously compromise its ability to administer the program."
The Court added: "We do not doubt that there may be instances in which a need for uniformity precludes the recognition of exceptions to generally applicable laws under RFRA." It found that those circumstances were not present in O Centro "given the longstanding exemption from the Controlled Substances Act for religious use of peyote, and the fact that the very reason Congress enacted RFRA was to respond to a decision denying a claimed right to sacramental use of a controlled substance." It stated the Government also had not offered evidence demonstrating that granting an exemption would cause the kind of administrative harm recognized as a compelling interest.
Here, the Government cited cases recognizing the importance of uniform application and enforcement of immigration, drug distribution and drug use laws. Doc. 38 at 6-7. It has not cited a case recognizing that import as to gun laws, nor have I been able to locate such as a case. In United States v. Epstein (D.N.J. 2015), the court considered a RFRA defense to kidnapping charges. It distinguished O Centro by noting that the Government's stated interest in that case was to protect the health of those religious users while in Epstein it was to protect the health and safety of individuals who were victims of the alleged kidnapping. The court also emphasized that based on the charges at issue, the Government unquestionably had a compelling interest in applying kidnapping laws uniformly, noting "[i]t is beyond cavil that 'the duty to prosecute persons who commit serious crimes is part and parcel of the government's paramount responsibility for the general safety and welfare of all its citizens.'" It concluded the Government had shown a compelling interest in the uniform application of kidnapping and conspiracy laws and no exception could be made for prosecuting the defendants.
While the Epstein court emphasized that the crimes at issue were crimes of violence, similar reasoning applies to prosecutions under § 922(g)(1), as they primarily seek to prevent harm to others. The Government has demonstrated a compelling interest in public safety and preventing crime through the uniform enforcement of gun control laws.
With regard to whether Harper's prosecution is the least restrictive means of furthering the Government's compelling interest, courts have recognized that "the existence of government-sanctioned exceptions to a scheme purporting to be the least restrictive one possible can show that other, less-restrictive alternatives could be envisaged." For instance, in O Centro, the Court noted there was a "well-established" peyote exception to the CSA. This undercut the Government's argument that prosecution was the least restrictive means of uniformly applying the CSA because it was already inconsistently applying it with some identified exceptions. I am not aware of any exceptions under § 922(g)(1) or (3). Here, the Government cannot uniformly apply its gun control laws for public safety and the prevention of crime under § 922(g)(1) or (3) without prosecuting Harper. As such, I find it is the least restrictive means to furthering the Government's compelling interest….
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The problem is the felon in possession ban in the first place. It's blatantly unconstitutional in its breadth.
If it were applied as a part of the offender's individualized sentence, I think a ban on possession could be constitutional (whether or not it's good social policy). But I agree that the blanket ban should be unconstitutional.
I question whether government can really have a compelling interest in making it illegal for somebody to own a constitutionally protected item, with legal purposes, just on the basis that they might use it wrongfully... When that item would be easily available anyway on a black market if they were willing to break the law in the first place.
That last bit seems to render the illegality largely futile, and can government ever be said to have a compelling interest in doing something that actually accomplishes nothing? A compelling interest in making a meaningless gesture?
To be clear, I think it's fairly reasonable to say that governments can impose loss of a civil liberty as a criminal penalty for a felony. This is pretty well grounded practice, even if there are serious questions to be raised about felony inflation. But that doesn't imply that a different level of government can impose a general disability on felons, rather than having that disability imposed as part of a sentence.
It strikes me a a latter day Precrime unit straight out of Minority Report.
The "but, guns!" rule is still largely in place.
Butt guns? Sounds like a really bad case of explosive diarrhea.
That's especially true for felonies that aren't violent. No one has been able to articulate any compelling argument for why a person convicted of securities fraud should permanently lose gun rights.
Seems to me that white collar non-violent crime has no need for prison at all; every prospective employer has good notice and would be a fool to hire him for any position involving securities or money of any kind. The anti-gun part is even sillier.
Well, no, prison is still good for retribution, but that's not the purpose of the felon in possession rule.
Yes, spend $40K a year to humiliate someone for stealing money, that's cost effective.
The real revenge and punishment is watching the thief working at a lower paying job. The real retribution comes from recovering the stolen money. Throwing him in prison prevents that. Isn't that called cutting off your nose to spite your face?
Recovering the stolen money is to achieve the goal of restoration, not retribution. Yes, the five objectives of a criminal justice system are often in tension. Debtors' prison is a classic example of considering only retribution and deterrence and forgetting about restoration and rehabilitation.
Whether it's cost effective depends on how effectively the retribution deters others from stealing, doesn't it?
In fact, though, incapacitation is very cost effective for blue collar theft, because thieves create enormous societal losses relative to their personal gains. A burglar can cost society easily a half million a year in losses just to sustain a lower middle class lifestyle, when you add everything up.
For the white collar thieves, that might or might not be true also, but surely there's a fundamental issue of fairness demanding that white collar theft be punished no less harshly.
I will assume without deciding that Harper's practice of possessing a firearm for self-defense was a sincerely held religious belief
Wait, what? He had a religious obligation not just to arm himself for self-defence, but to arm himself with a fire arm? Am I the only one who thinks that the court would have been justified to call BS on that one?
Why bother to get into that very fact-intensive argument when he can assume it and decide against the guy anyway? If the legal analysis had come out the other way, it would have made sense to spend the resources but as it is, the sincerity of his religious beliefs in this particular case didn't end up mattering.
That's my point. Rejecting a submission that is obvious BS shouldn't be "very fact-intensive".
" Wait, what? "
You must be new to the world of 'this is the ridiculous, self-serving shit I genuinely believe because of an imaginary man in the sky' claims.
Tough one for a Republican judge -- Islamophobia vs. gun nuttery vs. unlimited special privilege for religious claimants.
It appears Islamophobia constitutes trump, at least in this case.
Leave guns and religion out of it for a moment. Is it right to impose any lifetime ban on a convicted felon who has completed their sentence and reentered society?
If a person is too dangerous to be trusted with Constitutionally protected rights, he's too dangerous to be released in the first place.
I agree completely!! There is no such thing as “sorta dangerous”. I mean, we don’t say “He’s a pedophile, but only with kids under 8, so as long as you keep him away from them, you’ll be fine”.
Don't we? I wasn't aware pedophiles were locked up for life, even in the US.
That depends. Get caught with a trove of pictures or pick up a 15 year old, yeah, but assault or rape an infant or a 5 or 6 year old and you're going away for a very, very, VERY long time, quite possibly for the rest of your life.
Though this is often via civil commitment after the criminal sentence is complete.
Which is a purgatory I don’t much like. Keep them in jail or no.
Yeah, my basic position on this, and I've held it for years, is that we should have no second class citizens: Either you're walking free in possession of all your civil rights, or you're in jail. Nothing in between. Not so much for the benefit of the felons, as for everybody else, who gets their rights burdened by the legal machinery needed to try to deprive the felons of that exercise.
Of course, that's a policy position, not my understanding of what the Constitution dictates. Civil liberties deprivations are pretty clearly permissible as criminal penalties after conviction.
The real constitutional issues relate to deprivations applied as a result of statutes, not convictions, and 'felony inflation'.
Where does that leave felons out on probation? Or do you not think that probation serves a useful purpose?
No, beyond a few weeks, I don't think it does.
The basic problem here is that, once you separate the people walking around free into two classes of citizens, one with full rights, and one with curtailed rights, you need mechanisms for distinguishing them. The use of those mechanisms contracts the rights of BOTH groups. And the non-criminal group is vastly larger, so most of the rights contraction is felt by the innocent, even if each individual innocent has their rights contracted less.
The biggest example, of course, is the complex regulatory structure built up around guns, supposedly to keep criminals from obtaining them. It doesn't, of course, but it does get in the way of non-criminals exercising their 2nd amendment rights.
No to second class citizenship, but not for the benefit of the criminals, for the benefit of the rest of us.
Gotta admire Mr. Harper's moxie, anyway.
" . . . he is a Muslim who practices "Sharia Law . . . "
So what felony did he commit that was in compliance with Sharia law?
I missed that part.
Longtobefree: Isn't it a pretty familiar belief that someone can sincerely believe in a religion, and yet nonetheless sin, even in substantial ways? (Indeed, standard Christian belief is that we all sin, though not all sin in highly criminal ways.)
Likewise, isn't it a pretty familiar belief that people who do bad things can sometimes find God and repent? Indeed, some try to convert prisoners (or to bring them back to the religions in which they were raised) precisely on the theory that this can help them behave better in the future.
RFRA was written against a backdrop of these understandings, which is why it doesn't have any exclusion for prisoners or others who had committed crimes in the past. Indeed, RLUIPA expressly provides special protection for prisoners in state prisons (it doesn't cover federal prisons because RFRA does).
" Isn’t it a pretty familiar belief that someone can sincerely believe in a religion, and yet nonetheless sin "
That is a frequent (and convenient) claim . . .
The Supreme Court denied cert on the bump stock rule review. The outrageous part was that they post facto banned devices and made people turn them in for no compensation. It was not so much a good 2nd Amendment case, but a 5th Amendment takings case.
I think this goes to show that the Supreme Court may get involved in oppressive state laws (like New York's), but it won't touch any federal laws, no matter how stupid or unconstitutional.
Yeah, pretty much the Supreme court only enforces the Constitution against the states, and lets the federal government egregiously violate it so long as they can articulate a 'good' reason, a compelling interest, for doing so. And that bump stock case was about as egregious as it gets.
This is not so shocking when you reflect on the fact that federal judges are chosen by elected federal office holders, who don't particularly WANT to be bound by the Constitution. Rather, it's about what you'd expect.
The pre-17th amendment Constitution tried to deal with this issue by having judges confirmed by a body whose members were selected by state legislatures. This would have balanced federal and state institutional interests in the selection of the federal judiciary.
Just one of the ways the 17th amendment broke the original design of the Constitution.
Yes, which means that there's zero chance the Supreme Court will find any of the NFA or GCA unconstitutional, even the really stupid things like the <16" barrel rules. I also don't see them stopping the ATF's brace ban, or anything else.
Yeah, if they weren't willing to take the bump stock case, practically the Platonic ideal regulatory violation, they're not going to take cases about regulations that actually have any real statutory basis.
No minor religion (Muslim) and no minor cannon (Sharia Law) in consideration in a country where the government and citizen share the power/right to keep, bear and use arms for defense. The 9thA does not suggest enumerated (or unenumerated) rights may attribute based on religion alone.